연구논문 : 「급진주의는 위험하지 않다」 -제러미 벤담의 급진주의자 면모-

이태숙 ( Tai Sook Lee ) 영국사학회 2011 영국연구 Vol.26 No.-

이 글은 공리주의철학자 제러미 벤담이 1810년대부터 쓴 급진개혁과 급진주의에 관한 논설들을 검토한다. 그리하여 벤담의 급진주의의 내용, 옹호론, 전략을 밝히고, 그가 미친 영향력을 확인한다. 벤담이 주창한 급진주의는 의회개혁을 골자로 한 민주주의의 추구였다. 벤담은 재산평등주의의 실행불가능성을 논했고, 민주화 전략도 언론활동을 통한 의회입법에 한정하였다. 벤담의 영향은 혁신적 태도의 확산과 급진주의 관련 용어의 정착에서 뚜렷하다. Jeremy Bentham claimed to be "an old radical" at the age of 75 in 1823, but already in 1810s had published pamphlets calling for "radical reform" arguing inappropriateness of "moderate reform." This paper examines mainly what Bentham wrote under the title of "radical reform" or "radicalism," and investigates a) what Bentham meant for radicalism, b) his vindication of radicalism, c) his strategy for radicalism, d) effects of his radicalism. Bentham called for radical parliamentary reform which consisted of virtual universal suffrage, practically equal constituency, secret ballot, and annual election. Though Bentham called for abolition of neither king nor House of Lords until 1830, this program kept him at the forefront of the contemporary reform movements. In his article "Radicalism not Dangerous" Bentham argued against the association of radicalism with levelling of property by pointing out latter`s impracticability. In order to enforce his radicalism, Bentham thought mobilizing public opinion crucial only to influence parliament to legislate reforms. Bentham`s contribution to the course of radicalism is that he provided the term with an influential definition and encouraged its usage to some extent. However, in the last years of his life Bentham favoured the term "liberal" too, which might have reflected the waning of his commitment to radicalism.

아랍 스프링 이후 중동의 신 극단주의 등장에 대한 연구

황병하(ByungHa Hwang) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2016 중동문제연구 Vol.15 No.1

The purpose of this research is to investigate the background of the advent of new radicalism in the Middle East after the Arab Spring, its current situation, and analyze the historical process of Islamic radicalism. In doing so, it will examine the political radicalism of Kharijites, the religious radicalism between the Mu’tazilites and Hanbalites, the characteristics of al-Qaeda (AQ) and the Islamic State (IS), and new patterns of IS’s radicalism after the Arab Spring. As for the background of the advent of new radicalism, this paper finds that the key words of current new radicalism are takfir, fitna, bid’a, and dar al-salam. They can be explained in particular historical events and people like the Kharijites, Mu’tazilites, and Hanbalites. The central scholars of Islamic radicalism are Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, Rashid Rida, Sayyid Qutb. As for the conflicts between AQ and IS, this research finds that while they are related, they differ regarding the timing of the announcement of the timing of the announcement of the Caliphate, approval of the Shura, and public support. After the Arab Spring, radicalism in the Middle East changed from political to religious. Additionally, sectarianism between Sunni and Shi’a has increased tensions and radical violence in the Middle East. As for the new types of radical jihad, this research found that IS emphasizes economical jihad, cultural jihad, recruiting jihad, and SNS jihad. These various jihads will define the future of new radicalism and ideology of the next generation’s jihad.

급진주의와 모더니즘의 만남— 마이클 골드의 『가난한 유대인들』과 헨리 로스의 『선잠』에 나타난 유년기의 서사에 비친 자본주의의 풍경

이준영 미국소설학회 2005 미국소설 Vol.12 No.2

One of the common misconceptions on the 1930's radical literature of the US has been caused by the general assumption that its political radicalism had a tendency of neglecting aesthetic formalism, thereby deforming literary works into manifestoes of the left-wing propaganda. However, a significant portion of the radical writers in the 1930s robustly disapproved the partisan distortion of literature. Rather, it is fair to say that, far from the negligence and deformation of artistic values in favor of political agendas and party propaganda, they recognized the inevitable and productive interaction between political radicalism and aesthetic formalism in creating literary text. In consequence, influential writers of the 1930s attempted to combine their spirit of American radicalism with the styles and techniques of modernist arts, such as imagism, cubism and modern cinematography, in their literary works. Moreover, by means of the creative fusion between radicalism and modernism, they were inspired to produce radical literature by which political messages can be disseminated to a broad-based audience while maintaining the aesthetic value and formalistic sophistication of the literature itself. Michael Gold’s Jews Without Money and Henry Roth’s Call It Sleep, the masterpieces of the Depression era, should be appreciated as two prominent specimens of the creative fusion between modernism and radicalism. Using the aesthetic languages and devices of modernism, Gold and Roth portrayed the modern landscapes of American capitalism in an effort to accuse them of the absurd contradictions and monstrous inhumanity. As a main narrative device of combining modernism and radicalism, both Gold and Roth used the childhood narrative in which two young boys, Mikey of Jews Without Money and David of Call It Sleep, are not only heroes but also omniscient narrators of the novels. The childhood narrative is also a very effective style for drawing the novels’ popularity and wide-circulation, since the enhanced readability can help the reader overcome the linguistic complexity and formal sophistication risen from the modernist styles and techniques. Consequently, as the novels of radical modernism, Jews Without Money and Call It Sleep succeed in sending their radical accusations against the capitalist society by portraying the monstrous hardships of back-street lives in New York, without sacrificing their aesthetic quality.

낭만기 여성 시인들의 작품에 나타난 종교적 급진주의 : 에너 바볼드, 에밀리어 오피, 루시 에이킨의 시를 중심으로 Focusing on Anna Barbauld, Amelia Opie, and Lucy Aiken

강옥선 한국문학과종교학회 2003 문학과종교 Vol.8 No.1

Historically, an extensive range of religious radicalism made itself widely available to the people of 1790's London, which gave rise to such intense radical groups as millenarianism. Southcottians. Dissenters, and Quakers. During the early Romantic period, women's political discourse occupies a position of dissent against the political establishment, where women's role is normatively defined solely by silent obedience. Among the conventional modes of literary politics by the dissenters, the only formal avenue open to women poets was the periodical, which welcomed her literary contribution, even though these contributions were easy targets for controversy. The works of women poets have been dismissed as unimportant because of not conforming to the paradigms defined by cononical male poets. Recently, women's poems have been considered to contain religious radicalism based on female prophets' radical tradition. As Anne Mellor suggested that the literary tradition of female poet originated in the writings of the female preachers, Quaker theology in the seventeenth century authorized women prophets to speak in public. To be a woman poet within this movement was to possess equally with men the freedom of conscience valued so highly by the liberal dissenting tradition. This paper attempts to read religious radicalism in English Romantic poetry, focusing on the poems of Anna Barbauld. Amelia Opie, and Lucy Aiken. English Romantic women's poems reveal poetic themes consistent with religious radicalism: of individuality, anti-slavery campaign, freedom from oppression, and women's right. Aikin's Epistles on Women provides a challenge to a set of received ideas about female nature after denouncing Pope's and her society's construction of women as nothing more than "a plaything and a slave"(Aikin 818). Anna Barbauld, as a protestant dissenter, is claiming the feminine moral value to achieve a moral society in a male dominated society. Amelia Opie, a Quaker, is desiring the community without any oppression. "respecting slave's sacred image "(Opie 208). The three women poets are considering the peaceful community with "primary equality" (Aikin 818) and without "the Negro's chain "(Barbauld 114), as ideal society according to the belief of religious radicalism.

18세기 초 잉글랜드 급진주의 사상의 굴절 - 샤프츠베리 백작(The Third Earl of Shaftesbury)의 경우 -

윤석민 ( Yun Seok-min ) 영국사학회 2021 영국연구 Vol.45 No.-

제3대 샤프츠베리 백작의 정치사상은 그의 조부인 제1대 백작의 그것과 함께 잉글랜드 급진주의 사상의 전통 속에서 고찰되어 왔다. 철학과 정치적 의제에 관련된 그의 출판물은 급진주의 사상가로서 그의 면모를 물론 잘 드러내지만, 그가 1688-9년 혁명 이후 형성된 잉글랜드 헌정 질서를 승인했다는 점을 들어 그를 급진주의자로 분류하는 데 반대하는 수정주의적 해석 또한 존재한다. 본 논문은 이와 같은 두 견해에 반대하며, 샤프츠베리를 급진주의 사상가로 간주할 수 있지만 급진주의라는 개념을 그것이 사용된 구체적 역사적 맥락 속에서 좀 더 정교하게 재고할 필요가 있다고 주장한다. 비록 샤프츠베리가 일생동안 개혁에의 열망을 한 번도 포기한 적이 없었던 것은 사실이지만, 급진주의자라는 명칭을, 역사가 에릭 홉스봄이 “혁명의 시대”라고 부른 19세기 유럽의 역사적 경험을 근거로 하여 그에게 적용하기에는 무리가 있기 때문이다. 기존의 연구에서 미진한 부분은 그의 정치 사상에서 급진주의라는 레이블을 제거하는 것이라기보다는 그것의 다양한 면모를 자세히 재조명하는 것이라고 할 수 있다. 본고는 그의 미출간 서신을 꼼꼼히 들여다봄으로써 그의 급진주의가 잉글랜드와 스코틀랜드 사이의 국가연합이 논의되던 시기 동안 이념적으로 굴절되어 현상하였음을 드러낸다. 그럼으로써 그의 급진주의 사상이 변용되는 순간마다 잉글랜드 국민주의에 대한 그의 고려와 강한 심정적 애착이 작동하고 있었음을 증명한다. The political thought of the Third Earl of Shaftesbury has long been associated, along with that of his grandfather, the First Earl, with the tradition of English radicalism. Examination of Shaftesbury’s political and philosophical writings demonstrates his credentials as a radical thinker of the time; however, revisionists oppose this view, shedding light on his endorsement of the constitutional status quo as it was established after the Revolution of 1688-9. This essay rejects both interpretations, arguing that it is possible to consider Shaftesbury a radical thinker, but that the notion itself demands rethinking in its own historical milieu. While it is clear that Shaftesbury never abandoned reformist aspirations during his lifetime, it is anachronistic to use the notion as defined in the nineteenth-century European experience in what Eric Hobsbawm calls “the Century of Revolution.” What is long overdue in Shaftesbury studies is not so much to remove such a label as radicalism from his political thought as to throw important new light on its varieties. A closer examination of his unpublished correspondence reveals that his radicalism was frequently being inflected at some crucial historical moments ― particularly those relating to the national political debate on the union of England and Scotland before and after the passing of the Acts of Union in 1707. It also demonstrates that at the heart of such inflections lay his consideration of and adherence to English nationalism.

선군노선과 북한식 급진주의: 이데올로기, 조직, 정책을 중심으로

안경모 ( Kyung Mo Ahn ) 북한연구학회 2013 北韓硏究學會報 Vol.17 No.2

본 연구는 김정일 정권의 선군 노선의 성격과 등장과정을 재조명하려는 시도이다. 김정일 시대를 상징하는 핵심적인 개념인 선군 노선에 대한 연구는 이미 많은 성과를 거두어 왔다. 그러나 본 연구는 다음과 같은 몇 가지 측면에서 기존 연구들과 차별성을 갖고자 했다. 첫째, 선군 노선의 현상적 특성에 주목하기 보다는 그것이 갖는 본질적 성격을 밝히고자 했다. 이러한 맥락에서 본 연구는 <부정(negation)>, <대안적 비전 (visionary)>, <행동주의(activism)>를 그 핵심 구성요소로 하는 터커(RobertTucker)의 급진주의(radicalism)라는 개념을 적용하여 선군노선을 ‘북한식 급진주의’로 규정했다. 둘째, 선군 노선을 외부위협에 의한 필연적인 결과물로 간주하기보다는 국내정치적 변수를 통해 설명하고자 했다. 본 연구가 주목한 것은 카리스마적 권위의 구조, 그리고 그것이 정치적 계승의 과정에서 초래한 ‘권위의 위기’였다. 선군 노선은 급진화를 통해 정권과 지도자의 카리스마적 권위를 재구축하려는 시도로서의 성격을 지니고 있었다는 것이다. 셋째, 선군 노선의 여러 구성요소들에 대한 개별적인 분석이 갖는 한계를 극복하고자 선군 노선을 이데올로기, 조직, 정책의 차원에서 종합적으로 재구성하였다. 이를 통해 본 연구는 선군 노선이 특정한 구성요소로 환원될 수 없는 매우 일관되고 총체적인 노선임을 확인할 수 있었다. This paper aims to explain the nature and the reason for the advent of the North Korean Military-First Line. As everyone knows, there have been so many studies about the Military-First Line of the Kim Jong Il regime. This paper, however, tries to overcome their limitations as in the followings. First, this study is focused on the substantial attributes of the Military-First Line rather than the phenomenal characteristics. This paper argues that Military-First Line is North Korean-Style radicalism, drawing on the concept of radicalism by Robert Tucker. Military-First Line consists of three core elements: anti-imperialism, Great, Prosperous and Powerful Nation, and Military-First Politics. Each element corresponds to Tucker`s three elements of radicalism, that is, negation, vision, and activism, respectively. Second, this study puts emphasis on the domestic politics rather than external threats as the causes of Military-First Line. Radicalization was a kind of authority-building strategy, which responded to the crisis of political authority erupted by succession, economic crisis, and asymmetric end of the Cold War. Finally, this study tries to describe the Military-First Line on the whole, not just in part. It accompanied the organizational and policy changes as well as ideological radicalization. The organizational changes included the advent of the National Defense Commission system and North Korean-style divisibility of politics and economy by Cabinet Responsibility System, while the policy changes was made up of the withdrawal of Revolutionary Economic Strategy, the revival of the priority development of heavy Industry policy for Self-Reliance, and the Defense Industry First Policy.

Integrationism or Radicalism?: Charles Chesnutt’s Representation of the Contesting Ideologies in The Marrow of Tradition

김성훈 새한영어영문학회 2018 새한영어영문학 Vol.60 No.2

This paper aims to demonstrate how Charles Chesnutt’s two central characters in The Marrow of Tradition, William Miller and Josh Green, represent the two prominent but polarized approaches to racial issues, integrationism and radicalism. It specifically examines how the ideals and rhetorics of Miller and Green before and during the Wellington riot serve to evoke and anticipate those of black leaders and thinkers during Chesnutt’s lifetime and in later decades, including Booker T. Washington and Martin Luther King Jr. with integrationism and W. E. B. Du Bois, Stokely Carmichael and Franz Fanon with radicalism. Regarding how the two approaches collided and interacted with each other in reality, both Miller and Green have their own advantages and disadvantages in their approaches to racial issues in the fictional town of Wellington. The Marrow of Tradition does not seem to fall a good/bad binary because Chesnutt skillfully demonstrates both strengths and weaknesses of the ideologies through Miller and Green. However, the novelist ultimately casts a doubt on Miller’s integrationist position that turns out to be rather unconvincing during the Wellington riot.

Integrationism or Radicalism?

Kim, Seonghoon(김성훈) 새한영어영문학회 2018 새한영어영문학 Vol.60 No.2

This paper aims to demonstrate how Charles Chesnutt’s two central characters in The Marrow of Tradition, William Miller and Josh Green, represent the two prominent but polarized approaches to racial issues, integrationism and radicalism. It specifically examines how the ideals and rhetorics of Miller and Green before and during the Wellington riot serve to evoke and anticipate those of black leaders and thinkers during Chesnutt’s lifetime and in later decades, including Booker T. Washington and Martin Luther King Jr. with integrationism and W. E. B. Du Bois, Stokely Carmichael and Franz Fanon with radicalism. Regarding how the two approaches collided and interacted with each other in reality, both Miller and Green have their own advantages and disadvantages in their approaches to racial issues in the fictional town of Wellington. The Marrow of Tradition does not seem to fall a good/bad binary because Chesnutt skillfully demonstrates both strengths and weaknesses of the ideologies through Miller and Green. However, the novelist ultimately casts a doubt on Miller’s integrationist position that turns out to be rather unconvincing during the Wellington riot.

Jeremy Bentham and Philosophical Radicalism

박동천 호남대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2020 人文社會科學硏究 Vol.63 No.1

This paper tries to elucidate Bentham's political ideas in terms of philosophical radicalism. First, his utilitarianism was a call for a way of thinking radical enough not only in his time, but also nowadays. There still are a vast number of cases where conflicts can be reconciled peacefully by utilitarian approaches, although his idea of a "moral arithmetic" is certainly fallacious. Second, Bentham considered society, law and even nature as fictitious entities. This is a point which has not been adequately understood since, but touches right at the conceptual foundation upon which our understanding of human lives can be built. Elucidation of these two points will show how radical Bentham's philosophy is.

The Great Refusal in Philip Roth’s American Pastoral

Sunyoung Ahn 한국아메리카학회 2021 美國學論集 Vol.53 No.3

Ever since the publication of Philip Roth’s American Pastoral, critics have debated whether the text’s unfavorable and reductive depiction of the radicals in the long 1960s can be attributed to Roth’s own conservativism. The debate has been in part further aroused by his supposedly more sympathetic account of the fall of the protagonist “the Swede,” who embraces all things considered as standing for America itself. However, by drawing on various historical contexts and materials—the history of the long 60s, Roth’s interviews, textual cues, and above all Herbert Marcuse’s concept of the Great Refusal—I argue that the novel is more accepting of radicalism than it allows itself and the critics allow it to be. The novel partakes in the making of the Great Refusal, that is, through which it searches for a more resilient form of radicalism. In that sense, the novel looks back at the long 60s and depicts the age with nuance, rejecting the caricature that it is crazed and enraged.