등소평의 국제정치관 분석

성기중(成基重) 한국동북아학회 1999 한국동북아논총 Vol.4 No.1

中國의 民主化過程에 관한 考察

成基重,徐輔根 慶一大學校 1990 論文集 Vol.6 No.1

This study is to research the process of Democratization in the People's Republic of China. The purpose of the investigation of Democratization in China is to find a model of the democratic campaign in Communist Party States. The early chapters state the historical background of the democratic campaign in China by examining the Ming Fang Campaign in 1957, the Tiananmen Democratic Campaign in April 1976, the Spring of Peiking between 1978 and 1980, the Democratic Campaign between 1985 and 1987, and the 6.4 Tianamen Democratic Campaign. Here we can find that the democratic campaigns were getting serious, at last the 6.4 Tiananmen Democratic Campaign in 1989 was settled with many victims. Part III examines the features of a Socialist Democracy, the differences between a Liberal Democracy and a Socialist Democray, and the relations between a Socialist Democracy and "the Four Modernizations" in China. Part IV researches into the problems of democratization at the people's request in the democratic campaigns and examines Deng, Xiaoping's Policies of "a leftist politics and a rightist economy". Part V seeks for solutions of the democratic campaigns by examining the relations between the Four Modernizations and democratization, and by suggesting political democratization and pluralism for Chinese Democracy. The final part concludes that the problems of the democratic campaign can be solved by political democratization and by "the Four Modernizations" in compliance with the Chinese people's request. This combinnation of political democratization and, "the Four Modernzations" can make the Chinese both more comfortable and more affluent.

國際化와 地方自治團體의 役割

成基重 慶一大學校 1999 論文集 Vol.16 No.4

This paper pursuits the proper roles and functions of the local self-government in globalization by means of right definition of globalization and right policy directions for globalization. One of the goals of local self-government is to improve the well-being of its citizen. And this goal be adjusted in the era of globalization: thus, the local self- government shuuld develop its employees' ability and attiude for carrying out the intermational jobs, and should construct the variety of international corporation ststem. Also the local self-government should establish the local level diplomatic relations for economic and noneconomic levels by positively employing business strategy. And by creating some local events, the local self-government should take positions in the globalized era by charging of local cultural charaqcteristics and opening international events.

韓半島 分斷過程에 關한 小考

成基重 慶一大學校 1987 論文集 Vol.3 No.1

The division of Korean Peninsula, which brought a disaster to our nation, was demarcated by the 38th parallel during the arrangement process of post World War Ⅱ lead by the allied nations. Therefore, the reasons and blames of peninsular division could be stated as follows: First, the foremost reason and blame of Korean division was due to the divisional occupation by both America and Russia. This was due to the division olicy of both nations taking the leadership of the arrangement process of post World War Ⅱ, through which they intended to divide the peninsula by the 38th parallel and to let, at least, the which of it be under their powers. Second, they say that the reason and blame of Korean division was due to the seperation of Left and Right during the national independence movement. But it is the result of the heteronomous historical recognition through which they intended and aligned to pass the blame of division lead by both America and Russia to our nation. Third, they sat that the Korean division was due to the military conveniency through which America and Russia intended to disarm the Japanese troops in Korea seperately according to the sudden surrender of Japan. But it is the extreme and superficial observation by which America and Russia intended to pass the reason and blame of Korean division to our nation and then to escape it. In conclusion, the practical process of Korean Peninsular division was concreted by the illicit union of the American and Russian trusteeship after Cairo, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference. Therefore, The Korean Peninsula was divided into North and South not only by the establishment of the division line representing the agreement between America and Russia but also by the intentions through which they intended to occupy at least more than a half of the peninsula without any danger.

美·蘇에 의한 軍政時基의 統韓論議 小考

成機重 慶北工業專門大學 1981 論文集 Vol.18 No.-

1. The Korean peninsula has been the arena for competition between continental power and marine power because of its geographie peculiarity. Especially, during the second world war, the Allied Nations at a meeting decided to put the Korean peninsula under international trusteeship " …in due course…". With the independence, the Korean peninsula was seperated by the U>S and Soviet forces on the basis of the 38℃ parallel for the military purpose of the acceptance of the surrender of the Japanese. Subsequently, military administration by the two nations was put into operation, though different from each other in their manners. 2. The Moscow Conference and U.S.S.R Joint Commission were held in turn for the discussion of the unification of the Korean peninsula. But they all failed since both the nations sought after their own interests. They tried to continue the discussion with the fact that they recognized the impossibility of the work. And they continued the work as a political show to get international recognition of their policy to divide and rule. 3. It seems that we, the Korean people were also responsible for the failure of the discussion during the military administration period. Our stronger esprit de corps before the basic disagreement between the two nations could have enlivened some inedpendent actions and helped to sustain the circumstances in which we can expect better conditions for the unification. It is doubtful whether neighboring superpowers really want the establishment of a unified nation. We should bear in mind that these countries are descended from those which trampled on our ancestors and be prepared for the future in terms of genuine national interests building up our strengh for a mighty in dependent and reunified Korea.

정보통신과 산업의 정보화

성기중 정보통신정책연구원 1990 세미나및공청회 Vol.1990 No.

이데올로기에 關한 小考

成基重 慶北工業專門大學 1984 論文集 Vol.21 No.-

It is very difficult to define the concept of Ideology in the same breath because of the variety in concept. As the method to define the concept, therefore, We can indicate as follows. We have translated the work of ideology as idea, concept, consciousness, social consciousness, and false consciousness, but each definition is not correct. So far, we have divided into two classes, in a broad sense and in a narrow sense. In a broad sense, ideology includes awareness, mind, many kinds of political ideology and religion. In a narrow sense, ideology includes only false consciousness. If we classify ideology according to scope, ideology can be divided into great ideology (high position ideology, religion a view of the world, great group ideology) and special ideology (low position ideology, political principle, discussion). If we classify ideology with valuation, ideology is to be divided into negative valuation application(Marx Communism, Neo-Mar-xism), neutral valuation application(K.Mannheim), affirmative valuation application (Orientation of Engen Lemberg, functional ideology of Niklas Luhmann). Rational, correct true-functional ideology is indispensable to not only individual but also society and state to solve the problems to individuals, society, state, can constitute national agreement by giving the sense of accord, sympathy to members of society. Therefore, we have to develop true-functional ideology through self-regulating, formation in humanity, conversation and discussion, we have to understand the universal definition of true-functional ideology. Communism, false-functional ideology instigate the masses, in order to communize the whole world. We should acquire correct critical consciousness by educating our nation not to be fascinate with communism ideology. These days, withdrawal from ideology and technology changed ideology into National Interest from political, military sense to economic sense in ideology. We have the problems to correspond with the change. We should teach our students which is correct ideology in our side and undoubtable ideology in students side. Ideology education should be national political education for the conquest of irrationality. Finally, A government patronized explanation in ideology is political education is not tools for special politicians but evaluation of national political consciousness to foster correct discrimination. We must remind that development of true national spirit is the generative power in the development of our history.

지방선거에서의 정당공천제 문제의 개선방안

성기중 ( Khee Joong Seong ) 대한정치학회 2010 대한정치학회보 Vol.18 No.1

Since the local self-government resumed in the early 1990s, party nomination on candidates for local elections has been controversial among political leaders, scholars, NGOs, and voters. The focus of the debate is whether and to what extent political parties should be allowed to nominate their candidates. Around the time of the previous local election on June 2, 2010, the issue emerged again. The issue has potential to have effect on the future direction of the local self-government. Therefore, it need to be solved. This study specifically focuses on the party nomination for candidates of the head of local government. It summarizes and introduces the pros and cons of it, positions of concerned interests, and a series of survey results done by various survey agencies. The basic view of the researcher is to cancel the current party nomination system for candidates of the local government head. However, considering the practical impossibility of changing the Local Government Election Law, this paper suggests some remedies. First, to be operated rationally, the process of party nomination should be institutionalized and made into law. The institution should prevent occurrence of irrationality of the process, and the nominating procedure should be strictly supervised. If a specific process is found to have violated the law, not only the candidate, but the party should be made to assume responsibility. Based on the “Party Evaluation System,” the party will be punished by having disadvantages in the allocation of government subsidies for parties. Second, nomination rights for the local government head should be given to local citizens. Specifically, the “national nomination system” can be changed into the new one in which the effect of citizen representatives becomes larger. Survey results for competing candidates for party nomination should also be included in the final choosing of the candidate. In short, it seems necessary to keep studying on the issue, to lessen the influence of politicians of the central government on local governments and to make the local self-government really local.

세계화 과정의 특성과 국제적 대응방향

성기중(SEONG, KHEE-JOONG) 동북아시아문화학회 2013 동북아시아문화학회 국제학술대회 발표자료집 Vol.2013 No.5

글로벌시대 지역협력을 위한 한일관계의 재정립

성기중 한국동북아학회 2008 한국동북아논총 Vol.13 No.2

This paper summarizes the diplomatic history between Korea and Japan, especially since the normalization of mutual relationships in 1965 and describes changing international environment in Northeast Asia caused by economic globalization in the post-Cold War era. In the 21th century, through mutual cooperation, both countries can achieve many things including economic development. However, there are some obstacles blocking mutual cooperation between the two countries such as history and territorial problems. It is urgent to overcome those obstacles. Based on the above realization, this paper argues that the mutual relationship should be reestablished, and gives some suggestions regarding the reestablishment of Korea-Japan relationships. First, it is urgent for both governments and peoples to make efforts to narrow gaps between mutual understandings of history. To do this, Japanese leaders should give wholehearted apology to Korea and China regarding atrocities Japan had done to neighboring countries in the past and pay reparations for them, if necessary, to the extent that the issue will not appear again in the future. Second, it is not enough. There should be mutually agreed upon understanding on the issue in the level of political, economic and cultural elite groups of the two countries. It is necessary to institutionalize multi-stranded and complex relationships consisting of governmental, civil, scholastic and corporate level participants, in which exchange programs among high school and college students should be enlarged, and mutual visits and communications among NGOs and scholars increased. Third, it is also worth considering building an institute in charge of projects like publishing a common history textbook which runs by funds from government and corporations of the two sides and is guided by a neutral international organization. In the age of globalization, if the two countries succeed in finding ways of cooperation in various areas such as politics, economics, security, culture, environment and energy, etc, it will contribute to mutual interests and opening the Northeast Asian age characterizing co-security and co-prosperity. 이 글은 한일 양국의 관계사, 특히 1965년 국교정상화 이후의 외교관계를 약술하고, 1990년부터 진행되는 탈냉전기 세계화로 인하여 변화해가는 동북아시아 등에 대하여 서술한다. 21세기에 양국은 서로 협력함으로써, 경제적 공동 번영 등 많은 것을 성취할 수 있는 여건을 가지고 있다. 그러나 양국 사이에는 역사, 영토문제 등 상호협력을 가로막는 장애가 아직 그대로 있으며, 따라서 이러한 장애 극복이 시급하다. 그리고 양국은 관계를 재정립할 필요가 있다. 이러한 인식을 바탕으로, 이글은 한일관계 재정립을 위하여 다음과 같은 몇 가지를 제시하고 있다. 첫째, 한일 양국의 정부와 국민들이 역사이해의 간격을 좁히는 게 시급한 문제이다. 이를 위해서는 더 이상 이 문제가 양국 간 쟁점으로 부각되지 않을 정도로, 일본 지도층이 전후 독일이 행한 것을 거울삼아 한국, 중국에게 과거에 대해 진심으로 사과하고, 필요한 보상조처를 취하는 것이 필요하다. 둘째, 그것으로 충분하지 않다. 이 문제에 대한 양국 정치, 경제, 문화엘리트의 정확한 인식과 국경과 민족을 초월한 가해와 피해의 교차인식이 있어야 할 것이다. 이를 위해서는 정부, 민간, 학술단체, 기업 등이 참여하는 다층적이고, 복합적인 관계를 제도화할 필요가 있다. 이러한 제도 속에서 양국의 청소년과 대학생들의 교류, 시민단체, 대학과 연구자들의 교류를 증진될 수 있을 것이다. 셋째, 역사교과서의 공동발간 등 양국 사이의 현안을 다룰 양국정부와 민간이 출자하고 공신력이 있는 국제기구의 자문으로 운영되는 기구를 설립하여 운영하는 것도 한 방법일 수 있다. 세계화시대에 한일 양국은 지리적 인접성과 문화적 동질성을 기반으로 많은 것을 성취할 수 있다. 정치, 경제, 안보, 문화, 환경, 에너지 분야 등에서 양국이 상호 협력에 성공하면, 이는 양국 모두에게 이익이고, 나아가서 동북아 안전과 번영을 특징으로 하는 동북아시대를 열어갈 수 있을 것이다.