20세기 전반 한국 사상계의 궤적과 민족주의 담론

장규식(Chang Kyu-sik) 한국사연구회 2010 한국사연구 Vol.150 No.-

This essay deals with the various features of the early 20th century Korean thought particularly examining how Korean nationalism interacted with the Western modern thoughts. It was not until the middle of 1900s that the Korean used the term "nationalism." At that time Korean intellectuals recognized the establishment of nationalism to be a key factor for the restoration of national sovereignty against Japanese aggression. They took up social Darwinism to be "Muhyong Jagang (spiritual power-cultivation)," and regarded it as the base of "Yuhyong Jangang (concrete power-cultivation)" that means to enhance the national prosperity and defense. They also advocated to establish the New Religion ("Jong'gyo Ipguk"), considering it an indispensible base for national unity and prosperity. The incipient Korean nationalism based on the logic of "Muhyong Jagang" and "Jong'gyo Ipguk" became jeopardized by Japanese Annexation of Korea. As a reaction to this, the nationalist intellectuals in 1910s, who pursued republicanism, came to perceive newly the fall of the Great Korean Empire as a threshold toward the Republic of Korea. They tried also to overcome social Darwinism since it took granted for the right of the strong to rule over the weak. These efforts were done within three directions such as the emphasis of national characteristics, socialism, and humanitarianism; among these, humanitarianism became a theoretical foundation for the nationwide March 1st Independence Movement. As a result, Korean nationalism was eventually given a form on the basis of republicanism and humanitarianism as such. Korean nationalism under the Japanese colonialism was equipped with its theoretical alliances from the Western modern thoughts: liberalism, conservatism, ethical statism, and socialism. Korean nationalism was shaped by these influences while each intellectual group was adopting respectively the ideologies if it had an affinity. First, liberalism was imported to Korea coupled with Anglo-American Christian Protestantism. Its mainstream was a newly emerging middle class in the northwest of Korea, where Ahn Chang-ho's nationalism can be an example of the conjunction between liberalism and nationalism. Second, Korean conservatism was shaped as a consequence of the cohesion between the modernization course by the Yangban landlords and English gentlemanly capitalism. The Dong-A Daily News group led by Kim Seong-su was a case in this respect, where nationalism was united with a sort of Edmund Burke's conservatism. Third, sharing the ideas of the organic theory of the nation and the state, the Daejong Gyo line's worship of national characteristics, and Hegel's theory of ethical state, the Korean statism was conjoined together with ethnic nationalism. Ahn Jae-hong and Choe Hyon-bae remained to be the most typical examples in this regard. Fourth, those who deemed national liberation as a requisite for class liberation while conjoining socialism and nationalism, were found in the first generation of Korean socialist; Yah Woon-hyong and Bae Seong-ryong, who led Choseon Jung'ang Daily News group, were the case. The salient feature of Korean nationalism after the Korean Liberation was shown in the moderates who aimed for building a unified independent nation-state through the right-left coalition. The middle-of-the-road intellectuals mapped out a unified government based on parliamentary democracy and economic equality. However, its ideological ground was diverged into liberalism, statism, and social democracy: New Liberalism by Oh Gi-young, New Nationalism by Ahn Jae-hong, and New Democracy by Bae Seong-ryong. Such the middle-of-the-road nationalism, which was succeeded later in resistant nationalism of civic-level backing up national democratic movement, has been sustained in the movements for democracy and national unification of Korea. Although there has been a de-nationalism discourse, Korean nationalism has lasted up to the present c

3・1운동 이전 민주공화제의 수용과 확산

장규식(CHANG, Kyu-Sik) 한국사학사학회 2018 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.38

In Korea, republicanism was accepted narrowly as a system of democratic republic combined with democracy. And its development went through the process of making the nation-state discourses encroach on monarchy gradually rather than accompanying a revolution. The acceptance of democratic republic system in Korea was grounded upon the recognition of nation-state. The Independence Club(Dongnip Hyophoe) has made it possible to imagine a modern nation on the basis of national integration. In this effort, it distinguished the notion of the state from that of the dynasty, by instigating and expanding the slogan of the ’Chung’gun Aeguk’ (a stepping stone to the ideology of loyalty to the dynasty) to the patriotism of the nation state. The debate on republican system was officially banned during the whole period of the Daehan Empire. But with the forced deportation of Emperor Gojong, the issue was revived with the consideration of the democratic republic system as the most desirable political system. Nonetheless, the intellectual society advocated a gradual reform and regarded the adoption of democratic republican system as premature. It was no exception to the New People’s Association(Sinminhoe), which had been accepted as a representative of republicanism. The members of the New People’s Association recognized that the task of restoring the national sovereignty would be much more important than that of turning into the front line of the movement against the Imperial Regime. In addition, from the standpoint of the social evolution doctrine on which they were based, the state of the Daehan Empire had to be preserved as the subject of competition. This deferred plan for republicanism was realized in the discourse on ’New Korea’ initiated by the Korean American community after the fall of the Daehan empire. The Korean American community accepted the fall of the Daehan Empire as the beginning of democratic New Korea. Such a discourse led to the conceptual development of doctrines on republican democracy and provisional government construction, and set up New Korea as the subject of survival competition, which could eventually allow the independence movement to be ignited again. 한국에서 공화제는 민주정체와 결합한 민주공화제로 한정되어 받아들여졌 는데, 그 과정이 혁명을 수반하는 대신에 국민국가 담론이 군주제를 단계적으로 잠식해가는 방식으로 진행되었다는 데 하나의 특징이 있었다. 한국에서 민주공화제 수용의 바탕은 국민국가의 발견을 통해 만들어졌다. 독립협회는 왕조에 대한 충군 개념을 디딤돌 삼아 이를 국민국가에 대한 애국 으로 확장시키는 ‘충군애국’의 구호와 다양한 상징조작을 통해 왕조와 국가를 구분함으로써 국민통합에 기초한 근대 국가를 상상할 수 있게끔 하였다. 이후 대한제국기에 공화제 논의는 금기시되었으나, 고종의 강제 퇴위를 거치며 점차 변화하는 양상을 띠어 군주에 대한 국가의 우위를 내세우는 가운데 민주공화제를 가장 바람직한 정치제도로 보는 논설이 속속 등장하였다. 그럼 에도 불구하고 당시 지식인 사회의 주류는 민주공화제의 도입을 시기상조로 바라보면서 점진적 개혁을 주장하였다. 그러한 경향은 기존에 공화제를 표방한 단체로 받아들여졌던 신민회의 경우도 예외가 아니었다. 신민회 인사들이 공화제의 실행을 유예한 데는 황실 타도로 운동의 전선을 분산시키기에는 당면한 국권회복의 과제가 너무도 막중하 다는 현실인식 또한 작용하고 있었다. 더불어 그들이 근거했던 사회진화론의 입장에서 볼 때에도 형체만 남아 있을지라도 경쟁 주체로서 대한제국이라는 국가는 보존되어야 했다.이렇게 유예된 공화제 구상은 대한제국의 멸망 이후 미주 한인사회의 ‘정신상 신한국’ 담론을 통해 비로소 그 실체를 드러냈다. 국망의 소식에 접한 미주 한인사회는 형질상 대한제국의 멸망을 정신상 민주주의 신한국의 시작으로 받아들였다. 그 같은 담론은 삼권분립의 미국식 공화제 민주주의 임시정부 건설 론으로 이어져, 새로운 생존경쟁의 주체로서 신한국을 설정한 가운데 독립운 동에 다시 불을 지필 수 있게끔 하였다.

한국기독교역사연구소 사회운동 연구 동향과 과제

장규식(Chang, Kyu Sik) 한국기독교역사연구소 2023 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.- No.58

『한국교회핍박』에 나타난 이승만의 정교 인식과 외교 독립론

장규식 ( Kyu Sik Chang ) 한국사상사학회 2010 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.35

``105인사건``에 영감을 받아 집필한 『한국교회핍박』은 1913년 하와이에 터를 잡은 이승만이 교포들에게 자신의 기독교관과 정치적 비전을 천명한 저작이다. 이승만은 옥중 개종 이후 각종 논설을 통해 기독교를 서양 근대 문명을 일구어낸 원동력으로 인식하고, 기독교로 국민을 교화함으로써 문명부강을 위한 정치개혁의 근본을 삼을 것을 주장하였다. 그리고 『한국교회핍박』 단계에 이르러 ① 하느님에 대한 믿음과 소망으로 국민의 원기를 되살리고, ② 예수가 가르친 이웃사랑의 정신으로 국민통합을 도모하는 한편, ③ 기독교의 자유·평등 이념에 기초해 상등 문명국가를 건설하는, 자신의 기독교 입국 구상을 체계화하였다. 한편 이승만은 옥중에서 『독립정신』을 집필할 당시부터 정치의 급무는 외교에 있다고 하여 만국공법에 따른 공평정대한 외교의 중요성을 강조하였다. 그러나 이때 그가 강조한 외교는 내치와 짝을 이루는 자주 외교였고, 열강의 세력균형을 중시하는 중립 외교였다. 이승만이 의병투쟁과 의열투쟁에 대한 반대 입장을 분명히 하고, 친미 일변도의 외교로 독립노선의 가닥을 잡은 것은 1908년 3월 스티븐스 암살사건을 거치면서였다. 그러한 가운데 이승만은 ``105인사건``을 통해 교회가 가진 국제적 네트웍의 위력을 발견하고, 그에 기초해 자신의 외교 독립구상을 새롭게 가다듬었다. 『한국교회핍박』은 그렇게 형성된 이승만의 외교 독립론이 응축되어 있는 저작이다. 이 책에서 그는 ① 형편과 사정을 살펴 단체를 결성하고 교육과 출판에 힘써 지식과 실력을 배양하는 한편, 영문을 배워 미국인과 소통하고, ② 교회와 사회의 좋은 친구를 많이 얻어 세력을 넓히며, ③ 의로운 일을 힘써 행함으로 미국 정부와 여론의 동정을 얻은 다음, ④ 미·일 개전의 기회를 기다려 대업을 도모하는 자신의 독립방략을 제시하였다. 이를 바탕으로 이승만은 외교 교섭과 언론 공세 등의 외교상 전쟁을 중심으로, 거기에 국민 교화와 교육, 경제적 실력양성을 결합시킨 자신의 독립노선을 정립하였다. 『한국교회핍박』은 이처럼 기독교 입국과 외교 독립 구상을 한국 독립을 위한 세계 공론 조성의 유력한 창구로서 기독교회를 매개로 연결시킨, 이승만의 독립노선을 살필 수 있는 중요한 자료다. Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak (The Korean Church in Trials, 1913) written by Syngman Rhee contains Rhee`s political views influenced by so-called the ``Case of the One Hundred Five (Korean Conspiracy Case).`` At that time he settled down in Hawaii as a political exile. After his conversion to Christianity in prison, throughout a number of writings Rhee started to advocate Christianity that it can serve as political bedrock in making Korea a modernized country, since he believed that Christianity had played an essential role in the Western modernization. With such the conviction, he asserted a necessity to Christianize the Korean populace. In Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak, he demonstrated three main plans for the nation-state building on the basis of Christianity as follows: ① to reanimate and raise the Korean people by encouraging them to have faith and hope in God; ② to promote national unity in the teachings of Jesus especially on the love of neighbor; ③ to build up a highly civilized country based on the Christian spirits of freedom and equality. In these articulations of proposal, however, we can find his partiality for missionaries and the discrimination of other religions. Since writing Tongnip Chongsin (The Spirit of Independence, 1904) in prison, he emphasized the importance of impartial foreign affairs in accordance with international law. At this time, the foreign affairs he emphasized had rooted in the independent foreign policy parallel to domestic affairs and the neutralism based on the balance of power. By the assassination of Durham W. Stevens (the foreign affairs adviser of Great Han [Korean] Empire) occurred on March of 1908, however, Rhee switched his political line to a throughly pro-American policy, attending to the direction of the public sentiment and backup of the U.S. government, while taking a critical attitude toward the armed struggle against Japan. On the other hand, the ``Case of the One Hundred Five,`` which stroke a blow against Japan in winning international supports to colonize Korea by way of diplomacy and the press, became the turning point in Rhee`s diplomatic policy. This incident spurred him to recognize non-governmental diplomatic power to foster international consensus, especially making use of the international Christian network, while maintaining the existing diplomatic strategy to petition the U.S. government for independence. Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak exhibits such the process of Rhee`s changing diplomatic strategy for Korean independence. In this book, Rhee proposed four main directions in terms of his own diplomatic strategy for Korean Independence as follows: ① he suggested to establish appropriate organizations, foster competence by education and publishing, and communicate with the Americans by acquiring the legibleness of English; ② he suggested to increase power by way of establishing a strong league with people in American Churches and communities; ③ he suggested to strive for gaining sympathy from the U.S. government and the public by doing what is right; ④ finally, he argued that Korea could obtain an opportunity to achieve independence in virtue of the outbreak of war between the U.S. and Japan. Rhee could set up the overall diplomacy-centered strategy for independence movement explicitly in Taepyongyang Japji (The Korean Pacific Magazine), with three directions - the role of diplomatic negotiation and wordy warfare, the educational work including people`s enlightenment, and economic development. However, since these directions precluded the armed struggle against Japan, his attitude appeared to slant only toward foreign policy line. Han`guk Kyohoe P`ippak can be considered a very important document having Rhee`s ideas of the Christianization of Korea and diplomatic independence movement. However, this work has not yet had considerable attention in this respect. Accordingly, it is necessary to examine the work thoroughly in looking into the genealogical trajectory of Rhee`s diplomatic independence strategy, especially in its formation process.

1920~30년대 YMCA학생운동의 전개와 일상활동

장규식(Chang Kyu-Sik) 한국기독교역사연구소 2007 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.27 No.-

1901년 배재학당에 학생YMCA가 발족하면서 시작된 YMCA학생운동은 일제하 기독교계를 대표하는 학생운동이었다. YMCA학생운동은 3ㆍ1운동을 전후해 학생단 독립운동과 조선학생대회 창립의 산파역을 담당하며 한국 민족운동사상에 나름의 입지를 마련하였다. 그리고 1920년대 전반 기존의 종교운동 영역을 넘어 신문화의 계몽자로서 폭넓은 활동을 전개했는데, 특히 신문화ㆍ사회개조ㆍ기독교사회주의ㆍ민중화 등을 화두로 사상운동 방면에서 두각을 나타냈다. 1920년대 후반 YMCA학생운동은 사회복음 노선에 기초해 농촌사업에 착수하고, 학생YWCA와 연합활동을 벌이며 실제 생활문제를 해결하기 위한 적극적 운동을 모색하였다. 그러나 1930년대로 접어들어 사회주의자들의 반종교운동이 거세게 일어나고, 학생들의 풍기문란이 사회문제로 대두하면서 정체성의 위기를 겪어야 했다. 그러는 가운데 만주사변 발발 이후 일제의 간섭이 도를 더하고, 교계내 서북파와 기호파, 안창호계와 이승만계의 내분까지 겹치면서 1935년 이후 유명무실한 존재로 전락하고 말았다. YMCA학생운동의 조직체계는 전국대회에 해당하는 학생하령회를 정점으로, 각 학교내에 조직된 학생YMCA와 지도기관인 조선YMCA연합회 학생부가 삼각의 축을 형성하였다. 주요 사업으로는 종교ㆍ교육(문예)ㆍ체육ㆍ사교에 걸친 이른바 4대 목적사업이 있었는데, 이들 사업은 말 그대로 하나님나라의 확장과 덕ㆍ지ㆍ체ㆍ사교의 훈육이라는 YMCA의 기본 목적을 실천하는 도구였다. 한편 1920년대 후반 들어 학생YMCA가 농촌사업과 절제운동에 참여하면서는 농촌부ㆍ금주단연부ㆍ소비(조합)부 등의 부서를 신설하여 실제 생활문제를 해결하는 운동을 펼쳤다. 끝으로 일제하 YMCA학생운동이 한국 민족운동사에서 차지하는 위치를 정리해 보면, 먼저 YMCA학생운동은 문화운동ㆍ물산장려운동ㆍ절제운동ㆍ농촌운동 등 당시의 개량주의적 민족운동과 궤를 같이하며 전개된 부르주아민족주의 노선의 학생운동이었다. 또한 학생운동과 기독교운동의 경계선에서, 국제적으로 세계학생기독교연맹(WSCF)과 네트웍을 형성하며, 기독교 민족운동 지도력의 배출구로서 보다 중요한 역할을 했던 운동이기도 하였다. YMCA학생운동은 대한제국기 이래 일제하 거의 전기간에 걸쳐 전개되며 해방후로 이어진 전국적 운동으로, 부르주아 민족주의 노선에 입각한 근대 학생운동의 면모를 통시적으로 살필 수 있는 좋은 사례라 할 수 있다. Student YMCA Movement is the typical Christian student movement under Japanese colonial rule, which originally started with the Student YMCA of Bae-Jae School established in 1901. It played an important role in the history of Korean national movement by helping the founding of the Student Independence Group at the time of March 1st Movement and Chosun Haksaeng Daehoe(Korean Student Assembly) in 1920. And it took part in a variety of activities as a leading group to spread the new culture beyond the previous activities of the religious movement, especially focusing on the ideological activities in terms of New Culture Movement, Social Reconstruction, Christian Socialism and the Popularization. During the late 1920s, Student YMCA Movement campaigned for its Social Gospel in the rural area and tried positively to figure out the actual problems by joining with Student YWCAs. However, with the anti-religious movement of socialists and the demoralized aspects of the students in general, Student YMCA Movement had to be faced with the identity crisis in the early 1930s. Furthermore, it came to lose its actual power after 1935, due to the more intensified suppression of the Chosun Government-General after the break of the 1931 Manchurian Incident and the internal trouble between Ahn Changho line and Rhee Syngman line of Christian nationalist camps. The organization of Student YMCA Movement had a triangular system - Student YMCA of each branch school and Student Bureau at the National Council of Korean YMCAs, with the Student Summer Conference on its top. The major activities ranged within the four-fold purpose to improve the spiritual, mental, social and physical condition of students. They were intended to practice the Basis of the YMCA, which was the extension of Kingdom of God among young men through gospel preaching & moral training, intellectual training, physical training and social intercourse. And as Student YMCA participated in the Rural Work and the Temperance Movement in the late 1920s, its campaign focused on the solution for the actual problems of life by creating the sections such as those of rural reconstruction, anti-alcohol & anti-tobacco, and consumers' cooperative. Finally, to sum up the meaning of Student YMCA Movement in the historical context of Korean national movement, it can be argued that Student YMCA Movement was the student movement of bourgeoisie-nationalism strategy in line with the nationalist movements at that time such as the New Culture Movement, Korean Products Promoting Campaign, Temperance Movement and Rural Work. It also played an important role as the outlet for leaders of Christian national movement in corporation with the domestic network of the student movement and the Christian movement as well as the international network of World Student Christian Federation. Student YMCA Movement was the nation-wide movement that continuously went on from the time of the Daehan Empire up to the Liberation and even after it. In this sense, it is a good example to survey diachronically the various aspects of the modern student movement in line with the bourgeoisie-nationalist movement.

일제하 미국유학생의 서구 근대체험과 미국문명 인식

張圭植(Chang Kyu-Sik) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.133 No.-

It was after the March 1st Independent Movement that the number of Korean students in the United States increased. The ultimate purpose of their studies in the United States was to modernize Korea with their new learning from American universities. Korean students in general did not directly enter American universities. First, they started to study in a small town, adapting themselves to the new American environment, and then they moved to bigger cities to study at universities. What truly attracted and surprised them was the American teaching method which not only strongly encouraged students to read in advance suggested references about each class topic. but also laid special emphasis on their active participation in the class. Korean students thought the teaching method. unlike that of the Japanese. came from American individualism. Besides. Korean students who were accustomed to Confucian culture were very surprised that both male and female students studied together in the same classroom. naturally making friends with each other. Meanwhile, during semesters as well as vacations, Korean students had to work hard to earn money for school fees and living expenses, which enforced some of them to give up their studies. However, most of them thought that such hard work provided a good opportunity to learn lessons of the spirit of diligence and self-help. Especially, working hard for money gave them a chance to take a good look at many inner and negative sides of American society. For instance, it was chiefly when they worked for money that they suffered from racial discrimination, which helped them realize their Korean ethnic and national identity. After the March 1st Independent Movement, they formed many Korean student associations. In 1921, the Korean Student Federation of North America(KSF) was founded as a representative organization of the associations. The KSF worked mainly in Chicago and New York. But the activities of such associations in California where the largest part of Korean students and immigrants in the United States lived were not so active. The KSF endeavored to increase friendship among Korean students and to improve their welfare. The students discussed various subjects including social science, natural science, major daily problems, and the issue of Korean independence. In addition, the Korean Division of the Committee on Friendly Relations among Foreign Students (YMCA) and Korean churches in New York and Chicago were other important bases for the activities of Korean students. The Korean Division of the YMCA Committee published The Korean Student Bulletin as its newsletter and The Korean Student Directory. Moreover, since 1933, the secretary of the Korean Division also worked as the general secretary of the KSF. The religious activities were the most effective way of increasing intercourses with foreign students and promoting friendship among Korean students as well. Through those experiences, Korean students in the United States came to understand American civilization. First of all, they were amazed at the huge scale of American material civilization represented by mass production and consumption. It was an irony that though they criticized mammonism and vulgar hedonism embedded in American civilization. they were simultaneously overwhelmed by it. As a whole. they considered American civilization to be a success. They found the ideal type of a modern man in the Christian independent middle class of the United States, and mapped out their plan to build a new modern Korean nation-state based on American Puritanism and the Frontier Spirit.

특집논문 3 : 3,1운동과 세브란스

장규식 ( Kyu Sik Chang ) 연세대학교 의과대학 의사학과 의학사연구소 2009 연세의사학 Vol.12 No.1

Severance Hospital and Union Medical College was the key base for the Korean Christians who participated in the independence movement. The Namdaemun Church and the residences of Yi Gab-seong and Ham Tae-young, which were located within the campus, served as the base and later became the landmark site for independence movement of the Korean Christian leaders. The Youth YMCA leaders at the Severance Union Medical College(SUMC) also participated and Korean Christian leaders prepared for the March 1st Movement at the Severance Hospital Area. At this time Yi Gab-seong, one of the signees of the Declaration of Independence led the Severance students. Under his direction, the Severance students went to the southern provinces to recruit the local Christian leaders to lead movements in their areas. They also delivered printed copies of the Declaration of Independence to the Youth Independent Group and local Christian leaders as well. In the immediate aftermath of the March 1st Movement, Yi Yong-seol who was the former president of the Youth YMCA at the Severance Union Medical College published underground newspaper to further advocate the independence movement. The Youth YMCA acted as a mediator between Christian national leaders and students in this process.

일제 식민지시기 연구의 현황과 추이

張圭植(Chang Kyu-sik) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.199

1920년대 개조론의 확산과 기독교사회주의의 수용·정착

장규식 ( Chang Kyu Sik ) 역사문제연구소 2009 역사문제연구 Vol.13 No.1

In Korea, it was the `Christianity and Socialism` discourse, which was supported by Christian students who responded the anti-religion movement in 1923 and 1924, that laid the ideological foundation for Koreans` embracement of Christian Socialism. With this discourse, the speakers interpreted the Social reconstruction argument`s narratives in terms of Christian concept kingdom of God, and they searched for an alternative for a people`s society, while also attempting dialogue with Socialism. It was around 1925, when writings of the famous Japanese Christian Socialist Kagawa Toyohiko were translated and introduced to Korea, that the Christian Socialist ideology was introduced to the Korean Christian community as a Christian discourse of action. The `Socialism of Love` argued by Kagawa, which was based upon historical conception of Materialistic morality and the movement for the kingdom of God, one of theory and one of action, was an instant hit to the Korean students in their youth. So people who armed themselves with Kagawa`s idea, trying to model their actions after those of his, started to appear. They got interested in the rural society where a lot of the poor people were living. And they also turned their eyes to the cooperative unions which could function as social facilities of love that could overcome the nature of Capitalism which was destined to pursue only interest. The Christian Socialism of Korea encountered the opportunity to set firmly its feet on Korean soil, with the organization of the Christian Rural Research Association in 1929. This group embarked upon Christian-based rural reconstruction work, equipped itself with Christian Socialism, and spreaded its roots in the Korean society. They suggested the so-called Christianism(The ideology of the Cross), a theory designed to invite an ideal society which was also different from the one envisioned in Marxism. And they also initiated the movement for the Jesus Village as an utopian model village(`Spiritual movement of materials`), based upon the rural churches and cooperative unions. Yet the anti-Materialism, non- Materialism, and the Socialist inclination against selfishness clashed with each other in real life situations as well, and that was sort of a passage rite that all those theories and actions that were searching for a `third way` between Bourgeois Nationalism and Socialism had to go through.

일반논문 : 미군정하 흥사단 계열 지식인의 냉전 인식과 국가건설 구상

장규식 ( Kyu Sik Chang ) 한국사상사학회 2011 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.38

흥사단 계열은 20세기 전반 한국사회의 대표적인 자유주의 지식인 집단으로, 해방후 미군정에 대거 진출하여 각종 정책을 입안하면서 자유민주국가 건설의 기초를 놓았다. 그 과정에서 그들은 8·15해방을 민주주의 연합국의 승리로 주어진 해방으로 인식하고, 민족의 자아혁신과 실력양성을 통해 완전독립으로 나아갈 것을 주장하였다. 그리고 완전독립을 위한 민주건국의 요체로 자아혁신을 통한 신생활운동을 제창하였다. 국민 의식수준의 향상이 없이 민주주의의 실현은 요원하다는 공통된 인식에서였다. 그러나 자유의 사회적 허용 기준, 해방정국의 우선 과제, 남한 단독정부 수립 등의 문제를 놓고는 내부에 도산우파와 도산좌파로 분류할 수 있을 정도의 입장 차이가 나타났다. 예컨대 조병옥·정일형 등은 자유 수호를 우선의 가치로 내세워 반공주의를 정당화하고, 가능지역의 총선거를 통한 남한 단독정부의 수립을 지지하였다. 반면 김붕준·오기영 등은 만인의 도덕적 자유와 사상의 자유를 앞세워 냉전적 반공주의를 비판하고, 남북좌우가 통일단결하여 완전독립을 이루는 것이 우선의 과업임을 강조하였다. 해방후 흥사단계는 냉전 구도의 형성을 전후해 반공 우선이냐 통일 우선이냐를 놓고 입장이 나뉘기는 했지만, 자유주의 원리에 입각한 민주국가의 건설이라는 대원칙에는 의견을 같이하였다. 그들은 국가에 대한 개인과 시민사회의 우위를 내세우고, 의회주의와 정당정치에 입각해 견제와 균형을 기조로 하는 민주정부의 수립을 지향하였다. 그리고 국민들의 민주주의 경험이 부재한 현실을 돌파하기 위해 민주주의에 대한 교육 계몽을 특히 강조하였다. 다음으로 경제건설과 관련해 그들은 실력양성론의 맥락에서 생산증대를 통한 자립경제의 건설에 주안점을 두었다. 그리고 자유주의적 견지에서 전문경영인의 자율성을 존중하는 한편으로, 민주적 노동조합을 육성하여 자본가와 노동자 사이에 견제와 균형을 이루도록 함으로써 경제의 민주화를 도모하려 하였다. 미군정하에서 흥사단계 지식인들에 의해 입안된 제반 정책의 큰 틀은 대한민국정부가 수립된 이후에도 대체로 계승되었다. 그러나 단절의 부분 또한 눈에 띄었는데, 그것은 한편으로 대의정치 원칙을 강조한 흥사단계와 동원정치 전략을 구사한 이승만의 자유민주주의에 대한 인식의 편차와 연동되어 있었다. The Young Korean Academy was a representative of liberal intelligentsia groups in Korea in the first half of the 20th century. They laid the foundation of a liberal democratic state by implementing various policies from the diverse offices in the American Military Regime in South Korea post-World War II. In this process, they recognized the national liberation as a result of the victory of the democratic alliance and argued for a movement toward complete independence, through the self-innovation and self-improvement of the Korean people. In addition, they proposed the New Life Movement through self-innovation as the essence for the democratic foundation of the country and complete independence. This was based on the shared belief that democratization is impossible without improvement of the consciousness of the people. However, there emerged internal divisions, separating Dosan Rightists from Dosan Leftists, when faced with such issues as the social perimeter to tolerate freedom, the imminent tasks in the post-liberation space, and establishment of a separate government in the South. For example, Dosan Rightists such as Cho Byung-ok and Chung Il-hyung justified anti-communism, presenting protection of freedom as the primary goal, and supported establishment of a separate government in the South, after a general election in areas where it was possible. On the other hand, Dosan Leftists such as Kim Boong-joon and Oh Ki-young criticized Cold War anti-communism, arguing for everyone`s moral and ideological freedom, and emphasized that the most imminent task was to have a complete independence through unified solidarity of the North and South, Left and Right. Although members of the Young Korean Academy group were divided on the question of the relative importance between anti-communism and unification around the time of the formation of a global Cold War structure, they shared a main principle of the foundation of a democratic country based upon the principle of liberalism. They strove to construct a democratic government that placed individuals and civil society over state, and that followed the principle of the checks and balance of parliamentary and party politics. They emphasized education of democracy to counter the lack of democratic experience of the people. Next, in the area of economic development, they emphasized the development of a self-sufficient economy through production increase, following the theory of capability enhancement. While respecting the self-management of professional managers in the context of liberalism, the Young Korean Academy group also tried to promote economic democratization by developing a check and balance between capitalists and labor through democratic labor unions. A large portion of the various policies proposed by the Young Korean Academy intellectuals during the American Military Regime were continued by the government of the Republic of Korea. But a certain discontinuity also exists, because of the difference of the views on liberal democracy held by the representative politics-oriented Young Korean Academy group and mass mobilization-favoring Syngman Rhee.