1979년, 그녀들의 선택―YH노동조합 신민당사 농성

김원 역사문제연구소 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.128

In this study, we examined the union’s unique behavior before occupation of headquarters of New Democratic Party and the situation of union members who chose the occupation to protect the democratic labor unions. “YH accident based on union members from the bottom” has created autonomous space from the government and employer through self-governing of dormitory and various small group activities. By trial and error of labor union’s leadership, the members could expand their understanding of the democratic labor union through self-correction and meeting and union gathering. Although not highly political consciousness, they did not want to return the situation before formation of labor union. Finally, the union members struggled with patience and developed a “legal struggle” including sit-in, labor condition survey, appeals. What should be noted in the YH labor union activities was that it operated a labor union that allowed many union members to participate in autonomously without forces such as the Urban Industrial Mission Church. The occupation of YH female workers was difficult to explain only with the political incident that inspired the collapse of Yushin regime. After Gwangju uprising in 1980, revolutionary labor force criticized the democratic movement in 1970s as economicism and tade unionism. However, unlike the sit-down protest in 1980s that ended in failure without union members, YH female workers chose occupation of headquarters of New Democratic Party in fear of being driven away and forced to be suppressed by the police. Through many members abandoned normalization of company, process of preparing for long-term struggle was possible due to the participation of members based on systematic preparation and ongoing legal struggle. The union members made up a team and prepared medicines, equipment, placards for protest. This process was to unite labor union and its members. It can be inferred from the memory of the August 10 closing assembly that over 80% of the members wanted to protect for democratic labor union. The closing assembly was not just a space of fear. The labor union members talked about the American labor movement, self-burning of Chun Taeil, struggle of Dong-il Textile Manufacturing, and human life. The reason they chose to protect the value of the democratic labor union was wrath of slavery treament for many years, the shame when abandoning struggle and the bad labor laws over all years. It was wish that wanted to live as a human being who had alarmed society. What has to be reassessed through the occupation of headquarters of New Democratic Party is a woman’s choice despite unimaginable fear and panic. A photograph of the female workers who gathered and smiled after seeing the sitting scene of headquarters of New Democratic Party published in the newspaper was shining constellation that must be recorded in the history of the labor movement. 본 연구는 1979년 신민당사 농성 이전부터 노조의 독특한 작동 방식, 그리고 민주노조를 지키기 위해 신민당사 농성을 선택했던 조합원들의 상황을 검토했다. “밑으로부터 조합원에 기반한 YH 점거농성”은 기숙사 자치, 각종 소그룹 활동을 통해 정부와 사측으로부터 자율적인 활동 공간의 창출, 노동조합 운영에서 시행착오가 존재했지만 각종 회의와 조합원 의견 수렴을 통해 ‘자기 정정’을 거치면서 조합원 스스로 민주노조에 대한 이해를 확장했기 때문에 가능했다. 높은 정치의식은 아닐지라도 그녀들은 다시 민주노조 이전의 삶으로 돌아가기를 원하지 않았다. 마지막으로 조합원들은 인내심을 갖고 농성, 정상조업, 실태조사, 호소문 등 ‘준법투쟁’을 전개했다. YH 노동조합 활동에서 주목할 것은 도시산업선교회 등 외부 세력으로부터 자율적인 동시에 다수 조합원이 참여할 수 있는 노동조합을 운영했다는 점이었다. YH 여성 노동자들의 점거농성은 유신 붕괴를 촉발시킨 정치적 사건만으로 설명하기 어렵다. 1980년 광주민중항쟁을 거치며 변혁적 노동운동 세력은 1970년대 민주노조운동을 경제주의, 단위 사업장 중심 노동운동이라고 비판했다. 하지만 조합원 없는 농성으로 끝났던 1980년대 점거 농성과 달리, YH조합원들은 거리로 내몰리고 경찰에 의해 강제로 진압될지 모른다는 두려움 속에서도 농성을 선택했다. 휴업이 장기화되며 조합원 다수가 정상화를 포기하는 가운데 장기농성을 준비했던 과정은 체계적 준비와 지속적 준법 투쟁을 기반으로 한 조합원들의 참여 때문에 가능했다. 조합원들은 팀을 구성해 약품, 장비, 플랜카드 등을 준비했다. 이러한 과정은 노조와 조합원 자신을 일체화시키는 것이었다. 80% 이상의 조합원들이 노조를 지키고자 생각했던 것은 8월 10일 종결대회의 기억으로 추측할 수 있다. 종결대회는 두려움과 공포의 공간만은 아니었다. 조합원들은 미국 노동운동의 불씨, 전태일의 분신, 동일방직의 투쟁, 그리고 인간다운 삶에 대한 이야기들을 나눴다. 그녀들이 민주노조의 가치를 지키기 위해 농성을 선택한 이유는 오랜 노예 취급에 대한 분노, 신민당사에서 백기를 들고 투항했을 때의 부끄러움, 그리고 이 모든 것을 둘러싼 노동악법을 고치고 사회에 경종을 울리고 한 사람의 인간으로 살고 싶다는 바람 등이었을 것이다. 신민당 점거농성을 통해 재평가해야 할 것은 상상조차 하기 어려운 두려움과 공포에도 불구하고 신민당사로 향했던 여성들의 선택이다. 1979년 8월 9일 석간신문에 실린 농성 장면을 보며 삼삼오오 모여 미소를 짓는 그녀들의 모습이 찍힌 한 장의 사진은 노동운동사에서 기록해야 할 빛나는 성좌이다.

1987년 이후 한국의 노동운동 — 노동시장 유연화의 진전과 민주노조운동의 헤게모니 상실

김철식 한국사회사학회 2023 사회와 역사 Vol.- No.137

This study examines the historical trajectory of the Korean labor movement since 1987. The democratic trade unions, which emerged through the Great Labor Struggle in 1987, established the labor movement’s principles of independence, democracy, and solidarity, and fought uncompromisingly and militantly against the oppression of the government and capital. By doing so, they brought about a significant wage increase, improvement in working conditions, the establishment of labor rights, and activated the labor movement. As a result, the democratic trade unions were able to establish hegemony over the labor movement. However, after the financial crisis in 1997, the democratic trade unions lost their hegemony. In this study, the period from the financial crisis in 1997, to the enactment of the ‘Act on The Protection of Fixed-term and Part-time Employees’ in 2007, is interpreted as a ‘critical conjunctures’ of changes in the labor movement in Korea. Right after the financial crisis, layoffs and worker dispatch were legalized, and restructuring and non-regular workers spread, leading to full-scale labor market flexibility. Labor market flexibility has eroded the base of the labor movement from the bottom up by producing various forms of precarious labor that the existing labor movement could not cover. As a result, the activities of the existing labor movement's main actors no longer represented the working class. The 2010s saw changes which highlighted the distinctions between established labor movement actors and the growing numbers of non-regular, youth, and platform workers. On the other hand, as digitalization progresses, boundaries between different forms of labor are becoming blurred. Individual labor movement actors are now making strides forward, revealing both limitations and new possibilities. 이 글에서는 1987년 이후 30여 년간 전개된 한국 노동운동의 역사적 궤적을 검토한다. 1987년 노동자대투쟁을 통해 등장한 민주노조운동은 자주성, 민주성, 연대성이라는 노동운동의 원칙을 정립하고 정부와 자본의 탄압에 맞서 비타협적이고 전투적으로 투쟁함으로써 노동운동을 활성화함과 동시에 상당한 임금인상과 노동조건 개선, 그리고 노동권의 확립을 가져왔다. 그럼으로써 민주노조운동은 노동운동의 헤게모니를 확립할 수 있었다. 그러나 외환위기 이후 일련의 과정을 거치면서 민주노조운동은 헤게모니를 상실하게 된다. 이 글에서는 그러한 변화가 발생한 1997년 말 외환위기에서부터 2007년 기간제법이 제정될 때까지의 시기를 한국 노동운동 변화의 ‘결정적 국면’으로 해석한다. 외환위기 직후 정리해고와 근로자파견이 합법화되고 이후 구조조정과 비정규직이 확산되면서 노동시장의 유연화가 본격적으로 진행되었다. 노동시장 유연화는 기존 노동운동이 포괄하지 못하는 다양한 불안정한 노동 형태를 양산함으로써 노동운동의 활동 기반을 아래로부터 침식하게 되었다. 그에 따라 기존 노동운동 주요 주체들의 활동이 더 이상 노동계급을 대표하지 못하게 되었다. 2010년대 들어서는 비정규직, 청년, 플랫폼 노동자 등 기존 노동운동 주체들과 일정한 차별성을 보이는 새로운 노동운동의 흐름이 등장하는 한편으로 디지털화가 진전되고 이른바 ‘노동의 탈경계화’ 양상이 나타나는 가운데, 개별 노동운동 주체들이 각개약진하면서 새로운 가능성과 한계를 동시에 드러내는 상황이 지속되고 있다.

민주노조운동의 ‘민주’ 개념 전노협 문서를 중심으로

최민석 비판사회학회 2018 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.117

In Korea, democratic union movement blew up after democratic transition and constructed KTUC as an alternative national labor union center. This study focuses on the strategy and prospect of democratic union movement in the early 1990s through analyzing the concept of ‘democracy’ which was used on the documents of KTUC. Usually the concept was employed for dividing enemy and friend on the one hand, and justifying the practice of the movement on the other. This usage reflected radicalism of the activists in the KTUC headquarter and the united front strategy to resist against the cruel repression of government and capitalist. The concept of ‘democracy’ was used habitually, but its meaning could not go beyond anti-government, anti-capitalist, and anti-company union. The limited perception of ‘democracy’ continued even after labor repression moderated. Consequently, strategical thinking of labor movement in the democratic system was restricted. 본 연구는 전노협의 ‘민주’ 개념을 분석함으로써 1990년대 초반 민주화 시기에 민주노조운동이 어떤 현실인식과 전망을 가지고 행위했는지를 밝히고자 한다. 전노협에게‘민주’는 적과 동지를 구분하는 통일전선적 개념임과 동시에 자신들의 행위를 정당화하는 담론을 구성하는 개념이었다. 이는 당시 전노협 핵심 활동가들의 급진주의를 반영하는 것이자 민주노조운동에 대한 정권과 자본의 혹심한 탄압이라는 조건에 기인하는 것이었다. ‘민주’ 개념은 습관처럼 사용되었지만 그 내용은 반정권, 반자본, 반어용을 넘어서 전개되지 못했다. 민주주의에 대한 제한적 인식은 민주노조운동에 대한 탄압이 이완된 이후에도 지속되면서 ‘민주주의’ 내부에서의 행위에 대한 노동운동의 전략적 사고를 가로막는 결과를 가져왔다.

5·3 인천민주화운동과 노동자의 역할

김영곤(Kim, Youn-Gkon) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2007 인천학연구 Vol.6 No.-

The May 3rd Democratization Movement at Incheon organized in 1986 is great movement of the history of Korean labor movement. The Korean working class who grown during the era of industrialization wanted the living wages, the right to unite and organized the strikes at Daewoo Motor Co. and Kuro Industrial complex. At this time the Jeon Doowhan government promoted the dualistic cabinet system through the amendment of the constitution by the want of the America and the capital. But the oppositional Sinmindang Party scheduled a plate hanging ceremony in Incheon City for the constitutional amendment to elect president directly in Incheon City. Also the workers, students, democratic civil movement planned big rally at this time to tighten the way of constitutional amendment and to say their own slogan. 50 thousands people gathered at this rally. The 2 thousands workers were pre-organized and they were 20% of pre-organized 10 thousands demonstrators. They are came from the Incheon City and near Seoul Metropolitan urban area. The workers took rally and shouted "Democracy!" "Anti-Dictatorship!" "Anti- America!" and "Living Wages!" "Rights to Unite!" "Establish the constitution for people!" By the organizational viewpoint this was the greatest accident after the Korean War. This worker's rally was hosted by the Seoul Labor Movement Federation & the Incheon Democratic Workers Confederation. But they neglected the people's line and oppressed by government, so dismantled after the 5?3 movement. After then the people won the democracy and constitution at the Democratic Revolt of June 1987 and elected the president by direct vote of people. The rights of workers developed at the Great Workers' Strike 1987. And widened the stream of anti-America. Sexual harassment to the woman worker Miss. Kwon Insook by police made the women's movement closed to gender issue. The progressive attitude shown by the 5?3 Movement will be good discipline for the nowadays labor movement who went the way of economic benefit-oriented unionism and neglected the living of working class & workers' internationalism.

반세계화 국제연대와 한국 민주노조운동: 민주노총의 국제연대사업을 중심으로

김영수 한신대학교 민주사회정책연구원 2009 민주사회와 정책연구 Vol.0 No.15

From the beginning of 21st, the Labor and people, though they dominated by the TINA(There is no alternative) ideology for some time, are have been struggling against globalizing of the capital at every inch of the world. The democratic trade union movement has developed the movement for international solidarity since they founded the Confederation of Trade Union (KCTU). Because quite a few of the International trade union and international labor groups encouraged KCTU to struggle against the Korea Government of the KCTU. The history of the international solidarity movement in the Korea is divided into three periods ; the period of preparation, the period of jump, and the period of development. The types of the international solidarity movement in the Korea are divided into four types: the type of momental mutual understanding solidarity, the type of continual mutual understanding solidarity, the type of momental struggling solidarity, the type of continual struggling solidarity. KCTU made the most of struggling against globalizing to develop international solidarity. But The KCTU must break through the limits of the international solidarity movement they had, which is a strategic subject for developing international solidarity. They have some problems to solve to develop it. Firstly, The KCTU must push ahead with breeding activists for the international solidarity movement in the Korea. Secondly, the KCTU must build a mutual understanding system between leaders and union members. Thirdly, the KCTU must have a strategy to develop mutual understanding solidarity and struggle solidarity between workforce and workforce. Fourth, the KCTU must be in accordance between strategic end of the movement international solidarity and many types of the international solidarity movement in the Korea. Lastly, the KCTU must be in accordance between midium-long term end of the movement international solidarity and organization developing strategy to build international industrial trade union. 세계 노동자·민중은 한동안 ‘대안의 부재(There is no alternative: TINA)’라는 자본의 세계적 지배이데올로기에 의해 지배당했지만 1990년대 말 이후 자본의 세계화에 저항하는 사회운동을 세계 곳곳에서 전개하기 시작했다. 민주노조운동의 국제연대활동은 1990년 이후 본격적으로 전개되었지만 1996년 민주노총의 노동관계법 개악에 저항하는 총파업투쟁과 국제자유노련에 가입하면서 발전하기 시작했는데, 민주노조운동의 국제연대활동은 연대사업의 형식과 내용에 따라 시기적으로는 준비기, 도약기, 발전기로 구분되고 유형적으로는 계기적 소통연대, 일상적 소통연대, 계기적 투쟁연대, 일상적 투쟁연대로 구분되었다. 국내외적으로 전개된 반세계화 투쟁은 민주노총의 국제연대활동을 발전시키는 데 있어 실질적인 동력으로 작용했다. 그러나 민주노총의 국제연대활동은 적지 않은 한계를 내포한 상태에서 발전해왔기 때문에 그 한계를 극복하는 차원에서 국제연대활동의 전략적 과제가 도출되었다. 첫째, 국제연대활동의 주체역량을 양성하기 위한 사업이 추진되어야 한다. 둘째, 국제연대활동에 대한 노조 간부와 조합원 간의 소통체계를 구축해야 한다. 셋째, 노동현장 간의 실질적인 소통연대와 투쟁연대를 활성화시키기 위한 전략이 필요하다. 넷째, 국제연대사업을 유형별로 배치해 각각의 유형에 조응하는 국제연대활동의 전략적 목표를 재구성할 필요가 있다. 다섯째, 국제연대사업의 중장기적인 목표가 국제산별노조의 건설이라는 조직발전전략과 조응할 수 있어야 한다.

세기를 건넌 한국 노동소설(2) - 『노동자의 이름으로』에 나타난 열사, 진정성 그리고 1990년대 -

천정환 ( Cheon¸ Jung-hwan ) 반교어문학회 2020 泮橋語文硏究 Vol.0 No.56

이인휘의 『노동자의 이름으로』(2018)는 ‘노동소설의 노동소설’이라 불릴만하다. 이 소설은 민주노조운동의 ‘정치양식’으로서의 1980~90년대 노동소설의 세계관과 윤리, 서사문법과 형상성 등 미학적 요소를 집성하고 또 나름대로 갱신해서 보여주기 때문이다. 이 소설은 1987년부터 지금까지, 한 세대를 건너 연속 또는 불연속 돼온 한국 노동운동을 돌아보는 내용을 갖고 있다. 이는 특히 현대자동차 노조 운동사를 배경으로 삼고, 1995년 부당해고에 맞서다 분신 자살한 현대자동차 노동자 양봉수 열사를 주인공으로 한 것이다. 알다시피 현대 자동차는 한국을 대표하는 ‘글로벌’ 기업이며, 그 노조 또한 한국 노동운동사에서 중요한 지위를 지닌다. 회한과 슬픔의 정념을 가득 깔고 있는 이 소설은 왜 1990년대 노동운동과 ‘열사’를 주요한 소재로 삼았을까? 또 이는 무슨 의미가 있을까? 90년대 노동운동은 80년대적인 노동운동의 문화정치적 성격, 즉 전투적 노동조합주의로 상징되는 제반의 문화적 양식을 이어받으면서, 동시에 자유화ㆍ개인화ㆍ세계화ㆍ대중화로 요약될 수 있는 90년대 한국문화의 흐름과 길항해야 했다. 이같은 거시적인 맥락 하에서 이 소설은 노동운동에서의 ‘열사의 문화정치, ‘진정성 체제’와 노동의 관계 등을 보여주며, 90년대의 한국 노동계급의 문화적 형성과 분해의 과정을 걸었는지 보여준다. 이는 1980년대와 90년대에 대한 지배적인 시대 인식에 대해 다른 의식을 제시하는 것이기도 하다. 90년대 노동운동 자체는 ‘진보’했지만 자유주의 헤게모니와 (대기업 중심) 기업 단위 노동조합운동의 한계 때문에 제한되고 방해받은 것이었다. 이처럼 이 소설을 통해 우리는 1980년대에서 1990년대로의 이행과 또 과도적 크로노토프의 문학ㆍ문화 연구를 위해 필요한 것이 무엇인지를 알 수 있다. This paper examines Lee In-hwi's In the Name of Laborer (2018), the most iconic work of the Korean labor novels. In political terms of the democratic labor union movement, the novel is a collection of aesthetic elements such as worldview or ethics, narrative structure, and figurativity of labor novels in both the 1980s and 1990s, and additionally is an updated version of them to the contemporary readers. The novel deals mainly with controversial issues of (dis)continuous Korean labor movements over one generation since 1987. In order to explore reflect such the history, the work is based on a true story of the Hyundai Motors union movement and casts in the lead role of the movement a Hyundai Motors worker, Yang Bongsoo, who fought against unfair dismissal and eventually committed suicide in 1995. The labor movement in the 1990s continues militant unionism―the cultural and political chracteristics of the 1980s labor movement. However, it has to be also in antagonism with the new currents of the 1990s emerging as liberalization, individualsim, globalization, and popularization in Korea. In this macroscopic context, the novel portrays ‘the cultural politics of labor movement martyrs,’ the relationship between the ‘ ‘sincerity regime’ and labor, and the process of cultural formation and disintegration of the Korean working class in the 1990s. These descriptions enables us to see things from another angle―not from the dominant view on the 1980s and 1990s. The 1990s labor movement unquestionably makes progress, but it turns out to have their limitations at the same time―under threat from liberalism-hegemony, it even changes into giant enterprise-dominated corporate-level labor union movement. Through Lee’s novel, accordingly, we can thoroughly investigate the remarkable transition from the 1980s to the 1990s which also serves as an example of transitional Chronotope in a study of literature/culture.

칠레의 사회 변동과 노동운동: 사회정치적 노동조합주의(Sindicalismo Sociopolítico)를 중심으로

박윤주 부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2023 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.7 No.3

This study delves into the case of the Chilean labor movement, a notable example often categorized as an “old social movement” according to social movement theory. Contrary to prevailing expectations, this movement has defied decline and remained a potent force, actively shaping pivotal moments of social transformation. By scrutinizing the triumphs of the Chilean labor movement, this research elucidates its genesis rooted in Chile’s sociopolitical unionism. While Latin America nurtures a tapestry of novel movements such as women’s, environmental, and indigenous advocacies, the labor movement often bears the mantle of antiquity, or even a target for upheaval. However, the tradition of the Chilean labor movement is distinguished by its strategic emphasis on political discourse and engagement with political parties, a tradition that expands the realm of workers’ rights beyond the economic domain into the social sphere. This proclivity is palpably evident in its endorsement of the Allende administration, its resolute opposition during the dictatorship era, and its pivotal leadership role in the 2019 Estallido Social. In this context, the Chilean labor movement emerges as a beacon, offering insight into the potential of an “old” yet dynamically relevant labor movement.

러시아 혁명기 유대인 사회주의 운동 : 분트의 활동을 중심으로

고가영 문화사학회 2012 역사와 문화 Vol.23 No.-

The present paper aims to examine the activities of the General Jewish Worker's Union in Russia and Poland (Всеобщий еврейский рабочий союз в России и Польше, Бунд), commonly known as the 'Bund'. The Bund had been in pursuit of the two contradictory movements, one class struggle and the other national movement. In the process of dreaming of a better world, the Bund strove to make a better world through class conflict and revolution while maintaining its national identity as Jews. The Bund was a socialist party of Jews, founded by 13 poor students in Vilnius in 1897 and it had been active throughout 1921. The Jewish socialist movement, having started from a secret discussion group of Jewish students and workers, made constant efforts to bring about both class and national liberation, sometimes in collaboration with and other times in separation from the Russian Socialist Democratic Party, the leading force of the Russian Revolution in the turbulent times of the late 19th to the early 20th century. Following the Pogrom in 1903, the Bund had separated from the Russian Social Democratic Party and put more focus on addressing the national question of Jews in Russia. Then after the 1905 Revolution, when the Russian government cracked down the revolutionary forces, the Jewish organization returned to collaborate with the Russian Socialists and put joint efforts to abolish the 650 discriminatory laws against Jews, in the February Revolution in 1917. After the February Revolution, the Bund which had been in support of the Temporary Government in the February Revolution did not support it in the October Revolution. However, it kept supporting the Revolutionary Government again, witnessing the Bolsheviks to oppose the pogrom against Jews committed by the White Army in the Civil War. The Bund had led a total of 312 strikes of Jewish workers between 1898~1900 which took place in the north-west part of Russian and in Poland. Between 1901-1902, it published newspapers in 400,000 issues, organizing 170 strikes and 30 street demonstrations. Until 1921, the Jewish movement held eight times of the Congress and 13 general assemblies. The Bund, transforming from an intellectual gathering to the labor movement, played an important role in making Yiddish as the major language in the communication amongst Jewish proletariats. It worked itself up to the political party. When the majority of its members were purged in the earlog 1930s, the movement saw its fortune declining and its dream frustrated in the really existing socialism in the Soviet Union. However, it should be emphasized that it laid the foundation for the Russian Revolution, contributing to the development not only of the Jewish or Russian history but also to that of the world history.

인도네시아에서의 노동자 리더십의 등장 : 동부자바 시도아르조의 마스삐온 1단지 사례 The Case of Maspion UnitⅠin Sidoarjo, East Java

전제성 한국동남아학회 2003 동남아시아연구 Vol.13 No.1

Democratization has brought meaningful changes to the labor movements. One of the notable changes occurred at the plant-level after democratization. Workers' resistance or "unjuk rasa"(shop-floor demonstrations)under the Suharto regime had been largely occurred as "resistance without organization", which could not lead to the establishment of representative unions at plants. In the post-Suharto era, by contrast, "resistance with organization" has developed. This study examines how democratization changes labor movements from the bottom, through the case of Maspion worker strikes. Maspion Unit I is located in Siloarto, the industrial area beside Surabaya. I conducted in-depth interviews with Maspion strike leaders and utilized a methodology of participatory observation of the union activities, during fieldwork conducted from January to May 2001. Acoording to the fieldwork data, this study argue the emergence of working-class leadership from the plant level unions. The emergence of a working-class leadership with a mass-base and financial autonomy, has influenced management by decreasing the shop-floor despotism, and revealed that the elite-oriented labor movement is in a process of change towards a "labor movement by the working class" in post-Suharto Indonesia.

동일방직 사건과 1970년대 여성노동자, 그리고 지식

홍석률(Seuk-ryule Hong) 역사비평사 2015 역사비평 Vol.- No.112

This paper re-evaluates the meaning of the resistance of female laborers in the Dongil textile factory, focusing on the developing awareness of their rights as laborers in society. What happened in the factory in late 1970s was notorious for the violent suppression of its labor movement, the female workers’ naked demonstration and poop? terror. This kind of authorized terror illustrates have difficult it was to form a labor union with freedom and independence and to operate as a ‘Democratic Union’ under the Park Chung-hee government which drove export-led economic development while retaining its anti-labor policy. Intellectual awareness and knowledge development of female laborers was achieved through the combined activities of a small group of labor unions and a missionary labor organization. In this context, this paper examines some implications and issues of knowledge development in the labor movement in relation to the liberation of oppressed people.