연령에 따른 종가 및 제례음식에 대한 인식도 조사

김미혜,정혜경 한국식생활문화학회 2014 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.29 No.6

The research aimed to provide accurate and basic data comparing different perceptions of head family’s food and food for religious ceremonies depending on age with the goal of sustaining traditional Korean food in the future. The gender distribution of the participants was 274 Males (42.5%) and 370 Females (57.5%). Age distribution was 211 participants (32.7%) in their 20s, 215 participants (33.3%) in their 30 to 40s, and 220 participants (34%) in their 50 to 60s. The older generation appeared to beaware of the definition of head family or 'The eldest’s house of head family’ as well as the concept of one’s family five generations ago with more reductive and emphasis than imaginary concept of head family of the younger generation. The image of the head family was perceived as ‘head family’s food’ in younger generations and as ‘eldest son’ in older generations. Family role and meaning most often manifested as ‘succession of tradition’ and ‘cultural symbols’ in younger generations, respectively, whereas older generations responded ‘hallmark of the head family’. Family ancestral rites and head family’s food had positive effects on awareness of head family’s food. Moreover, those with experience in practicing family ancestral rites responded that head family’s food should be more popular. People who viewed family’s food more positively were more open with the idea thathead family’s food could go mainstream. In conclusion, positive perception of head family’s food and traditional pride are crucial environmental factors in public support of popularizing head family's food to the public.

연구논문 : 연령에 따른 종가 및 제례음식에 대한 인식도 조사

김미혜 ( Mi Hye Kim ),정혜경 ( Hae Kyung Chung ) 한국식생활문화학회 2014 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.29 No.6

The research aimed to provide accurate and basic data comparing different perceptions of head family’s food and food for religious ceremonies depending on age with the goal of sustaining traditional Korean food in the future. The gender distribution of the participants was 274 Males (42.5%) and 370 Females (57.5%). Age distribution was 211 participants (32.7%) in their 20s, 215 participants (33.3%) in their 30 to 40s, and 220 participants (34%) in their 50 to 60s. The older generation appeared to be aware of the definition of head family or ``The eldest’s house of head family’ as well as the concept of one’s family five generations ago with more reductive and emphasis than imaginary concept of head family of the younger generation. The image of the head family was perceived as ‘head family’s food’ in younger generations and as ‘eldest son’ in older generations. Family role and meaning most often manifested as ‘succession of tradition’ and ‘cultural symbols’ in younger generations, respectively, whereas older generations responded ‘hallmark of the head family’. Family ancestral rites and head family’s food had positive effects on awareness of head family’s food. Moreover, those with experience in practicing family ancestral rites responded that head family’s food should be more popular. People who viewed family’s food more positively were more open with the idea thathead family’s food could go mainstream. In conclusion, positive perception of head family’s food and traditional pride are crucial environmental factors in public support of popularizing head family``s food to the public.

한국 종가음식의 문화적 의미와 가치

주영하 ( Joo Young-ha ) 한국계보연구회 2012 한국계보연구 Vol.3 No.-

이 글은 최근 사회적으로 부각되고 있는 종가음식에 대해 그 문화적 가치와 의미가 무엇인가를 탐색하는 데 목표를 두고 서술되었다. 고대 중국에서 시작된 종법제도의 맥락을 살피고, 이것을 기반으로 조선시대 종가와 종가음식의 함의를 살폈다. 조선시대 종가음식은 다음과 함의를 가지고 있었다. 첫 번째, 조선시대 종가음식은 지역의 여러 가문이 서로 연계하여 구성된 지역 공동체의 속성을 지니고 있었다. 특히 종손과 종부의 친인척 관계에서 맺어진 음식의 조리법은 지역적 체계 속에서 공유되고 있었다. 두 번째, 지역적 체계 속에서도 종가마다의 예법에 대한 인식의 차이가 4가가례(家家禮)’로 나타났다. 이 ‘가가례’는 종가마다 서로 다른 의례음식의 종류와 조리법을 만들어냈다. 세 번째, 성리학적 ‘식치(食治고와 ‘절음식 (節飮食)’의 관점 이 조리 법에 관통하고 있다는 점이다. 적게 먹고, 음식으로 질병을 예방하는 관념이 종가음식에도 적용되었다. 네 번째, 종가의 상차림에 올라가는 음식의 식재료는 곡물과 채소는 물론이고 가금류ㆍ조류ㆍ어류가 망라된 식단 구성을 보여주었다. 아울러 간장ㆍ된장ㆍ고추장과 같은 장류와 각종 김치류는 종가음식의 맛을 좌우하는 소스였다. 하지만 일제시대와 농지개혁, 한국전쟁과 근대화와 같은 한국사회가 20세기에 겪어온 역사적 경험은 전근대시기의 종가가 유지되었던 사회경제적인 기반을 뒤흔든 사건들이었다. 이로 인해서 종가의 해체와 종가음식의 쇠퇴가 진행되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 일부 종가는 여전히 농촌에서 지속되고 있기도 하다. 21세기에 와서 지속되는 종가와 그들의 종가음식이 유지되기 위해서는 다음과 몇 가지 조건이 요구된다. 첫째 불천위(不遷位) 제사를 모시는 조상을 가진 문중의 적장손(嫡長孫)이 거주하는 집을 종가라고 정의해야 한다. 둘째 농촌에 기반을 둔 종택에서 종가 구성 원이 거주하면서 각종 의례에서 소비하는 음식을 종가음식이라고 정의해야 한다. 셋째 가능한 범위 내에서 종가음식의 식재료는 종가가 위치하는 지역에서 생산된 것이어야 한다. I want to focus on the cultural meaning and value of Korean head family(宗家)food that has lately become an social issue. Investigating the context of clan rule from the ancient Chinese era and investigating the relation between the Joseon dynasty head family and food based on its clan rule. The head family food of Joseon has a specific meaning. First, it has the property of one regional community that connects several families together. Especially, the cookery is shared with the relative of the grandnephew and grandmother within the social system. Second, the difference of perception about courtesy in the social system shows ’Each Family Manners(家家禮)’.It makes each different ceremonial food and art according to the head family in each clan. Third, the conception of Neo-Confucianism influences the cookery of ‘food control(食治)’ and ‘food moderation(節飮食)’. This rule of small-eating and preventing disease applies to head family food. Fourth, the food materials in setting table contain a variety of food such as the grains, vegetables, poutry, fowls, and fishes. Moreover, the traditional Korean sauces like soy sauce, soybean paste, and red pepper paste and the kimchi group reflects the taste of head family food. However, the many events of 20th century of Korean society like the Japanese colonial era, agrarian reform, Korean war and modernization changed the pre-modem social-economic base sustaining the head family. This has resulted in the head family disorganization and the decline of head family food. Nevertheless, some head family has kept on their legacy in the rural areas. Such conditions like the following have been required to sustain the heritage of the head family and food in the 21st century. First, the head family is where the right grandson has persistent ancestral rites(不遷位祭祀). Second, the definition of head family food is the food consumed by the family members in the clan house based on rural area. Third, ingredients of head family food must be produced and obtained in the same region as much as possible.

청소년의 종가 생활문화 현장학습프로그램 개발을 위한 종가 복식문화 사례 연구 : 전남 함평 종가를 대상으로

서리나,유명의 服飾文化學會 2003 服飾文化硏究 Vol.11 No.5

The purpose of this study was to examine the cases of the family head's costume culture and to apply them to field experience education of adolescent's home economics subject. To examine the family head's costume culture, women in the family head in the Hampyeong area, Jeollanam-do were selected and interviewed. The focus of examining the family head's costume culture was on the life story of the family head, the reason to wear or possess such costume, and a motive of making. The findings of the head family's costume culture suggests that the head family of the Mos of Hampyeong had unique shroud making and custom. Also it was found that the eldest daughters-in-law of the Lees of Hampyeong have horizontally exchanged the information of the family head's costume with village women of the same family. They have initiated their costume culture directly through their daughters and it had the great influence on after-ages. The learning program for youth to experience the head family's costume culture consisted of four subjects:(1)Educating the family head's traditional living culture including etiquette training, (2)head family village walk, (3)experiencing the family head's clothes life including natural dyeing and sewing, and (4)a field trip of Hampyeong Local Life Culture Museum. For a model experience of the family head's costume life culture, three families with middle and high schoolers participated in 8- hour experience teaming program. To examine the effect of learning program to experience the family head's costume culture, youth and their parents who participated in the program were asked open-ended questions, which included the content validity of experience learning, impressive experience, model experience level(difficulty), and expected effect after a model experience. As a result, their responses were found positive.

종가문화의 전승기반과 변화양상―경북지역의 사례를 중심으로

김미영 한국국학진흥원 2017 국학연구 Vol.0 No.33

The purpose of this study is to identify the role and meaning of old houses, shrines, the eldest grandson and the wife of the oldest son of the head family as a foundation for transmission in the head family culture. First of all, there were 90 head families that possessed old houses among total 182 head families constituting 49%. The remaining 51% turned out to be Korean traditional houses, western- style houses, and apartments. Old houses are the typical symbol in representing the status of head families. Therefore, most of the family events tend to proceed based on head families if possessing old houses. In addition, culture for entertaining guests is naturally created in this course settling unique family lineage. As for shrines, among 182 head families, 161 of them ended up possessing shrines constituting 88%. As mortuary tablets of the progenitors of families were enshrined, they turned out to be well managed and preserved. Even if old houses and shrines are well-preserved, they are useless if there is no one to use them. In other words, various head family cultures are created as the eldest grandson and the wife of the oldest son of the head family reside creating liveliness to old houses and shrines. In regard of this issue, among 182 head families in Gyeongbuk areas, 84 of them turned out to be where the eldest grandsons and the wives of oldest sons of the head family resided together constituting 46%. The remaining 98 head families (54%) were where the eldest grandson and the wives of the oldest sons of the head family resided outside of old houses or shrines merely participating in rites with ancestral tablets or all sorts of matters of families. However, what was even worse was that the eldest grandsons and the wives of the oldest sons of the next generations who were supposed to be handed down with head family cultures resided outside of old houses or shrines even though the eldest grandson and the wife of the oldest son of head family resided in old houses or shrines. In fact, among 182 head families in Gyeongguk areas, there were only 7 head families where the eldest grandsons resided together constituting merely 4%. In addition, there were 3 cases where they lived separately in the same area, and 3 cases where they turned out to live in a relatively short distance. They all added up to 13 cases constituting less than 7%. This makes it difficult to stably pass down the head family culture and also to guarantee the future of it. Under these circumstances, there are places pursuing to create a plan for passing down ‘ancestral rite right’ that is granted to the head family by establishing blood relative (descendent)-based corporations. As only ancestral ritual formalities culture is left for the progenitors in the head family where the eldest grandson and the wife of oldest sons of the head family do not reside together, it seems that corporate is eligible to serve the role of them without causing much problem. There are also views where they can stably pass down head family culture. It seems that new head family culture is about to emerge along with the eldest grandson of the head family of the next generations. 이 논문에서는 종가문화의 전승기반인 고택과 사당, 그리고 종손과종부의 역할과 의미에 대해서 살펴보았다. 우선 경북지역 182종가 가운데 고택을 보유하고 있는 사례는 90종가로, 전체 49%이다. 나머지 51%는 한옥과 양옥, 아파트 등의 형태로나타났다. 고택은 종가의 위상을 드러내는 대표적 상징물이다. 따라서고택을 보유하고 있는 경우에는 대부분의 문중 행사가 종가 중심으로이루어진다. 그리고 이 과정에서 종가의 접빈문화가 자연스럽게 창출되면서 독자적인 가통으로 자리잡아 가는 것이다. 다음으로 사당의경우 전체 182곳 중에서 161종가에서 사당을 구비하고 있으며, 비율로는 88%이다. 문중 시조의 신주를 모신 사당인 만큼 보존과 관리가매우 양호한 편이라고 할 수 있다. 고택과 사당이 아무리 온전한 형태로 남아있더라도 이를 활용하는주체자가 없으면 그야말로 무용지물이다. 즉, 종손과 종부가 종가에거주함으로써 고택과 사당에 생명력이 부여되면서 다양한 종가문화가 창출되는 것이다. 이와 관련해 경북지역 182종가 가운데 종손과종부가 거주하고 있는 경우는 84곳으로, 전체 46%이다. 나머지 98종가(54%)는 종손과 종부가 외지에 거주하면서 불천위 제사나 집안의대소사 등에만 종가로 돌아오는 경우이다. 그런데 더욱 심각한 것은종손과 종부가 종가에 거주하고 있더라도, 종가문화를 이어받을 차세대 종손과 종부가 외지에 진출해있다는 사실이다. 실제로 경북지역182종가 가운데 현재 종손과 차종손이 함께 거주하고 있는 경우는 7사례로, 전체 4%에 불과하다. 또 같은 지역 내에서 따로 살고 있는 경우는 3사례이고, 비교적 근거리에 거주하고 있는 경우는 3사례이다. 이들전체를 합하더라도 13사례로, 7%를 넘지 않는다. 이로써는 종가문화의 안정적인 계승을 기대하기 힘들뿐만 아니라 그 미래를 보장할 수없다. 이런 상황에서 혈족(후손) 중심의 법인을 설립하여 종가에 부여된 이른바 ‘조상제사권’을 양도하겠다는 계획을 세워두고 있는 곳도있다. 어차피 종손과 종부가 거주하지 않는 종가에는 시조를 위한 제례문화만이 남아있는 까닭에, 그 역할을 법인 단체가 담당하더라도크게 문제되지 않는다는 생각이다. 이를 통해 오히려 안정적인 계승을도모할 수 있다고 주장하는 견해도 있다. 그야말로 차세대 종손의 등장과 함께 새로운 종가문화가 출현할 날이 멀지않은 듯하다.

조선후기 호적대장의 主戶有故 기록에 대한 검토

김경란(Kim, Kyung Ran) 한국사학회 2018 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.131

호적대장상의 戶의 파악은 호의 대표자인 主戶를 중심으로 이루어졌기 때문에 주호에게 有故가 생겨 그 역할을 하지 못했을 때 호의 단절을 피하기 위해 주호를 교체하였다. 그리고 이러한 경우가 발생하였을 때 호적대장에는 주호의 유고사항을 기록하였는데, 유고기록은 주호의 사망을 비롯하여 특정한 사정이나 사고가 있음을 명기하였다. 이 글에서는『慶尙道丹城縣戶籍大帳』을 토대로 호적대장의 주호유고 기록과 이에 반영된 주호승계문제를 검토하였다. 그 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 『경상도단성현호적대장』에서 확인되는 주호의 유고 사유는 크게 사망, 도망, 移居, 別戶, 上典戶入, 爲僧등으로 분류된다. 또한 유고사유를 기재하지 않은 채 주호를 교체한 사례도 적지 않게 발견된다. 유고 사유가 명기되었다는 것은 원래의 주호가 더 이상 주호의 자리에 설 수 없음을 의미하는 것이고, 유고기록이 명기된 원래의 주호 다음 순서에 기재된 戶內의 다른 구성원이 새로운 주호로 이해된다. 이 때 새롭게 주호를 승계한 자는 前주호와의 관계가 명기되는 것이 일반적이었다. 조선후기 호적대장에 기재된 유고기록은 그 사유와 전주호와 새로운 주호와의 관계에 따라 매우 다양한 유형으로 기재되었다. 조선후기 『경상도단성현호적대장』의 주호유고 기록은 두 가지 경향성을 보인다. 먼저 주호의 자격요건은 기본적으로 ‘장성한 남성’이었다는 점이다. 이는 戶籍事目에 규정된 법령에 명시되었으며, 호적대장의 주호유고 기록에 나타난 주호승계 형태를 통해 다시 한번 확인된다. 다음으로 는 주호의 유고기록이 단순한 유고의 기재에 그치는 것이 아니라는 점이다. 즉, 주호유고 기록은 호를 유지․확보하기 위한 의도를 갖고 기재되었다. 이 점과 관련하여 주호의 유고기록은 시기에 따라 다소 다른 성격을 갖고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 17세기에는 주호가 사망한 경우에만 유고기록이 기재되었으며, 이 때 유고기록이 기재된 호는 대부분 계층적으로 上層戶였다. 또한 유고기록의 유형도 주로 ‘故妻’ 로만 기재되었다. 이는 17세기 전반까지 주호유고 기록은 사대부가의 관습에서 비롯된 것으로써 사망한 주호를 호적에 그대로 남겨두는 사대부가의 관습이 호적등재시에도 그대로 무시되지 않았다는 것을 의미한다. 그런데 18세기 전반 이후에는 주호유고 기록의 목적과 성격이 달라졌음을 알 수 있다. 주호유고 기록의 유형이 매우 다양해졌을 뿐 만 아니라 계층적으로 중․하층으로까지 확대되었다. 그 이유는 부세행정과 관련하여 남성을 주호로 세우고자하는 국가의 의도와 관련된 것이었으며, 한편으로는 호를 유지․확보하고자 했던 18세기 전반 이후의 호구정책이 적용된 결과로 보인다. 이 과정에서 주호유고 기록의 목적과 성격이 이전 시기와는 달라졌던 것으로 여겨진다. Since the identification of households on the family register was conducted focusing on the family head who was the representative of the family, a family head was replaced in order to avoid the discontinuity of the household in case the head couldn’t act as a family head due to an accident. Based on the family registers of Danseong-hyeon, Gyeongsang-do, this study examined the records of family head-related accidents on the family registers and the reflected issues of family head succession. The reasons for family head-related accidents appeared in the family registers of Danseong-hyeon were mainly classified as death, flight, move, separation, introduction of master, leaving home to become a Buddhist monk, and the reasons were recorded with two tendencies. First, the qualification of a family head was ‘a grown-up man.’ This was stipulated in the law related to the family register regulations and once again confirmed by the type of a family head succession shown in the family head-related accidents on the family registers. Second, the purpose of accident records were not limited to a simple listing of an accident. In other words, a family head-related accidents were recorded with intentions to maintain and secure a household. In this regard, it appears that the records of the family head-related accidents were differently characterized depending on the period. In the 17th century, the accidents were recorded only when a family head died and the majority of households whose family head accidents were recorded belonged to the upper class. However, the purpose and characteristics of the family head-related accident records changed after the early 18th century. The type of the family head-related accident records diversified and the recording was spread to the middle and lower classes. The reason for such changes was in relation to the nation"s intention to select a male as a family head in order to easily impose taxes, and on the other hand, it was a result of the application of policies aimed at maintaining and securing the number of households and their family members after the early 18th century. In this process, it is considered that the purpose and characteristics of the family head-related accident records became different from those of the 17th century.

명망의 문화정치 - 종족의 상징적 자본과 종가의 사회적 위상 -

박성용 국립민속박물관 2023 민속학연구 Vol.- No.52

The purpose of this article is to consider how symbolic capital, such as the prestige, government post, and court rank of ancestors in the changing process of the kinship system and the agricultural production system, has influenced the segmentation of lineages and the social position-taking of the head family. Firstly, the head family in Korea was established through the development of not only the different institutional practices of the Chinese code of clan regulations but also the transformations of the Korean kinship system, agricultural production system, and social status system. The consciousness of respect for the head family derived from the process of forming lineage villages and clans, which was influenced by the mutual influence of the social institutionalization of Confucian ideology and the expansion of rice farming through intensive agricultural labor during the transition from the cognate system to the patrilineal system in the kinship system which began in the middle of the 17th century. Next, the concentrated symbolic capital of the lineage influenced the segmentation process as it was converted and flowed back as economic and social capital. The representation of a famous ancestor provides symbolic power to the lineage group, which in turn, creates opportunities to secure a material foundation through the exchange of wealth and honor through marriage. The concentration of symbolic capital by the oldest grandson of the head family, as well as the grand daughter-in-law of the head family and descendants, has influenced the establishment of a high social status among lineage members. Lastly, bloodline plays an important role in recognizing the legitimacy of filiation as the great descendant of the family. The identity of the head family is established when the descendants, the oldest grandson of the head family, and the grand daughter-in-law of the head family all practice their social, cultural, and economic agencies. They create the identity of Yangban head families by engaging in social and cultural practices that distinguish them from the head families of other lineages. 이 논문은 친족체계와 농업생산체계의 변화과정에서 조상의 명망, 벼슬, 관작 등과 같은 상징적 자본이 어떻게 그 분파와 종가의 사회적 위상 정립에 영향을 주었는지를 검토하는데 그 목적이 있다. 먼저 한국의 종가는 중국 종법의 상이한 제도적 실천과 친족체계·농업생산체계·신분제도 등의 변화가 조응하는 과정에서 성립되었다. 종가 존중의식은 17세기 중반 이후 공계출계에서 부계출계로 전환되는 친족체계의 변화과정에서 유교 사상의 사회제도화와 집약노동을 통한 수도경작의 확대가 상호영향을 주어 종족촌락과 문중이 형성되는 과정에서 파생되었다. 다음으로 종족의 중집화된 상징적 자본은 경제적 자본과 사회적 자본으로 전환·환류되는 과정에서 그 분파에 영향을 주었다. 명망높은 조상에 대한 표상은 종족집단에 상징적 권력을 부여하고 이는 다시 혼인관계를 통해 부와 귀(貴)가 교환되어 물질적 토대를 확보하는 계기를 마련한다. 종손·종부와 후손들에 의한 상징적 자본의 중집화는 종족 구성원의 높은 사회적 위상을 정립하는데 영향을 준다. 마지막으로 문중에서 대종손으로 그 정통성이 인정되는 데에는 생물학적 혈통이 중시된다. 종가의 정체성은 종손·종부가 사회적·문화적·경제적 수행능력을 실천할 때 정립된다. 그들은 다른 종족의 종가와 차별화된 사회·문화적 실천을 함으로써 양반 종가다움을 창출한다.

Vision of Postcolonial Feminist Jurisprudence in Korea Seen from the Family-Head System in Family Law

( Hyunah Yang ) 서울대학교 아시아태평양법연구소 2006 Journal of Korean Law Vol.5 No.2

The family-head system as inscribed in the Family Law has had enormous significance since the system regulates virtually every legal relation within the family, for instance, through designating a ‘family-head’, usually an adult-male, or the eldest son of the previous family-head. Through this simple constellation, the institution has exerted strong and complex social effects: it defines the boundary of the family, endows a kind of ‘natural right’ to be the head to a family to every adult male in Korea, while it also naturalizes the inferior status as ‘member’ to almost every adult woman in Korea. Although the right of family-head was often conceived as a ‘symbolic’ one rather than a substantive one, the status of a family-head becomes real enough as it means headship in the family document, i.e. family register, which is the identification system of Korean people as well. The history of family law in Korea is a history of women’s movements. This article tries to interpret the meaning of this change within the history of legal feminism in Korea. It will examine the critical articles that treat the women in the family in discriminatory way, and presents how the separate articles interrelate with each other as a system. Based upon this examination, it will introduce the constitutional case regarding this family-head system. From the analysis of the constitutional case, the essay will discuss the question of ‘tradition’ and colonialism. This will be a critical effort for not only interpreting legal history but also envisioning future change.

18세기 호적상 ‘主戶’의 존재 양태와 戶의 모습에 대한 일고찰

張慶俊(Jang Kyung-Jun) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

This study examined the pattern of the household heads and the actual state of households through the comparison of the 1714 Daegu Joambang Hojeok(family register) and the 1720 Daegu Joambang Yangan(government register). In order to investigate the actual state of households it looked into the principles to investigate households and the principles to compose a household. To begin with, the comparison of household heads in the Hojeok and the family heads in the Yangan found that 102 household heads in the Hojeok (54.8%) are also registered as family heads in the Yangan while the rest 84 household heads(45.2%) are not. When examined based on family heads in the Yangan, 102 family heads in the Yangan (63.4%) are registered as household heads in the Hojeok while the rest 59 heads (36.6%) are not. Although lots of household heads in the Hojeok are also registered as family heads in the Yangan, not a few heads are not. In addition, lots of family heads in the Yangan are not registered as household heads in the Hojeok. Among household heads in the 1714 Hojeok, 102 heads that are also registered as family heads in the 1720 Yangan had an overall good economic ability, and probably were family heads when creating the Hojeok. This sets up the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan.’ The validity of the proposition can be proved through 59 family heads in the Yangan who are not identified as household heads in the Hojeok. The 84 household heads who are not registered as family heads in the Yangan had lower levels of status and economic abilities than the 102 household heads who are identified as family heads in the Yangan. Therefore, the 84 household heads are hardly considered as family heads. Instead, they are considered as the mere owner or tenant of a house. This modifies the proposition, 'Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan' into the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also a family head or the owner or tenant of a house in the Yangan.’ A household registered in the Hojeok is composed of a household head, the owner or tenant of a house, and his family or those who have dominance-subordination relationships with the household head. Therefore, as the owner or tenant of a house changes through the distribution of the house or selling or purchasing the house, the members of a household in the Hojeok can be removed or added. Actually, those who live separately are registered to belong to the same household while those who live together are registered to belong to different households. This is because the household in the Hojeok is composed based on the ownership or tenantship of a house. In this respect, a household in the Hojeok does not correspond to a household in reality. Nevertheless, it is not appropriate to consider a household in the Hojeok as the result of a complicated formation process in order to balance the total number of households. This is because the removal or addition to a household in the Hojeok, which seem appropriate at fist sight, appears to be a natural result attributed to changes in ownership or tenantship of a house. Therefore, according to the nation's principles to investigate households, the household in the Hojeok is considered as a legal procedure to grasp the owner or tenant of a house in reality.

종중과 종가 -법률관계, 분재 사례에 대한 대법원 판례를 중심으로

김화섭 ( Kim Hwa-seop ) 한국계보연구회 2013 한국계보연구 Vol.4 No.-

종중과 종가(종손) 사이에서 발생하는 법률관계를 대법원 판례를 중심으로 살펴봄으로써 바람직한 관계 설정의 가능성을 모색하고자 한다. 종중 이란 공동 선조의 분묘 수호와 제사 및 종중원 상호간의 친목 등을 목적으로 공동 선조의 후손 중 성년 이상의 사람을 종중원으로 하여 구성되는 자연발생적인 관습상의 종족 집단체로서, 특별한 조직 행위를 필요로 하는 것이 아니고 관습상 당연히 성립하는 것이다. 종중 대표자는 종중 규약이나 특별한 관례가 있으면 그에 따라 선출하고 그것이 없으면 일반 관습에 의하여 종장 또는 문장이 총회를 소집하여 출석자의 과반수 결의로 선출하여야 하며, 평소에 종장이나 문장이 선임되어 있지 아니하고 그 선임에 관한 종중 규약이나 관례가 없으면 생존하는 종중원 중 항렬이 가장 높고 나이가 많은 연고항존자가 종장 또는 문장이 되는 것이 우리나라의 일반관습이다. 종중 총회는 종중의 규약이나 관행에 의하여 매년 일정한 날에 일정한 장소에서 정기적으로 종중원들이 집합하여 종중의 대소사를 처리하기로 되어 있는 경우에는 종중 총회 소집 절차가 필요하지 않으나, 그 외에 별도로 종중 총회를 소집함에 있어서는 특별한 규약이나 종중 관행이 없는 한 종중원 중 통지 가능한 모든 성년 이상의 남자에게 소집 통지를 함으로써 각자가 회의와 토의와 의결에 참가할 수 있는 기회를 주어야 한다. 종중의 법적 성격은 권리 능력 없는 사단(비법인 사단)이므로 종 중 소유의 재산은 종중원의 총유이다. 따라서 그 관리 및 처분에 관하여 먼저 종중 규약에 정하는 바가 있으면 이에 따라야 하고, 그 점에 관한 종중 규약이 없으면 종중 총회의 결의에 의하여야 하므로, 비록 종중 대표 자에 의한 종중 재산의 처분이라고 하더라도 그러한 절차를 거치지 않은 행위는 무효이다. 종가는 계보상의 줄기와 가지의 관계를 나타낼 때에 쓰는 말로서, 이론 상으로는 본계(本系)에서 갈라지는 마디의 수만큼 종가가 있을 수 있다. 그러나 일반적으로는 집단적인 동질성을 가지는 부계 친족 집단의 큰집을 가리킬 때에 사용하는데, 종가의 가계는 끊겨서는 안 되는 것으로 여겨 자손이 없을 때에는 양자에 의해서라도 그 가계를 계승시키려 하였다. 또한, 종가가 경제적으로 어려울 경우에는 그 친족 집단이 종가를 공동으로 돕는 것을 이념으로 하였으나 호주 상속, 재산 상속 제도의 확립과 함께 축소되었다. 종중와 종가(종손) 사이의 법적 분쟁은 1910년대 실시된 토지조사사업 당시 「조선부동산등기령」에서 ‘종중’의 등기 권리 능력을 인정하지 않았기 때문에 종중 재산을 종중의 명의로 등기할 수 없었고, 토지조사사업을 거치면서 많은 종중 재산들이 종손 혹은 종중의 일부인 이름으로 등기를 마쳤는데, 바로 이 등기 명의인들이 다른 종중원과의 협의 없이 종중 재산을 처분하면서 심화되었다. 최근에는 과거 활동도 하지 않고 실체도 불분명하던 종중이 총회를 개 최하여 대표자 선정, 규약 제정을 하고 종손 또는 종가의 재산을 종중이 명의신탁한 것이라고 주장하면서 먼저 소송을 제기하는 경우가 늘어가고 있는데, 위와 같은 대법원의 명의신탁인지 여부에 관한 판단 기준을 따르면 대부분의 종손 명의 부동산은 종중 소유라고 판단될 여지가 많게 되는 문제가 발생하고 있다. The purpose of this study is to seek the way to establish a sound relationship between families of the same clan and the head family (the eldest grandson of the head family) by looking into their legal relationship in the precedents of the supreme court of Korea. The families of the same clan is a spontaneous and customary ethnic group comprised of adult members of the family for the purpose of protecting the graves of their ancestors, holding a memorial service for their ancestors and promoting their family bond. Therefore, no other special acts are required to organize the group but it is naturally established customarily. The representative of the families of the same clan is elected following the family custom, if there is any. If there is no particular family custom, it is elected following general customs: A leader of the clan or the family calls a general meeting and the decision will be made by majority. If there is no elected leader of the family and particular family custom or rule for its appointment, in Korean general custom, the oldest and the highest alive member of the family tree will family line. Moreover, it was a tradition for the whole kinship group to help the head family when it is having hard time, however, the tradition faded away with the establishment of inheritance systems of family headship and property. Legal conflicts between the families of the same clan and the head family (the eldest grandson of the head family) became worse during the land investigation business in 1910: The families of the same clan could not register their property in their name, as the families of the same clan was not acknowledged to be entitled to make registration according to the Real Property Registration Act in Joseon. During the land investigation business, a lot of properties owned by the families of the same dan were registered in the name of the eldest grandson of the head family or a member of the family clan and such registered titleholders disposed their properties without consent of other members of their family. There have been more cases that the families of the same clan, which did not actively function or clearly exist in the past, start to hold a general meeting to elect their representatives and set their rules. Their goal is to file a lawsuit insisting that there was a title trust agreement between the families of the same clan and the eldest grandson of the head family/the head family. According to the standard of judgment of the Supreme court, it could become a problem that the properties in the name of the eldest grandson of the head family are likely to be judged as the properties owned by the families of the same clan.