등소평의 국제정치관 분석

성기중(成基重) 한국동북아학회 1999 한국동북아논총 Vol.4 No.1

國際化와 地方自治團體의 役割

成基重 慶一大學校 1999 論文集 Vol.16 No.4

This paper pursuits the proper roles and functions of the local self-government in globalization by means of right definition of globalization and right policy directions for globalization. One of the goals of local self-government is to improve the well-being of its citizen. And this goal be adjusted in the era of globalization: thus, the local self- government shuuld develop its employees' ability and attiude for carrying out the intermational jobs, and should construct the variety of international corporation ststem. Also the local self-government should establish the local level diplomatic relations for economic and noneconomic levels by positively employing business strategy. And by creating some local events, the local self-government should take positions in the globalized era by charging of local cultural charaqcteristics and opening international events.

韓半島 分斷過程에 關한 小考

成基重 慶一大學校 1987 論文集 Vol.3 No.1

The division of Korean Peninsula, which brought a disaster to our nation, was demarcated by the 38th parallel during the arrangement process of post World War Ⅱ lead by the allied nations. Therefore, the reasons and blames of peninsular division could be stated as follows: First, the foremost reason and blame of Korean division was due to the divisional occupation by both America and Russia. This was due to the division olicy of both nations taking the leadership of the arrangement process of post World War Ⅱ, through which they intended to divide the peninsula by the 38th parallel and to let, at least, the which of it be under their powers. Second, they say that the reason and blame of Korean division was due to the seperation of Left and Right during the national independence movement. But it is the result of the heteronomous historical recognition through which they intended and aligned to pass the blame of division lead by both America and Russia to our nation. Third, they sat that the Korean division was due to the military conveniency through which America and Russia intended to disarm the Japanese troops in Korea seperately according to the sudden surrender of Japan. But it is the extreme and superficial observation by which America and Russia intended to pass the reason and blame of Korean division to our nation and then to escape it. In conclusion, the practical process of Korean Peninsular division was concreted by the illicit union of the American and Russian trusteeship after Cairo, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference. Therefore, The Korean Peninsula was divided into North and South not only by the establishment of the division line representing the agreement between America and Russia but also by the intentions through which they intended to occupy at least more than a half of the peninsula without any danger.

美·蘇에 의한 軍政時基의 統韓論議 小考

成機重 慶北工業專門大學 1981 論文集 Vol.18 No.-

1. The Korean peninsula has been the arena for competition between continental power and marine power because of its geographie peculiarity. Especially, during the second world war, the Allied Nations at a meeting decided to put the Korean peninsula under international trusteeship " …in due course…". With the independence, the Korean peninsula was seperated by the U>S and Soviet forces on the basis of the 38℃ parallel for the military purpose of the acceptance of the surrender of the Japanese. Subsequently, military administration by the two nations was put into operation, though different from each other in their manners. 2. The Moscow Conference and U.S.S.R Joint Commission were held in turn for the discussion of the unification of the Korean peninsula. But they all failed since both the nations sought after their own interests. They tried to continue the discussion with the fact that they recognized the impossibility of the work. And they continued the work as a political show to get international recognition of their policy to divide and rule. 3. It seems that we, the Korean people were also responsible for the failure of the discussion during the military administration period. Our stronger esprit de corps before the basic disagreement between the two nations could have enlivened some inedpendent actions and helped to sustain the circumstances in which we can expect better conditions for the unification. It is doubtful whether neighboring superpowers really want the establishment of a unified nation. We should bear in mind that these countries are descended from those which trampled on our ancestors and be prepared for the future in terms of genuine national interests building up our strengh for a mighty in dependent and reunified Korea.

이데올로기에 關한 小考

成基重 慶北工業專門大學 1984 論文集 Vol.21 No.-

It is very difficult to define the concept of Ideology in the same breath because of the variety in concept. As the method to define the concept, therefore, We can indicate as follows. We have translated the work of ideology as idea, concept, consciousness, social consciousness, and false consciousness, but each definition is not correct. So far, we have divided into two classes, in a broad sense and in a narrow sense. In a broad sense, ideology includes awareness, mind, many kinds of political ideology and religion. In a narrow sense, ideology includes only false consciousness. If we classify ideology according to scope, ideology can be divided into great ideology (high position ideology, religion a view of the world, great group ideology) and special ideology (low position ideology, political principle, discussion). If we classify ideology with valuation, ideology is to be divided into negative valuation application(Marx Communism, Neo-Mar-xism), neutral valuation application(K.Mannheim), affirmative valuation application (Orientation of Engen Lemberg, functional ideology of Niklas Luhmann). Rational, correct true-functional ideology is indispensable to not only individual but also society and state to solve the problems to individuals, society, state, can constitute national agreement by giving the sense of accord, sympathy to members of society. Therefore, we have to develop true-functional ideology through self-regulating, formation in humanity, conversation and discussion, we have to understand the universal definition of true-functional ideology. Communism, false-functional ideology instigate the masses, in order to communize the whole world. We should acquire correct critical consciousness by educating our nation not to be fascinate with communism ideology. These days, withdrawal from ideology and technology changed ideology into National Interest from political, military sense to economic sense in ideology. We have the problems to correspond with the change. We should teach our students which is correct ideology in our side and undoubtable ideology in students side. Ideology education should be national political education for the conquest of irrationality. Finally, A government patronized explanation in ideology is political education is not tools for special politicians but evaluation of national political consciousness to foster correct discrimination. We must remind that development of true national spirit is the generative power in the development of our history.

미국의 대일정책-강화과정과 보수지배체제의 확립

성기중 한국동북아학회 2004 한국동북아논총 Vol.9 No.4

In the formative process of East-west regime after the second world war, America actively pursued the Asian policy aimed to make it a pro-American region. Japan was the central power in the region, and also the enemy which had challenged America during the war. Therefore, it was the central concern of American Asian policy to make Japan a democratic country through the occupation policy. The so-called "1955 regime," which was the result of American occupation policy, has served as the foundation of making Japan politically secure and economically prosperous ever since. The regime was created through the American effort in the occupation period. However, in equal amount, it was, in deeper analysis, the result of the active response on the part of Japan to the American policy. The analysis of formative process of the 1955 regime is important to understand Japan in 2004, and to see the possibility and also the limitation of Japan being the leading country in the prospective economic community in East Asia. Imperial institution, the integral part of the regime, has worked to consolidate Japanese society politically. On the other hand, the institution militates against formation of cooperative mood among East Asian countries, by preventing Japan to apologize the crime it made during the war toward neighboring countries. Now is the time for Japan to decompose the regime. It is clue to make East Asia-Japan, China and Korea- become a politically and economically cooperative region like Europe. But there has not been serious discussion on it among Japanese politicians and scholars who are cognizant of public opinion. 2차대전 후 미-소를 축으로 하는 동서체제 형성과정에서 미국은 아시아 지역을 친미적인 사회로 만들기 위한 정책을 적극 추진하였다. 이에 따라 미국의 대일점령(1945-1952)과 정책은 “일본개조”에 의하여 군국주의적 일본을 친미적인 일본으로 만들었다. 미국의 점령정책에 대한 일본의 대응의 결과물이라고 볼 수 있는 1950년대의 이른바 “55체제” 혹은 “보수지배체제”가 전후 일본의 정치적 안정과 경제적 번영의 기틀이 되었다. 이러한 일본의 전후체제의 형성과정에는 물론 미국 점령정책의 영향도 지대했지만, 좀 더 깊이 들어가면, 일본의 대응과정에서 당시 보수지배체제가 확립되었다. 일본의 전후체제의 형성과정과 이 체제가 내포하고 있는 의미는 2004년 현재의 일본을 제대로 이해하고, 나아가서 WTO체제하에서의 동아시아경제권 형성에 있어서 일본이 주도적 역할을 할 가능성과 그 한계를 전망하는데 있어서도 대단히 중요한 의의를 가지고 있다. 전후체제의 중요한 요소인 천황제의 유지도 전후 일본을 정치적으로 안정시키고, 일본을 단결시키는데 기여를 했지만, 반대로 일본으로 하여금 일왕이 주도한 전쟁의 범죄적 측면에 대하여 주변국들을 만족시킬 정도로 사과할 수 없도록 하는 족쇄로 작용함으로써, 결국 동아시아 경제권 형성에 걸림돌로 작용하고 있다. 근래 일본의 고이즈미 총리의 계속된 야스쿠니신사참배나 유사법제통과, 역사교과서문제, 집단자위론과 조기개헌, 자위대 증강 및 해외파병문제로 신보수 우경화로의 경향은 정치, 경제적으로 동아시아 국가들 상호간의 협력이 긴요한 현 시점에서, 왜 일본은 주변국과 불화를 자아내게 할 가능성이 있는 태도를 버리지 못하는가? 그 원인의 일단은 이차대전 후 점령정책과정에서 형성된 전후 보수체제의 특성에서 찾을 수 있다. 21세기 세계화 시대에 직면하여, 좀더 거시적 안목에서 지금 일본은 전후보수지배체제를 해체해야 할 시점이라고 본다. 그것이 중국, 한국, 일본 등 동아시아가 EU같은 동일한 경제권, 정치권으로 결합될 수 있는 단서라고 본다.

세계화 과정의 특성과 국제적 대응방향

성기중(SEONG, KHEE-JOONG) 동북아시아문화학회 2013 동북아시아문화학회 국제학술대회 발표자료집 Vol.2013 No.5

글로벌시대 지역협력을 위한 한일관계의 재정립

성기중 한국동북아학회 2008 한국동북아논총 Vol.13 No.2

This paper summarizes the diplomatic history between Korea and Japan, especially since the normalization of mutual relationships in 1965 and describes changing international environment in Northeast Asia caused by economic globalization in the post-Cold War era. In the 21th century, through mutual cooperation, both countries can achieve many things including economic development. However, there are some obstacles blocking mutual cooperation between the two countries such as history and territorial problems. It is urgent to overcome those obstacles. Based on the above realization, this paper argues that the mutual relationship should be reestablished, and gives some suggestions regarding the reestablishment of Korea-Japan relationships. First, it is urgent for both governments and peoples to make efforts to narrow gaps between mutual understandings of history. To do this, Japanese leaders should give wholehearted apology to Korea and China regarding atrocities Japan had done to neighboring countries in the past and pay reparations for them, if necessary, to the extent that the issue will not appear again in the future. Second, it is not enough. There should be mutually agreed upon understanding on the issue in the level of political, economic and cultural elite groups of the two countries. It is necessary to institutionalize multi-stranded and complex relationships consisting of governmental, civil, scholastic and corporate level participants, in which exchange programs among high school and college students should be enlarged, and mutual visits and communications among NGOs and scholars increased. Third, it is also worth considering building an institute in charge of projects like publishing a common history textbook which runs by funds from government and corporations of the two sides and is guided by a neutral international organization. In the age of globalization, if the two countries succeed in finding ways of cooperation in various areas such as politics, economics, security, culture, environment and energy, etc, it will contribute to mutual interests and opening the Northeast Asian age characterizing co-security and co-prosperity. 이 글은 한일 양국의 관계사, 특히 1965년 국교정상화 이후의 외교관계를 약술하고, 1990년부터 진행되는 탈냉전기 세계화로 인하여 변화해가는 동북아시아 등에 대하여 서술한다. 21세기에 양국은 서로 협력함으로써, 경제적 공동 번영 등 많은 것을 성취할 수 있는 여건을 가지고 있다. 그러나 양국 사이에는 역사, 영토문제 등 상호협력을 가로막는 장애가 아직 그대로 있으며, 따라서 이러한 장애 극복이 시급하다. 그리고 양국은 관계를 재정립할 필요가 있다. 이러한 인식을 바탕으로, 이글은 한일관계 재정립을 위하여 다음과 같은 몇 가지를 제시하고 있다. 첫째, 한일 양국의 정부와 국민들이 역사이해의 간격을 좁히는 게 시급한 문제이다. 이를 위해서는 더 이상 이 문제가 양국 간 쟁점으로 부각되지 않을 정도로, 일본 지도층이 전후 독일이 행한 것을 거울삼아 한국, 중국에게 과거에 대해 진심으로 사과하고, 필요한 보상조처를 취하는 것이 필요하다. 둘째, 그것으로 충분하지 않다. 이 문제에 대한 양국 정치, 경제, 문화엘리트의 정확한 인식과 국경과 민족을 초월한 가해와 피해의 교차인식이 있어야 할 것이다. 이를 위해서는 정부, 민간, 학술단체, 기업 등이 참여하는 다층적이고, 복합적인 관계를 제도화할 필요가 있다. 이러한 제도 속에서 양국의 청소년과 대학생들의 교류, 시민단체, 대학과 연구자들의 교류를 증진될 수 있을 것이다. 셋째, 역사교과서의 공동발간 등 양국 사이의 현안을 다룰 양국정부와 민간이 출자하고 공신력이 있는 국제기구의 자문으로 운영되는 기구를 설립하여 운영하는 것도 한 방법일 수 있다. 세계화시대에 한일 양국은 지리적 인접성과 문화적 동질성을 기반으로 많은 것을 성취할 수 있다. 정치, 경제, 안보, 문화, 환경, 에너지 분야 등에서 양국이 상호 협력에 성공하면, 이는 양국 모두에게 이익이고, 나아가서 동북아 안전과 번영을 특징으로 하는 동북아시대를 열어갈 수 있을 것이다.

기업 경쟁력과 정보화

성기중 한국컴퓨터통신연구회 1994 OSIA Standards & Technology Review Vol.8 No.5

한국의 대통령 선거에서 매니페스토의 제도화 제안

성기중 한국동북아학회 2013 한국동북아논총 Vol.18 No.3

Since the local election in 2006, manifesto has been used in various kinds of election in Korea. Voters' choice in presidential election determines the future of a country. The importance of Manifesto has been confirmed not only in Korean elections but in similar elections in foreign countries. But manifesto has not been institutionalized in Korean presidential election. Therefore, this study tries to suggest some ideas for institutionalizing it in Korean presidential election. 1) Korean political parties have been reluctant to adopt manifesto at election times. So, it is desirable to make a law which requires political parties to announce their manifestos to voters. It will prevent candidates from suggesting unachievable promises in election times. And, it is also necessary for election winners to set up policies based on their own manifestos, and to set and spend the budget. Political parties do not keep up with demands from the civil society and voters. 2) It is necessary to make a law which requires each political party to decide on its own presidential candidate early enough. Early selection of presidential candidates have some merits: Voters can have enough time to examine their campaign promises; It is possible to settle down debate culture through TV and other media. A law should be passed requiring each party to insert an article stipulating nomination of its presidential candidate 6 months before the election date in its party rule. It is also necessary to revise the election law to make candidates register earlier than now. 3) Subsidies from state coffers are given to political parties to help them to develop policies improving people's life. All the organizations receiving those subsidies should be subject to evaluations on their performances every year, and those evaluations are reflected in assessing subsidies alloted to those organizations. Political parties should also be subject to the same kind of evaluation applied to other organizations. 4) The key elements of manifesto are as follows: political parties or candidates should provide public promises, comprehensive balance sheets linking performance of promises and budgets, and roadmaps containing year-by-year procedures; Evaluators should develop evaluation criteria parties, candidates and voters can agree on. When these are institutionalized, 'election with real promises' where voters choose among candidates based on their promises. Such a manifesto election will be a new direction for future election. 2006년 지방선거 이후로 매니페스토 선거의 새로운 지평을 열고 있다. 대통령선거에서 매니페스토 선거의 필요성이 입증되고 있기 때문이다. 유권자의 선택여부는 한국의 새로운 미래를 좌우한다. 그러므로 정당이나 후보자가 자신의 정책과 우선순위를 명확히 밝히도록 하는 유권자의 관심과 여론의 압력이 필요하고 이것이 매니페스토상에 제대로 반영되어 있는지를 검토하는 작업도 필요하다. 그리고 매니페스토 선거의 관건은 정당과 후보자, 유권자가 공감하는 평가지표의 개발이 중요한 의미를 가진다. 1) 한국의 정당에서 매니페스토 선거의 자발적 도입이 지연되고 있음으로 매니페스토 도입을 의무화하는 등의 활성화를 위한 입법조치가 이루어 질 수 있는 다양한 노력이 필요하다. 유권자들의 요구를 감안해 볼 때 각 정당에서 매니페스토 선거의 도입 시기를 넘기는 감이 있다. 2) 각 정당에서 대선후보를 조기에 선출하고 검정과정을 거칠 수 있는 제도적 장치가 필요하다. 후보의 공약을 TV 등 국민들과 토론문화를 통해 검증할 수 있는 조처와 물리적인 시간이 반드시 필요하다. 선거 6개월 전에 후보를 선출해야 한다는 규정을 명문화해야 한다. 3) 정당의 국고보조금은 국민생활 향상을 위한 정책개발보조금이다. 국고보조금을 받는 모든 기관은 매년 평가를 받아 결과를 차년도 국고배정에 반영한다. 정당도 유권자의 지지율과 의석수 외에 매니페스토의 제도화 여부와 수준에 대한 합리적인 평가기준을 정해 평가결과를 보조금 배정액에 영향을 주도록 해야 한다. 매니페스토 선거는 시대적 소망에 부응하는 정치적 산물로서 향후 선거문화에 새로운 지표로 분명히 만들어야 한다.