中國新民族運動의 展開 : 五·四 學生運動을 中心으로

鄭世鉉 淑明女子大學校 1966 論文集 Vol.6 No.-

六十運動論 : 學生運動을 中心으로

鄭世鉉 淑明女子大學校 1968 論文集 Vol.7 No.-

Student movement in Korea has been started from the Samil movement with the modern condition and aspects. The Yipal independence declaration and its action which was arisen by the Korean students in Tokyo on February 8, 1919 (shortly before the Samil movement of March 1, 1919) and student independence movement in homeland can testify it. For the ultimate purpose to restore the independence of fatherland under the rule of Japanese empire, Korean student movement had to suffer throes and various particularities of colonial student movement. Even though the foundation from which the Korean race had to be indignant at the time of the Samil movement was originated by the pure racialism, it was brought to naught by the merciless suppression of Japanese imperialism. However, since then, a giant racial liberation moement has been developed adopting the thoughts current of the Post World War 1. Under the circumstances and situations, it was the student classes that they had played vividly practical activities in accordance with such new trend of thought, and many student elites had been engaged in the racial enlightening movement and independence movement. ① In this subject of the Yuksip movement, the progressive process of student movement from 1919 to 1926 was described. ② The Yuksip movement has been sublimated into the dimension of racial independence movement from new thoughts current movement. ③ Though Yuksip movement has been participated into the active organization of "Chosun Communist Party", it could not play the role of leading the whole Yuksip movement. ④ It was clearly clarified that Yuksip movement was the racial independence movement which was unified mainly by the student class. ⑤ The Student leading class from the Yuksip movement has not been originated by and emotional excitement about racial independence but rational discernment and constitution has been mobilized.

혼자 열 걸음 보다 열사람이 함께 두 걸음을

정세현 평화문제연구소 2003 통일한국 Vol.239 No.-

印度支那의 人民戰線戰略과 北韓의 對南戰略 比較硏究

丁世鉉 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1976 論文集 Vol.- No.3

北韓의 國際 커뮤니케이션에 대한 態度와 對外觀.自我像 硏究

丁世鉉 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1985 論文集 Vol.- No.9

The main purpose of this paper is to examine hors North Korea has formed its view of foreign countries and its self-image by means of controlling international communication in the process of policy implementation of national "dehomogenization. " This study further investigates the possibility of social integration between North and South Korea through international communication. The research method adopted in this paper is the content analysis. The source material to be analyzed is the news item of the North korean Labor Party's official papers Rodong-shinmun (The Labor Daily). For the convenience of research, the issues of every last day of each month from January 1970 to December 1984 are selected to be analyzed. At first, Redong-Shinmun' s editorial poilicy with regard to foreign news is examined in terms of the various regional reports' share among total foreign news items. The findings are the criticisms on the foreign countries and South Korea-54.43%, the news about the Third World-22.96%, the commendations on the communist world-21.89%, and the simple reports about the Western affairs-0.72%. The foreign news in Rodong-Shinmun covers about a third of the total items. Thus, 18. L4U of the total news of Rodong-Shinmun is covered with the the criticisms on the foreign countries and South Korea. In addition, this paper examines the frequency of appearances of each subject to analyze North Korean attitudes toward the international and the South Korean affairs. Among the critical reports on the Western world, the blames on the U.S. take the largest portion, and the items concerning the institutional decay and disturbance of the capitalist societies the second, and the criticisms on Japan the least. The commending reports on the communist world axe focusing on the cases of the small communist states rather than those of Russia and China. This seems to imply that North Korea has intended to restrain itself from reporting the superior socialist institutions to that of North Korea. In the articles on South Korea, Rodong-Shinmun has consistently insisted that South Korea has undergone the increasing social turbulences because of the political disorder and the economic breakdown. It has also said that there is much possibility of South Korean military threats and attacks toward North Korea. From this, we can see well that North Korea utilizes Rodong-Shinmun as another ideology-educational program in order to establish its regime legitimacy. As reviewed above, North Korea, therefore, seems to employ even international communication as a means of "Revolution and Construction" to consolidate the dictatorship of Kim il-Sung and Kim Jung-il. Judging from the North Korean atitudes toward international communication, the situation seems still too far from solving the problem of national "dehomogenigation" between North and South Korea. Thus, a concrete scheme for the social integration of the two Korean through international communication will be available only after South Korea evokes the North Korea's open-door policy by adopting an appeasement policy.

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정세현 한국경영정보학회 2002 한국경영정보학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2002 No.-

日帝治下의 婦女運動小考 : 民族運動과의 關聯을 中心으로

鄭世鉉 淑明女子大學校 亞細亞女性問題硏究所 1963 아시아여성연구 Vol.2 No.-

Women's movement in Korea was begun from 1910 by the newly educated women. Although women's movement was not for rising of their economic arid social situation, as in Western Europe, but it became only a starting point of women's enlightenment movement. In another words, Korean women's movement was always tightly connected with Koran independent movement because whole Korea was under the occupation of the Japanese imperialism. The most characteristic period of Korean women's movement has been appeared from Samil(三·一) Independent Movement in 1919. Korean Women's movement has developed by two ground structure. First, main task of Korean women's movement was educational enlightenment for vast strata of women's illiteracy. Second, through the enlightenment of women's situation, gradually they turned into their resistance to the Japanese Imperialist's occupation. From such point of two ground structure, Korean women's movement gradually became the social and political movement. Korean women's up and down movement has same pace with Korean independent movement because of the character of resistance against the Japanese government. This character has been expressed most apparently, in foundation of Kun-U Association (槿友會) which could be seen most concentrated body for women's movement under the Japanese occupation. Kun-U Association was founded by integration of two society, Dang-U Association(同友會) and Christian women's societies, one was fighting for liberation of women with social and political point of view, the other was enlightening for vast strata of Christian women. Nevertheless, by 1930, Kun-U Association has disappeared under the ground, as another Korean independent societies by much more severe Japanese oppression than before.

中國의 初期 婦女 近代化運動과 思想

鄭世鉉 淑明女子大學校 亞細亞女性問題硏究所 1967 아시아여성연구 Vol.6 No.-

The early process of Chinese women's awakening to the new tide of modern idea is surveyed here. Chinese women have been living through the history of every period, never participating in the leading role but ever subordinated under the system of giving the precedence on the father's side. In reality, the early movement for modernization of chinese women was never an independent movement as a women's affair. It was developed side by side with the Chinese modernization movement repeating its dissolution and reorganization in the broad and complicated form. But the unique problem of the chinese women's affair was the fact that it was more restricted by the tradition than any other features in the modern ,chinese society. The Opium War was the beginning of the march of European great powers on China. After that war, the movement for modernizing Chinese was proceeded in concrete form. In the process of this great movement every factor of modernizing women held up its head as a social problem or as a human relations problem. This paper classifies the observation of these matters into three courses; first to observe the position of women at home and in society, second to observe the participation of women in the new education, and third to observe the representative women movement in the period of political renovation, around the period of Sin-Hae (辛亥) Revolution, and around the period of (五·四) movement, and its idea. In short, Chinese women's movement started from the new education. Next the leaders educated by this new education, developing the women's movement, were supported by the men was cooperated.

反淸女性 秋瑾의 生涯와 思想

鄭世鉉 淑明女子大學校 亞細亞女性問題硏究所 1976 아시아여성연구 Vol.15 No.-

Qiu Jin(秋瑾) did not come from a family of anti Cli'ing(淸) dynasty which succeeded to Han People's Society since the end of Ming(明) and the beginning of Ch'ing(淸) Instead, her family served for Manchu dynasty. Thus she had to he restricted by the custom at that time. She got married in a traditional way, but she was talented to military arts and poem. The direct reasons for Qiu Jin(秋瑾) to change herself to a woman of anti Ch'ing(淸) were as follows: First, she was indignant with and was disappointed in her husband while she stayed in Peking. Second, she longed for new culture endlessly. She gave up her private life and went to abroad for studying. Her views on women and nation later published took root during her stay in Peking, though they were more sophisticated than those of Peking's. She saw incompetence and corruption of Ch'ing(淸) dynasty after Yi. He Tuan(義和團) uprising in 1900. Moreover, she felt strongly that Han people were suffered by Manchu dynasty. Her consciousness about the problems at home and in society made her to give up her husband and children and to devote herself to the social work heeded at that time. In this research, as pointed out before, Qiu Jin(秋瑾) might have thought the period of studying in Japan as [lie period of training herself to be a soldier of anti Ch'ing(淸). Many Chinese students studying in Japan, thought that the new way to seek their fortune under Ch'ing(淸) dynasty was to acquire new knowledge because Ch'ing(淸) dynasty abolished the higher public service examination system. On the other hand, many other students, who came from families which owed gratitude to Ch'ing(淸) dynasty, led dissolute lives. But Qiu Jin(秋瑾) studied hard and did many extracurricular activities. She led Gong Ai Hui(共愛會), an organization of girl students, and entered into Shi ken Hui(十人會) and Heng Bin San He Hui(槿濱三合會), secret societies and worked also at Zhe Jiang Tong Xiang Hui(浙江同鄕會). She also learned military arts and eloquence and suggested equal rights between men and women and anti Ch'ing(淸) national revolution. She became a member of Zhong Guo Ge Ming Tong Meng Hui(中國革命同盟會) of Sun Wen(孫文) which integrated scattered anti Ch'ing(淸) movements into a nationwide movement, and was appointed to a position in charge of Zile Jiang Slleng(浙江省) At that time, the rules to investigate Ch'ing(淸)students in Japan were proclaimed, and Chinese students, began movements against those rules. Amid these anti Ch'ing(淸) movements, Chen Tian Lai(陳天萊), a distinguished member of anti Ch'ing(淸) movement both in theory and in practice, died. Qiu Jin(秋瑾) asked Chinese students in Japan to return borne, but she could not receive much assistance from many students. She carne back to China with several collegues and began anti Ch'ing(淸) movement inside China. Qiu Jin(秋瑾) was a teacher and. a publisher of .thong Guo Nu¨ Bao(中國女報). She became a militant activist against Ch'ing(淸) dynasty after she joined Guang Fu Hui(光復會) of which leader was Cai Yuan Pei(蔡元培). Qiu Jin(秋瑾) played a .major role it). making Guang Fu Hiu(光復會) as an institution of anti Ch'ing(淸) along with Xu Xi Lin (徐錫麟). She had to overcome restraints of that time which emerged due to tire fact that she was a woman. It was impossible to d0 anti Ch'ing(淸) movement or reformation movement Only with speeches or articles of resistance. Therefore, Qiu Jin(秋瑾) had to build up mobilization system by training members and by organizing meetings. But this work had to be stopped because Xu Xi Lin(徐錫麟) killed Xun Fu(巡撫) En Ming(恩銘) in An Qing(安慶) and were sentenced to death. The anti Ch'ing(淸) revolutionaries were shocked at the news of the activities and death of Qiu Jin(秋瑾). On the other hand., Ch'ing(淸) dynasty was also shocked at tire news. From this time on, anti Ch'ing(淸) revolutionaries became more active them, before and Ch'ing(淸) dynasty he gall to press harder on anti Ch'ing(淸) revolutionaries. The, death of Qiu Jin (秋瑾) was not a matter of simplicity. That should be remembered as a new step. toward Han people's national revolution through anti Ch'ing(淸) movement.

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정세현,문덕희,박희창 대한산업공학회 2006 산업공학 Vol.19 No.3