청말(淸末)의 기독교계(基督敎系) 학교 : 1, 2차 기독교 선교사 대회 전후(前後)를 중심으로

장의식 ( Jang Ui Shik ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.112 No.-

Protestant missionary schools began as an indirect mission to convert Chinese people to Christianity, because it was difficult to get a good result through direct propagation. Education and medical mission were considered a right arm and a left arm of indirect mission respectively. The early protestant school was a subsidiary institute of church, where Christianity and English were taught to poor students. And naturally their concern was focused on the elementary education, since children was regarded easier to convert. The first General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China was held in Shanghai in 1877. One of the important topics in this conference, which is noteworthy in the sense that missionaries began to gather together, was groping the direction of the protestant schools. There was a general consensus on the necessity of education in China. However, there was conflict between two perspectives, one of which was an anxiety on the secularization of the education and the other was the insistence that Christian school should provide more advanced high education. This reflects the subtle change in the nature of education in Christian school. The decision was made on the organization of School and Text Book Series Committee in this conference, which was an epoch-making moment for the mutual cooperation and the specialization for the development of school and the publication of textbooks. The number of different levels of schools was 347, and total number of students was 5,917 this time. Girls' schools were more than boys', girls' boarding schools were more than boys', and American missionary schools were more than schools of Europe. The orientation toward advanced high education became stronger since the conference, which means that the missionary education grew more faithful to the original purpose of education itself. The second General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries in China was held, in which the common concerns on Christian School continued to be discussed. According to the report to the conference, 1,296 ministers of 41 Christian societies, 37,287 Christians and 16,836 students were in China. The School and Text Book Series Committee was decided to be reorganized into The Educational Association of China in the conference. The title of this association gives us an impression as if this association represented the Chinese whole education, which was not made by accident but was an expression of their pride that they were promoting the revolution in the Chinese educational system. This pride consolidated the theory that Christian missionary school should be dedicated to the education in itself beyond the mission, supported by the contemporary critics on the traditional Chinese education for secular success. Though they still kept their belief that education will help mission at length, the balance between the education for mission and the education for education itself began to reverse at this instance. Protestant schools grew up to 30,000 students of 1,766 day-schools and 4,300 students of 105 boarding schools and colleges around 1899. And foreign ministers were 2,461, the chinese ministers were 5,071, and believers were 80,682. Compared with the report of the first conference, the number of foreign ministers increased by 1,9 times, believers by 2,2 times and school students increased by two times in 1899. The change that the Chinese minister was twice more than foreign ministers was also noteworthy change in 1899. However, the protestant missionary school was seriously damaged because of the Boxers' Rebellion, with a lot of schools destroyed or stopped. 135 missionaries and 53 children of them were killed. Nevertheless, after the rebellion was suppressed together with the occupation of Beijing by the allied forces of 8 powers, the educational activities of the protestant Christians became more active and expansive. At the same time the colleges were also improved in system and educational level. Though this has partly been criticized as a "cultural invasion" which was promoted exploiting the change in policy of their own imperial states, the Chinese inner change in the recognition and the policies about education should be made consideration for. In 1901 the traditional state examination system was decided to be completely abolished in 10 years later, and a modern education or school system began to be discussed. In January 1904 Authorized School Regulation was promulgated to further promote the educational reforms. Confirmed of the power of the west, Ch'ing court had to launch a series of educational reforms, which situation gave a great assistance to the Christian education in China. The great reform to abolish the state examination system and build modern school system provided both the opportunity and the crisis for the protestant Christian schools. For the position and meaning of the protestant schools would be prominent, when the Chinese modern education did not have any progress. The many opinions that missionary societies should invest more on education were also suggested in the sense of crisis. In 1903 the number protestant schools except elementary schools was 287, and the number of students was 10,158. As modern school system started in China, the weight that Christian schools took in the Chinese education decreased. In 1912 the total number of students in all levels of schools was 3,077,571, among which the number of students attending the Chinese public and private schools was 2,938,634. And the students attending protestant Christian schools were 138,937, which occupied 4.51%, or 5∼6% when the students in Catholic school were added. Especially the students of middle education or high education almost approached 10%. The colleges participating in the Chinese Christian College Association established in 1919 were 14, and the students' portion among all the college students was 19.45%, which was much higher than that of elementary school or middle and high school students. The high portion in high education means that the nature of education had changed from education for mission to education for education. The number of western schools managed by the protestant missionary society was much more than the Chinese modern schools newly established since the period of self-strengthening movement. The western educational system, educational philosophy, educational curriculum, educational methodology, compilation of textbook, classification of learning, English class, 3 levels' school system that they demonstrated were completely new things which had not been seen in the Chinese traditional education system. Above all, the idea of national education that all the people should be educated beyond the difference between the rich and the poor, between man and woman, was able to supply a new inspiration and intuition for the Chinese educational reforms. The development of protestant missionary school in the late Ch'ing provides a good example which shows us that a human education increasingly changes itself to be faithful to the original purpose of education, even though it started from a special or specific purpose like propagation or mission. Further research will be needed to confirm whether this is universal phenomena or special case in China. Anyway missionary school which provided the provocation and the inspiration for the Chinese modern education became faced with the challenge of the Chinese leaders in the modern national education demanding them to be assimilated to the Chinese reality. Educational Right Recovery Movement of 1920s was waiting for them.

기독교사학의 학원선교사 파송정책에 관한 연구 -기독교대한감리회를 중심으로-

황병준 ( Byung-june Hwang ) 한국대학선교학회 2018 대학과 선교 Vol.36 No.-

본 연구는 기독교사학의 학원선교를 위한 학원선교사 파송정책의 분석을 통해 한국 기독교사학의 선교현실과 학원선교사를 활용한 선교정책의 선교방향성을 제시하고자 한다. 한국기독교학교연맹의 통계에 따르면 미션스쿨은 초등학교 10개, 중학교 119개, 고등학교 161개, 대학 16개, 대학교 33개 등 모두 339개이다. 대한민국 전체 학교 수, 22,159개를 기독교학교 339개로 비교하면, 기독교사학은 전체 학교 수에 비해 1.5% 밖에 안 된다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이곳을 통해 배출되는 학생만 매년 60,000명에 달한다. 하지만 각 교단의 관심과 지원은 거의 없는 실정이다. 교육선교에 뜻을 두고 학교를 설립한 설립재단 이사들과 몇몇 교회가 관심을 가지고 지원하고 있는 실정이다. 학원선교사와 관련된 감리교 장정 개정이 2015년 이루어졌다. 학원선교사는 ‘수련 학원선교사’와 ‘학원선교사’로 구분되는데, 수련 학원선교사는 수련목회자 선발고시에 합격한 이로서 교육국 학원선교사 선발위원회의 인준을 받아 이를 선발하고 ‘수련학원선교사’로 호칭하며 기존 학원선교지에서 2년간 교육국과 학원선교회의 지도하에 학원선교에 대한 이론과 선교실습을 한다. 학원선교사 관리규정 개정안은 미래 다음세대(어린이, 청소년, 청년)의 부흥과 발전을 위하여 이들의 주 활동 무대인 캠퍼스선교를 효율적으로 행하기 위해 학원선교사를 파송한다는 개정이다. 따라서 본 연구는 첫째, 교단별 교세감소현황 및 다음세대 감소원인을 고찰하고, 둘째, 학령인구감소와 비종교인 숫자의 증가를 살펴보고, 셋째, 기독교사학 선교대상현황 및 학원선교사의 역할을 살펴보고, 넷째, 감리교 학원선교사 관리규정개정안 분석 및 주요내용평가를 통해 학원선교사 파송과 관리를 통한 학원복음화 방향성을 제시하고자 한다. This study aims to understand the status of missionary work at Christian schools and to analyze the “School Missionaries” policy at the Korean Methodist Church for educational missionary work and to suggest a sugges-tion based on the revised rules for implementing them. Through this, the study would like to suggest the missionary policy and direction of Korean Christian schools. The latest figures for each ministry indicate a decline in the number of church members, especially the younger generation, although the number of churches continues to grow. Many of the existing church members have moved to different religions or become anti-Christians, most of all, the younger generation is no longer going to church. Among other things, communication with the next generation has become a major problem. The church is not communicating with society, not with the young, and is just trying to stay afloat. The importance of missionary work at schools for the next generation is more important than ever. A Methodist law revision concerning school missionaries was made in 2015. School mis-sionaries are divided into "missionaries of the intern“ and "missionaries of educational missionaries," who passed the examination to be selected as mis-sionaries of the training institutions, and received confirmation from the Missionaries Selection Committee of the Ministry of Education and Missionaries of Education in Korean Methodist Church. The main contents of the revision to the "School Missionaries" management rules are changes in their intent and purpose. The revision also provided a revision to the dis-patch of missionaries to the school to efficiently conduct missionary work on the campus for the rehabilitation and development of the next generation (children, teens, and young adults), the future of the Methodist Church. Therefore, purpose of this study is to examine the present situation of Christianity reduction and the cause of decline of the next generation. Secondly, it examines the decrease of the schooling population and increase of the number of non-religions in the next generation. Third, the study will suggest the status of Methodist schools and the necessity of missionary work at private and public institutions. Finally, the study is to present a direction for the reform of the Methodist missionary management policy and the evan-gelization of private and public institution through the dispatch and manage-ment of missionaries.

중국 근대 미션계 의학교의 발전과 토착화 : 의학교육 체계화를 위한 논의를 중심으로

조정은(JO Jeong Eun) 한국사학사학회 2015 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.31

본 논문은 근대 중국을 배경으로, 미션계 의학교의 통합 및 의학교육의 체계화, 의학교육체제의 통일성 확보를 둘러싼 의료선교사 안팎의 논의를 살펴보고, 이를 통해 중국에서의 서양의학 교육의 발전과정과 함께 의료선교사업의 토착화의 단면을 고찰하고자 한 것이다. 주요 사료로는 博醫會에서 편찬한 The China Medical Missionary Journal을 이용하였다. 20세기에 들어서면서 의료선교사들 사이에서는 미션계 병원 및 의학교의 운영ㆍ관리권을 중국인에게 넘겨야 한다는 목소리가 높아지기 시작하였다. 또 한편으로 본국에서의 지원이 부족하게 되더라도 중국에서의 의료선교사업을 지속할 수 있도록 경제적으로 자립하는 길을 추구하게 되었다. 이러한 움직임을 의료선교사업의 "토착화"라 부를 수 있다. 이러한 의료선교사업의 토착화를 위해서는 의료선교사의 조수라고 하는 역할만 수행할 수 있는 학생이 아닌 직접 병원과 의학교를 운영할 수 있는 수준 높은 중국인 의사가 필요하였다. 이를 위해서는 의학교를 통합하여 교육 수준을 높일 필요가 있었다. 1900년대부터 시작된 의과대학의 설립, 특히 協和醫科大學(Union Medical College)의 설립은 이를 위한 노력에서 비롯된 것이다. 한편으로는 중국에 존재하는 의학교의 교육과정 및 기간, 과목 내용이 통일되어 있지 않다고 하는 문제점이 존재하였다. 박의회에서는 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 의학교육위원회를 설립하고, 각 의학교의 운영에 통일성을 확보하고자 노력하였다. 의학교의 운영에 있어서 가장 격렬한 논의가 진행된 것은 의학을 중국어로 가르쳐야 할 것인지 영어로 가르쳐야 할 것인지의 문제였다. 의료선교사가 목표로 삼고 있던 의학교육의 토착화를 위해서는 중국어로 가르치는 것이 맞다. 그러나 영어를 사용한 교육이 중국어를 사용한 교육보다 더 수준이 높은 의사를 양성할 수 있을 것이라는 반박도 만만치 않았다. 영어교육을 통한 수준 높은 의사 양성을 주장한 대표자가 바로 록펠러 재단(Rockefeller Foundation)의 China Medical Board이다. 즉, 의료선교사업의 토착화와 의학교육 수준의 향상이라고 하는 중요한 두 사안이 서로 대립되는 양상을 보이는 데에 의료선교사들의 고뇌가 있었다. 1930년대에 이르면 미션계 의학교 중 대부분이 중국어와 영어를 병용하는 길을 선택하였다. 중국인을 대상으로 한 의료전문가의 양성과 수준 높은 의사의 양성이라고 하는 두 가지 사항을 모두 충족시키고자 한 것이다. 또한 영어를 배울 수 있다고 하는 점은 미션계 학교라고 하는 특징을 보여주는 것으로 다른 의학교와의 경쟁에서 유리한 점으로 작용하였다. This study aims to integrate mission medical schools and systemize medical education in modern China, look at the discussion inside and outside of medical missionary regarding unification of medical education system, and consider one aspect of indigenization of medical missionary work with the developmental process of Western medicine education in China. One of the major historial materials is The China Medical Missionary Journal compiled by The China Medical Missionary Association(boyihui). In the 20th century, there was an increasing voice that operation and management rights of mission hospital and medical school should be taken over to Chinese people among medical missionaries. On the other hand, there was also a pursuit to be financially independent so that medical missionary work could be continued in China even when resources fell short. This movement can be called as "indigenization" of medical missionary work. For indigenization of such a medical missionary work, it requires high-quality Chinese doctors who can operate hospitals and mission medical schools rather than students who can play a role as assistant for medical missionary. To this end, it is necessary to integrate mission medical schools and improve education level. Establishment of medical college started from the 1900s, especially the establishment of Union Medical College stems from such an effort. On the other hand, there are still problems in that curriculum, period, and subject contents of mission medical schools in China are not unified. To solve this, The China Medical Missionary Association tried to establish a Medical Education Committee and obtain unification in operating each mission medical school. The most heated dispute in operating a mission medical school was whether they should teach medicine in Chinese language or English. It is right to teach it in Chinese language for indigenization of medical education that medical missionary sets as a goal. However, there was a refutation that education in English would foster more highly advanced doctors than education in Chinese. The person who argued that education in English would high-quality doctors was China Medical Board in Rockefeller Foundation. In other words, contrasting patterns of two important agendas: indigenization of medical missionary work and medical education level were attributable to agony among medical missionaries. In the 1930s, most of the mission medical schools related to the mission work selected combination of Chinese language and English language. The aim was to satisfy both the two agendas: cultivation of medical experts and cultivation of high-quality doctors targeting Chinese people. Also, the ability to teach in English means that it is a mission school, which is an advantage in competing with other medical schools.

부산진일신여학교와 호주여선교사의 항일정신- 벨라 멘지스․마가렛 데이비스를 중심으로 -

서경순 동북아시아문화학회 2022 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.72

At the end of the 19th century, about 20 missionaries from the United States, Canada and Australia, conducted missionary work in Seoul. In 1889, Joseph Henry Davies, Korea's first Australian missionary, had a grand dream of Korean missionary work, but died in less than six months after arrival. Joseph Henry Davies' martyrdom in Korea resonated with Australian Victorians about Korean missionary work. In August 1890, the Presbyterian Church of Australia was established. Under the motto of “Mission work of women for women”, the association decided to send the single female missionaries. This is one of the hallmarks of the Australian Missionary Department. The first selected female mission teachers were Belle Menzies·M, Fawcett and J. Perry. They landed in Busan on October 12, 1891, with Reverend Mackay and his wife. The first charity for Australian missionaries is Myoora Orphanage, and they established Busan Jin Ilshin Wowen's School, the first modern women's education institution in Busan, as the number of orphans increased. At that time, Korea was a patriarchal society, and women who were alienated from education took it for granted. However, founder Menzies argued that wives and mothers must be educated in order for developing the nation, and opened a women's education hall to inspire national consciousness and salvation consciousness by enlightening Korean women. Margaret Davis, who became the principal of Ilshin Girls' School in 1914 and watched the end of the school in 1940, was the nephew of Henry Davis, the first Australian missionary in Korea. Margaret's Korean name “Daemagarye” means that she will replace her uncle Henry Davis' spirit of martyrdom in Korea. When Margaret returned to Australia in 1916 to promote the establishment of Ilshin Girls' Middle School in Busan, she visited the Australian Women's Mission Association and appealed enthusiastically to establish Busan Girls' Middle School. The result was the anti-Japanese demonstrations in the 3.11 demonstration of students at Ilshin Girls' School and Dongrae Ilshin Wowen's School. Students who received new education from Australian missionaries were able to express their beliefs and arguments strongly, and their action was completely different from the female image of Korean traditional society. Australian missionaries, who devoted their entire lives to enlightening Korean women's consciousness, were deported to Australia following the decision to close the school following Japan's refusal to force Shrine Greetings. And the first modern women's education institution in Busan disappeared into history.

한국 장로교 초기 미국 선교사들의 신학적 성격

홍철(Hong, Chul) 개혁신학회 2009 개혁논총 Vol.11 No.-

In order to understand the theological nature of the early American Presbyterian missionaries in Korea, we should above all search the history and theology of the Old and New School of the American Presbyterian church(APC), because they are the root of the missionaries' theology. Also, the Old and New School of the APC should be viewed as two kinds of Calvinim - orthodox Calvinism and low Calvinism. The latter compromised traditional doctrines for evangelistic fervor to get more converts adjusting to the democratic ethos of the times. However, it can be said that respectively the positive feature of Old School is doctrinal orthodoxy and that of New School is evangelistic fervor. The theological nature of the early American Presbyterian missionaries who came to Korea should be considered as "Old School theology with a New School tendency." Until at least the mid-1920s, the missionaries who had graduated from McCormick Seminary dominated the Korean Presbyterian mission. After then, the missionaries who had graduated from Princeton Seminary dominated the church. Thus in the early period the American Presbyterian missionaries were primarily those who graduated from McCormick Seminary. The theology of the missionaries of the early Korean Presbyterian church(KPC) was of a conservative evangelical nature. Also, in this thesis the theology of the missionaries who graduated from McCormick Seminary has been examined primarily in two aspects, namely the doctrine of Scripture, and the view of revival. In terms of the doctrine of Scripture, it may be surely said that they were thoroughly of Old School. Yet in the view of revival, Charles Allen Clark mentioned several times in his book entitled The Work of the Pastor the name Charles Finney with his methodology for revivalism. Clark showed in this book and his another book entitled Lectures on Homiletics the evidence of having been influenced by Finney. This means that in terms of revival, he had Finney's view rather than Edwards' view, in other words a New School tendency. Therefore, it cannot be totally denied that the early American Presbyterian missionaries who graduated from McCormick Seminary can be considered as having "Old School theology with a New School tendency." Also, we should be careful not to view New School too negatively, because not only liberalism but also fundamentalism came out of it. In the 20th century fundamentalism received its heritage from both Old School and New School. In the fundamentalistic segment of the New School, it comprised the elements of evangelistic fervor, zeal for moral reform, piety, etc. while holding to traditional doctrines. Today we should make every effort to conform the theology of the KPC to true Calvinism which comprises doctrinal orthodoxy and piety grounded on the Scripture. Because "reformed churches should always be reformed."

초기 한국장로교 미국 맥코믹 신학교 출신 선교사들의 신학

홍철 ( Chul Hong ) 한국복음주의역사신학회 2016 역사신학 논총 Vol.29 No.-

In the early period(1884-1910) of Korean Christianity, Christianity brought a revolutionary change to Korea culturally, socially, politically, etc. The revolutionary changes are as follows: medical work, modern education, rise of women’s rights, abolition of the status system, youth movement, prevention of drinking and smoking, usage of morphin, abolition of idol worship, reformation of old customs such as marriage and funeral, opposition against corrupt officials, participation in independence association movements, etc. Until at least the mid-1920s, the missionaries who had graduated from McCormick Seminary dominated the Korean Presbyterian mission.After then, the missionaries who had graduated from Princeton Seminary dominated the church. Thus in the early period the American Presbyterian missionaries were primarily those who graduated from McCormick Seminary. In order to understand the theological nature of the early American Presbyterian missionaries in Korea, we should above all search the history and theology of the Old and New School of the American Presbyterian church(APC), because they are the root of the missionaries’ theology. Also, the Old and New School of the APC should be viewed as two kinds of Calvinism-orthodox Calvinism and low Calvinism. The latter compromised traditional doctrines for evangelistic fervor to get more converts adjusting to the democratic ethos of the times. However, it can be said that respectively the positive feature of Old School is doctrinal orthodoxy and that of New School is evangelistic fervor. The theological nature of the early American Presbyterian missionaries who came to Korea should be considered as “Old School theology with a New School tendency.” The theology of the missionaries of the early Korean Presbyterian church(KPC) was of a conservative evangelical nature. Also, in this thesis the theology of the missionaries who graduated from McCormick Seminary has been examined primarily in two aspects, namely the doctrine of Scripture, and the view of revival. In terms of the doctrine of Scripture, it may be surely said that they were thoroughly of Old School. Yet in the view of revival, Charles Allen Clark mentioned several times in his book entitled The Work of the Pastor the name Charles Finney with his methogology for revivalism. Clark showed in this book and his another book entitled Lectures on Homiletics the evidence of having been influenced by Finney. This means that in terms of revival, he had Finney’s view rather than Jonathan Edwards’ view, in other words a New School tendency. Therefore, it cannot be denied that the early American Presbyterian missionaries who graduated from McCormick Seminary can be considered as having “Old School theology with a New School tendency.” Also, we should be careful not to view New School only negatively, because not only liberalism but also fundamentalism came out of it. In the 20th century fundamentalism received its heritage from both Old School and New School. In the fundamentalistic segment of the New School, it comprised the elements of evangelistic fervor, zeal for moral reform, piety, etc. while holding to traditional doctrines.

일본 메이지 시기 기독교계 학교의 위기와 그들의 선택

이명실 한국교육사학회 2007 한국교육사학 Vol.29 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 메이지 시기 일본 정부가 기독교계 학교를 단속하기 위해 공포했던 사립학교령과 문부성 훈령 12호의 실체와 이에 대해 각 교파의 기독교계 학교가 취했던 대응 양상을 고찰하는 것이다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 기독교의 전파와 이를 수용했던 계층의 특성, 일본 기독교계 학교의 특징, 그리고 일본 정부의 사립학교령과 문부성 훈령12호의 공포와 그에 대한 기독교계 학교의 대응 양상 등을 살펴본다. 이 연구는 기본적으로 일본 기독교 및 기독교계 학교의 특징을 파악하고 일본 교육정책의 성격을 규명한다는 것을 의미하지만, 더불어 근대 이후 한국과 일본에 있어서 기독교계 학교의 성립과 전개 과정을 비교할 수 있는 근거를 제공하며, 1910년 이후 일본 정부가 조선총독부를 통해 시행했던 식민지 교육정책, 특히 종교교육정책을 더욱 깊이 구명하기 위한 기반연구로서의 성격을 가진다. The purpose of this study is to discuss the characteristics of Japanese educational policy, especially the policy of the nongovernmental schools. To accomplish this purpose, I investigated the characteristics of the spread of Christianity and the classes that accepted it. I also examined the characteristics of the Japanese mission schools and the contents and effects of the Imperial command against nongovernmental schools and the Kunrei(訓令) twelfth number that the Meiji-government proclaimed to control the mission schools. Finally, I demonstrated the crisis of mission schools and their countermove against the policy of the Meiji-government. On the analysis, the results appeared as follows: a) Meiji-government's approval to the spread of Christianity was made not by choice but by necessity. Therefore, the political leaders had negative perspectives of the Christianity. However, the elites and the messes had positive understandings of the Christianity because of the free atmosphere, the chance of English learning, and the western lifestyles; b) Although most mission schools were directly managed by the missions, there were also some mission schools that introduced only Christian spirit. Furthermore, more than half of the mission schools was the girl's mission schools. The number of students in the mission schools was due to learn English and western lifestyles. As the mission schools were faced with the crisis that forced them to choose the question of maintenance or abolition, such characteristics of the mission schools had an effect on waives of Christianity's claim; c) Meiji-government proclaimed the Imperial command against nongovernmental schools and the Kunrei(訓令) twelfth number forbidden of religious education. Under these circumstances, the mission schools had to choose what they had to keep up with the religious education or not. However, regardless of their choice, it was said the purpose of the Meiji-government had accomplished because the mission schools could not be free from the control of the Ministry of Education. The purpose of this study is basically to understand the characteristics of Japanese educational policy through the analyses of the Japanese Christianity and Japanese mission school's state. This study will help examine the formation and development of the mission schools in the modern era of Korea and Japan. This study also will offer the key points to examine the colonial educational policy of the government general in Joseon.

근대 동아시아 프로테스탄트 의료선교의 보편성과 특수성: 한·중 비교를 중심으로

조정은(Jo Jeongeun) 의료역사연구회 2019 의료사회사연구 Vol.4 No.1

이 논문의 목적은 근대 한·중 의료선교사업의 흐름을 비교 고찰함으로써 양국의 의료선교사업에 대한 이해를 높이고 동아시아적 관점에서 의료선교의 보편성과 특수성을 파악하기 위한 실마리를 찾는 것이다. 서로 이웃한 중국의 의료선교활동과 한국의 의료선교활동은 밀접한 관계에 놓여 있을 수밖에 없었다. 중화박의회의 지부로 한국의료선교협회가 설립되었다는 점은 중국에서의 의료선교 경험이 한국에서 의료선교를 수행해 나가는데 영향을 미쳤을 가능성이 있음을 보여준다. 한국과 중국의 의료선교사업 토착화 과정을 비교해 보면, 의료선교활동의 주체가 서양인 의료선교사에서 현지인으로 이행하는 모습은 중국이나 한국이나 다를 바 없음을 알 수 있다. 그러나 토착화의 움직임을 구체적으로 살펴본 결과, 중국과 한국 사이에 서로 다른 배경과 원인이 존재함을 알 수 있었다. 중국의 경우 제1차 세계대전과 뒤이은 세계대공황으로 인한 본국 교회의 지원 감소와 같은 외부적 요인과 함께 중국 내 민족주의와 반기독교 운동, 중국교회의 본색화[本色化, 토착화] 운동으로 토착화가 빠르게 진행되었다. 경제적으로 자립하기 위해 여유가 되는 사람에게는 치료비를 받고, 중국인이 미션계 병원이나 의학교의 주요 직책을 담당하기 시작한다. 한편 한국의 의료선교사업은 일제의 영향이 컸다. 식민지 정부는 의료를 일본의 영향력 아래 두고자 도립병원을 설립하고 의료선교 활동에 제약을 가하기 시작했다. 이러한 상황에서 의료선교사는 의료선교 본래의 목적을 지키기 위해서는 토착화가 필요하다고 생각하였다. 한국인 의사 수는 계속해서 증가하였고 경제적 자립을 위한 노력도 이어졌다. 그러나 식민지 정부의 영향력에서 벗어날 수는 없었다. 중국과 한국의 정치적 상황은 달랐으나, 서양인 의료선교사들이 기본적으로 품은 생각에는 큰 차이가 없었다. 현지에서 자신들은 매우 중요하고 필요한 존재이며, 자신들을 대체하기에 현지인의 능력이나 신앙이 아직 부족하다는 생각이었다. 그러나 의료선교사업의 토착화는 의료선교사의 예상과는 다른 방향으로 흘러갔다. 의료선교사들은 반강제적으로 자신들이 활동하던 선교지에서 떠나야 했고, 토착화의 끝은 혼란스러웠다. This study aims to better understand medical missionary works in China and Korea and find a clue to grasp universality and specificity of medical missionary works from an Eastern Asian perspective by comparing the flow of modern medical missionary works in Korea and China and considering. It was natural that medical missionary works in China and Korea that are adjoining were closely connected with each other. The establishment of The Korea Medical Missionary Association, as a Korean Branch of The China Medical Missionary Association, implies the possibility that the experiences of medical missionary works in China might influence medical missionary works in Korea. When comparing the indigenization process of medical missionary works in China and Korea, both China and Korea showed a the change in main doer of medical missionary works from Western medical missionaries to locals. But a detailed investigation of the indigenization aspects demonstrates there were different backgrounds and reasons between China and Korea. In the 1910s to 1920s, along with some external factors, including the decreased aid from home churches caused by the 1st World War and economic panics, the nationalism and the anti-Christian movement in China and the indigenous church movement of Chinese churches accelerated the indigenization. On the other hand, medical missionary works in Korea were absolutely influenced by Japan. The Japanese colonial government founded a provincial hospital and started putting restrictions on medical missionary works to exercise its influence over the Korean medical industry. Under this situation, medical missionaries recognized the need for the indigenization to achieve the original purpose of medical missionary works. Although the political situations in China and Korea were different, there was no big difference in the fundamental notions of Western medical missionaries. They believed they were very important and necessary locally and locals still lacked abilities or faith to substitute for themselves. However, the indigenization of medical missionary works developed against their expectations. Almost involuntarily, medical missionaries had to leave the mission fields and the end of the indigenization was confusing.

보구여관 간호원양성소(1903~1933)의 설립과 운영

이방원(LEE Bang-weon) 大韓醫史學會 2011 醫史學 Vol.20 No.2

This paper aims to examine the establishing background, curriculum and organization of personnel of Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN(Caring For and Saving Woman's Hospital), the first nurses' training school in Korea. It is attempt to richen Korean medical history by the historical approach to modern nurses' training institution in Korea. PO KU NYO KWAN, the first women's hospital in Korea was established in 1887 by Metta Howard, who was sent by the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of Northern Methodist Episcopal Church. Women doctors who were responsible for PO KU NYO KWAN felt the necessity of the professional nurses' training institution during performing medical activity with the help of Korean assistants and asked the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society to establish the nurses' training institution consistently. Margaret J. Edmunds was sent with the mission to establish nurses' training school in PO KU NYO KWAN. She made regulations for establishing nurses' training school, translated 'nurse' into "Gan-ho-won" in Korean language, made nurses' uniforms and prepared textbooks. Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN was opened late December in 1903 officially. It had various subjects relating nursing in curriculum. The faculty of it was mainly comprised of medical missionaries of Methodist Episcopal Church and Presbyterian Church. Also the graduates of Severance Medical School and the graduates and students of Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN participated its curriculum as teaching staff. In late 1920, Joseon Nurses Association (Joseon ganhobuhoe) discussed about the requirements for admission and the course of study for missionary nurses training school. After this process, students who were qualified for high-level class could have admission for Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN. Medical staff belonged to East Gate Hospital and the graduates of Ewha College taught classes in it. First capping ceremony was held on January 25, 1906 and first graduate ceremony was held on November 11, 1908 in Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN. They were for nurse students who finished proper course of study. Capping ceremony and graduation ceremony were not held regularly. The superintendent of Nurses' Training School graduated qualified students irregularly. The superintendents of Nurses' Training School were Margaret J. Edmunds, Alta I. Morrison, Mary M. Cutler, Naomi A. Anderson, E. S. Roberts, M. M. Rogers, and E. T. Rosenberger. They worked for the establishment of the first Korean nurses' training school, the development of the curriculum of it, the organization of faculty of it and making various opportunity for nursing practical training till the closure of it in 1933. Professional experts of Korean nursing were produced thanks to their efforts. We can identify 49 graduates of Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN, including KIM Martha and LEE Grace. After graduation, most of them worked as nurses in mission hospitals and institutions and taught classes in nurses' training school. Nurses' Training School of PO KU NYO KWAN was the first modern nurses' training institution in Korea. Korean women could turn over new leaves, overcome their traditional view of womanhood which they had as Korean women, and change their consciousness in it.

귀국선교사 자녀의 학교생활적응에 관한 현상학적 연구

김선경(Seon Kyeong Kim),정성진(Sung-Jin Chung) 삼육대학교 신학연구소 2024 신학과 학문 Vol.40 No.-

본 연구는 선교사 자녀들이 귀국 후 학교생활 적응의 주관적 경험과 학교 적응에 영향을 미치는 요인은 무엇인지 탐구하여, 귀국선교사 자녀의 학교생활 적응에 관한 연구와 방안 마련에 자료를 제공하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 귀국 후 5년 이내의 선교사 자녀 가운데 중⋅고등학교 재학생 7명을 대상으로 면접을 진행하였으며, 면접한 내용을 전사하고 분석한 결과 의미화 개념 114개, 하위범주 23개 그리고 최종적으로 5개의 상위범주가 도출되었다. 그 상위범주는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 귀국선교사 자녀들의 학교생활 적응 전의 현상으로는 귀국 전 학업환경과 귀국 전 가족 분위기가 있었다. 둘째, 학교생활 적응상의 어려움으로 문화적 이질감, 관계의 어려움, 교육방식과 시스템의 복잡성, 학업의 어려움이 있는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 학교생활 적응의 심리적 작용으로 소속감 결여, 소외감, 부담감, 친구 동조, 성격의 긍정적 변화와 부정적 변화, 가족관계의 변화가 있었다. 넷째, 학교생활 적응에 필요한 영향으로는 가족의 영향, 친구의 영향, 교사의 영향, 신앙의 영향, 해외 경험의 영향을 꼽았고 학교생활 적응에 필요한 도움을 기대하는 현상도 볼 수 있었다. 다섯째로는 자기성찰, 홀로서기, 적응력 향상, 사회성 증진에 학교생활 적응의 의미를 두는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 귀국선교사 자녀들의 주관적 경험을 있는 그대로 풍부하게 제시하고 관련 연구 촉진에 기여하였다는 데 의의가 있다. This study aims to provide data on research and methods on the adaptation of returned missionary’s children to school life by exploring the subjective experience of their adaptation to school life and factors to affect on it. Interviews were conducted with 7 middle and high school students among missionary’s children within 5 years after returning home. 114 semantic concepts, 23 subcategories, and 5 upper categories were finally derived as a result of the analysis. Five upper categories are as follows. The first category is the phenomenon before adaptation to school life and subcategories are the academic environment and the family atmosphere. The second category is the difficulties of adaptation to school life and subcategories are cultural heterogeneity, relationship difficulties, complexity of educational method and system, and academic difficulties. The third category is the psychological effects of adaptation to school life and subcategories are a lack of belonging, alienation, burden, conformity to friends, positive and negative changes in personality, and changes of family relationships. The fourth category is the influence needed to adaptation to school life and subcategories are the influence of family, friend, teacher, faith, and overseas experience, and expecting help to needed for adaptation to school life. The fifth category is the meaning of adaptation to school life and subcategories are self-reflection, being independent, improvement of adaptability, and increasement of sociability. It is meaningful that this study presents a rich subjective experience of returned missionary’s children and contributes to promote related studies.