조슈파 데라우치 마사타케(寺內正毅)와 조선 통치

이형식(Lee, Hyoung-sik) 호서사학회 2019 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.91

본고에서는 조슈파의 리더인 데라우치의 조선통치구상을 대륙침략 구상과의 상관관계 속에서 살펴보았다. 데라우치는 식민지 총독에는 무관만이 취임할 수 있도록 규정한 식민지관제를 무기로 오쿠마 내각 성립 후 대만, 관동주에도 자신의 세력을 부식(扶植)시켜 일본 식민지 전체에 대한 영향력을 확대했다. 데라우치는 조선을 ‘육군의 독립영역’ 하에 두기 위해 일본 본국의 정치적 간섭을 배제하고 조선인뿐만 아니라 재조일본인, 외국인(선교사)을 억압하는 전제정치를 시행했다. 조선인 언론뿐만 아니라 재조일본인 언론에 대해서도 언론통폐합 정책과 언론탄압을 강화했고, 거류지를 폐지하여 자치를 박탈하고 회사령을 통해서 일본 자본의 조선 유입을 제한했다. 또한 데라우치는 날조한 105인사건을 통해 신민회, 서북의 기독교신자뿐만 아니라 외국인 선교사 세력을 약화시키기 위해 경무총감부, 검찰, 재판소 등을 동원하여 관련자의 검거, 조사, 재판 과정에 깊숙이 관여했다. 한편 데라우치의 조선통치정책은 대륙침략정책과 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있었다. 데라우치는 대륙침략을 위해 철도·도로·항만의 건설, 교통·통신의 정비를 조선통치의 최우선과제로 삼았다. 이로 인해 위생, 교육에 대한 투자는 소홀해 질 수밖에 없었다. 하지만 사이온지 내각, 제1차 야마모토 내각의 긴축재정, 행·재정정리 방침에 교통·통신의 정비는 제약을 받을 수밖에 없었다. 또한 데라우치는 한국통감으로 부임하기 직전에 2개 사단 증설안을 가쓰라 내각에 제출하였고, 신해혁명이 발발하자 사이온지 내각의 대외정책, 중국정책, 식민지정책을 비판하면서 대륙침략과 조선통치 안정에 필수불가결한 조선사단 증설을 강력히 추진했다. 사이온지 내각이 사단 증설에 미온적인 태도를 취하자 우에하라 육군대신, 다나카 군무국장 등 육군 수뇌부를 움직여 내각을 붕괴시키고 스스로가 후계 내각의 수반이 되고자 하였다. In this article, I have examined the rule of Chosŏn government of Terauchi, in relation to the policy of continental invasion. Terauchi"s influence on the entire Japanese colonies has been increased by corroding his forces in Taiwan and Kanto province, with the colonial control of the colonial governor, which allowed him to take over only. When he took office in the Governor-general of Chosŏn, he took control of the governor general except for local administration such as police, personnel, accounting, legal system, etc. In addition to attempting to exclude the political interference of Japan "s home country in order to place Chosun under the "Army" s Independence Zone," Terauchi also carried out repressive imperialist politics not only by Koreans, but also by re - Japanese and foreign missionaries. Terauchi"s Chosŏn reign was deeply related to the invasion policy of the continent. For the continental invasion policy, the maintenance of railway, road and port construction traffic communication was made the top priority of Chosun government. As a result, investment in hygiene and education was neglected. In addition, two divisions were added to the cabinet shortly before the appointment of the Korean army to the Cabinet. When the Xinhai Revolution broke out, he critized Japanese government"s foreign policy, Chinese policy, and colonial policy. When Saionji Cabinet took a lukewarm attitude, they moved the army leadership to collapse the cabinet and to become the head of the successor cabinet.

고종황제의 毒殺과 일본정부 首腦部

李泰鎭(Yi Tae-jin) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

Emperor Kojong died suddenly and unexpectedly on january 21, 1919, at his residence at T?ksu Palace(formerly Ky?ng-un Palace). The retired Korean emperor had shown no sign of any serious illness before he passed away. His sudden death immediately triggered rumors that he had been poisoned by the japanese, and wall posters to that effect circulated throughout the city of Seoul, The national funeral for the deceased emperor was scheduled to take place on March 3, 1919. Indignant and grief-stricken at the story that their former emperor had been murdered by the Japanese, people began to congregate in front of T?ksu Palace to mourn his death. It was this multitude who started peaceful, non-violent demonstrations in the streets of Seoul, touching off what is now known as the March First Movement in Korea, and ushering in a new era in the Korean nationalist movement. Incredibly, in spite of the widely circulated rumor that Emperor Kojong was poisoned by the japanese, no serious report or investigation of the circumstances surrounding his death has ever been made, either in Korea or in Japan, from his death to the present day. Nor was there ever an autopsy of his dead body. With the poisoning story circulating so widely among the Korean people, it would have made common sense for the Japanese authorities to investigate Kojong's death, if only to remove the cloud of suspicion hovering over them. But the Japanese Governor-General's Office of Korea did absolutely nothing to answer any questions about Kojong's sudden demise, nor has there ever been any other attempt, public or private, to look into his abrupt death. Instead, the death of Emperor Kojong has remained unresolved and shrouded in mystery, and has by now all but faded into oblivion in historical memories. Existing sources and new evidence, however, reveal a shocking story behind the sudden death of Emperor Kojong. An examination of the diary of Yun Ch'i-ho and the recently revealed diary of Kuratomi Y?zabur?(1853-1948), has led us to conclude that Emperor Kojong was indeed poisoned, and that, to our surprise, the highest Japanese government officials were implicated in this heinous crime. Yun Ch'i-ho's diary provides a graphic depiction of how the Emperor died by poisoning. And then, in the diary of Kuratomi Y?zabur?, an existing ministry of the Japanese Imperial Household Office in 1919, we find the statements that no lesser personalities than Terauchi Masatake, the prime minister of Japan till just four months prior to Kojong's death, and Hasegawa Yoshimichi, the incumbent governor-general of Korea, may have been behind in the assassination of Emperor Kojong. To summarize the information culled from his diary, Kuratomi learned in late October and early November 1919 of statements that Emperor Kojong had been killed by poison; that Min Py?ng-s?k, Yun T?k-y?ng, and Song Py?ng-jun may have been the culprits; and that Terauchi Masatake and Hasegawa Yoshimichi were alleged to have been implicated initiating this criminal act. Prime Minister Terauchi's suspicious actions against the Korean royal family had shawn up just after President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points Proposal for peace in Europe, which included a clause calling for "self-determination" of peoples under alien rule on January 8 1918.

제국 일본의 사법통일문제 ― 재판소구성법의 조선 적용을 중심으로 ―

이형식 동양사학회 2020 東洋史學硏究 Vol.152 No.-

Regulations regarding courts, such as their establishment, abolishment, precinct, and alteration, were enacted by Japanese law, whereas these items were determined by Chosen’s governor-general. the boundary between legal authority and administrative authority, effected by the governor-general in colonized Chosen, was fluid, and this irrevocably posed many problems such as matters of independence of jurisdiction and guarantees of law bureaucrats’ stable position and their treatment in general. Meanwhile, Chosen initiated its own juridical system and suggested different legal interpretations; this became a threat to Japan. Thus, judicial unification became Japan’s mission. this paper aims to discover the relationship within different legal circles, such as Chosen lawyers and Japanese lawyers, Imperial Japan (the colony) and the Government-General of Chosen (the colonized), and administrative and the judicial system. the “Attempted Murder of the Governor-General Terauchi” raised an issue related to judicial independence in Chosen. Later, this event affected the movement for stable positions guaranteed to law bureaucrats and legal circles and Kurotomi’s legislation of the Court Composition Act in Chosen. Kuratomi became one of the most fervent activists for judicial unification and its application to the Chosen court. However, diverging interests among different political powers were conflicted over the implementation of the Court Composition Act. First, the Chosen Bar Association supported the unification of judicial institutions to resolve the delayed workloads related to courts and for the independence of the jurisdictional institution. Chosen legal officials joined this movement to problematize their treatment and guarantee their status. Their voices were raised with the assistance of Japan’s party system. The political party had been a major supporter of judicial unification since 1918. Hence, the movement for the Court Composition Act reached its peak during Hamaguchi’s cabinet, when party politics and political strife were in the spotlight. Nonetheless, the extra-territories were not easy to homogenize. There were still too many obstacles and different self-interested voices. In the late Pacific War (1941–1945), even after the unification of administrative institutions between the metropole and the colonies and partial suffrage had been guaranteed, judicial unification never came to fruition until the war ended because “Chosen is in a unique condition” and “there were possibilities of the masses rioting.” In effect, the authority of the governor-general of Chosen, a de facto minister of the colonial administration, still remained in the realm of jurisdiction, employment, and general tradition. After August 15, 1945, as another authoritarian cabinet replaced the governor-general of Chosen, the independence of jurisdiction remained an unsolved problem for a long time as a legacy of the colonial period, which is an important matter that Korean society still needs to resolve.

제1차 세계대전 시기 대만총독 인사와 육군 내 데라우치 마사타케(寺内正毅)의 위상

위신광(Wei, Chen-Guang) 일본사학회 2020 일본역사연구 Vol.52 No.-

This paper examines the conflicts over the appointment of the Governor-General of Taiwan during the Okuma Cabinet when the First World War was taking place: the first between the army and the navy; then the next among the army between Terauchi Masatake who supported Andō Sadayoshi and Oka Ichinosuke who supported Ōtani Kikuzō. The decisions behind the appointment of the Governor-General of Taiwan can be divided into two stages. The initial stage was from late July of 1914, when the appointment of Sakuma Samata s successor was first considered, to the end of November, when nominations of the navy were revoked. The second stage, distinguished by Terauchi s spectacular attacks against Oka, started from the exclusion of naval intervention lasted until the end of April 1915, when Andō was decided to be the Governor-General of Taiwan. Indeed, the main concern of the Japanese government and the army during the First World War would have been the The Twenty-One Demands and the issue of building additional two divisions rather than the appointment of the Governor-General of Taiwan. Nevertheless, it was important for Terauchi, who made his way from Army Minister to the Governor-General of Chōsen, to position his protégé at the apex of colonial administration to prepare for his upcoming ministry. The series of unexpected turns illustrated that Terauchi exerted considerable influence not only on the army but also on politics during this period. The status of Terauchi, needless to say, grew unrivaled by the fact that the two of the most prominent figures of the Chōshū clique, Kodama and Katsura, had already passed away.

하세가와 요시미치(長谷川好道)의 대한(對韓) 군사・치안 정책

이승희 한국일본학회 2019 日本學報 Vol.0 No.121

본 연구의 목적은 한국주차군(韓國駐箚軍) 사령관과 제2대 조선 총독을 역임했던 하세가와 요시미치의 군사・치안 구상에 대해 검토하는 것이다. 러일전쟁을 전후한 시기부터 주한일본군의 수뇌부는 종전 후를 내다보고 ‘반도총독부(半島總督府)’안으로 대표되는 군 중심의 한국 지배 구상을 갖고 있었다. 이러한 구상에 따라 한국주차군 사령관이었던 하세가와는 러일전쟁 이후에도 한국을 군사적으로 위압하기 위해 군의 지휘권을 장악한 무관을 한국 경영기관의 수뇌로 삼아야 한다는 이른바 ‘무관통감론(武官統監論)’을 주장하였다. 이와 같은 하세가와의 ‘무단적’ 한국 지배 방식에는 군의 경찰기관인 헌병이 필요 불가결했다. 러일전쟁 종결 이후에도 하세가와는 한국의 경찰권을 완전히 탈취해 헌병에게 맡겨야하며, 전시에 시행했던 군정과 군사경찰을 계속 유지해야 한다고 주장하였다. 한일병합 이후 제2대 조선총독에 취임한 하세가와는 전임자인 데라우치 마사타케의 통치방침을 답습해 커다란 정책 전환은 보이지 않았다. 하지만 제1차 세계대전이 불러온 국제질서의 동요와 경제의 활황에 대응하기 위해 약간의 정책수정은 불가피했다. 이러한 차이는 특히 군사・치안 정책에서 보이며, 헌병을 활용한 국경 경비 강화책이 대표적이라고 할 수 있다. 마적의 습격 등을 구실로 접경 지역 중국 영내에 대한 헌병의 공세적 월경과 항구적인 주둔이라고 하는 불법적이고 일방적인 방법을 통해 국경 경비를 강화시키고자 했던 것이다. 전임자인 데라우치가 중국을 필요이상으로 자극하지 않기 위해 헌병의 월경을 비밀리에 제한적으로 실시했던 것과 대비되는 부분이라고 할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to review the contemplation of military/public order by Hasegawa Yoshimichi who served as the Commander of Military Stationing in Korea and the second Joseon Governor. Hasegawa Yoshimichi who served as the Commander of Military Stationing in Korea from the time of the Russo-Japanese War. The other top members of the Japanese military in Korea had the contemplation to govern Korea through military forces that is represented by the ‘Office of Peninsula Government(半島總督府)’ by looking into the post war era. Succeeding the foregoing, Hasegawa advocated the so-called ‘theory of ruling by military officer(武官統監論)’ that underlines the theory of posting military officer who controlled the military authority as the head of the management agency of Korea in order to oppress Korea with its military forces after the Russo-Japanese War. Thereafter, Hasegawa who was appointed as the second Joseon Governor declared that he would follow the ruling style of his predecessor, Terauchi Masatake, and in fact, there was no significant changes in policies while he was serving as the Governor. However, in order to respond to the commotion of international order from the World War I and the booming economy, a slight change in the policy was inevitable. This type of difference was particularly evident in military/public order policies, and a representative practice would be the policy to strengthen security at the national borders by facilitating the military policy.

일본정부의 ‘韓國倂合’ 실행계획 수립 과정― 「구라치 案」과 「아키야마 案」의 비교를 중심으로 ―

한성민 일본사학회 2018 일본역사연구 Vol.47 No.-

In May 1910, just before the ‘annexation’ of the Korea, there were three ‘annexation’ drafts of “Kurachi draft,” “Katsura draft” and “Akiyama draft” within the Japan government. Considering the attempts of the United States to enter into Manchuria, the situation of the second Russo-Japanese treaty, and the revision of the Japan’s unequal treaties, the “Kurachi draft” was considered the most realistic from the viewpoint of the Japanese empire. As a result, Terauchi Masatake(寺内正毅) intended to map out the preparation of the ‘annexation’ of Korea on the basis of “Kurachi draft.” Consequently, he organized the secret committee for the ‘annexation’ of Korea, consisting of assorted bureaucrats including Kurachi Tetsukichi(倉知鐵吉) from the relevant ministries. The committee prepared a concrete implementation plan for the ‘annexation’ of Korea and at the same time, it was a space for intra-government communication to resolve conflicting opinions among the ministries. At this time, Kurachi, together with Komatzu Midori(小松綠), was appointed as the chief executives of the committee. The annexation preparation committee reviewed twenty two items to be addressed in the process of ‘annexation’ reflecting the opinions of the ministries on the three ‘annexation’ drafts for about fifteen days. The result was drafting of the detailed implementation plan of the ‘annexation’ of Korea.

일제의 한국병합 방법과 식민 통치 방침

윤대원 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2015 한국문화 Vol.70 No.-

The article 「thing about the administration of the Korea / thing about the Korea annexation」 written by Department of the Army former May 1910 is an important material that Japanese military has led to annex in the implementation phase of the annexation. Since Japan decided to annex immediately January 1910, the Army Secretary Terauchi(寺內正毅) and Department of the Army were led to annex. The Army Secretary Terauchi appointed to a Resident-General was entrusted fully how and when to annex. This is meant to be accomplished the continental policy of Japanese military since the Meiji Restoration(明治維新). Accordingly the Japanese military had a full-scale military aggression in Korea as a colony and Korea became the base of the continental policy in Japan. This was an illegal act of aggression ignored completely free will of the Korean people. How to annex Japan chose was two. One was to annex by the petition of the Korea Emperor and the Treaty. the other was to annex by the unilateral declaration. The annexation was done according to the will of Japan as measures of the former. This was externally to conceal and streamline the illegal character of the annexation, moreover was intended to minimize the resistance of the Korea officials and people. Therefore, the nature of this annexation was one of the essential elements revealing the violence of colonial rule after the annexation.

무단통치 초기(1910.10-1914.4)의 조선총독부 -인사·관제개혁·예산을 중심으로-

이형식 일본사학회 2011 일본역사연구 Vol.33 No.-

The colonial Joseon government general in this period was regarded as ‘the politically independent area by Japanese army.’ Its political subject was Japanese army, especially it was Choshu Clique (長州閥). Amongst the military cliques, it was the military forces that connected directly to Terauchi Masatake, the first Joseon Governor-General. However, he and Yamagata Isaburo, Japanese Administrative Superintendent, who were considered to be Yamagata Clique (山県閥) confronted each other centering around their own organizations, to wit, military police and the Ministry of Home respectively. Affiliating with Seiyukai(政友会) led by Hara Takesi, and making the most of energy released during the Taisho Political Crisis(大正政変) that opposed the dominance of military clique(軍閥) and of domain clique(藩閥), Prime Minister Yamamoto had pushed through such reforms as streamlining of administrative and financial system; revision of minister of active military attaché system; revision of civil service appointment ordinance; revision of an order of precedence(demotion of Joseon Governor-General’s order of precedence); replacement of the top-level managers of the Oriental Development Company; cuts in additional salary of the officials of Japanese colony; and reform of the system for colonial control and administration. Among these measures, at first the reform of system for colonial control and administration was proceeded under the lead of PM Yamamoto, however, after 10 months, the Ministry of Home headed by Hara Takesi had materialized this reform plan. The main items included in this reform plan were: revoke of minister of active military attaché system; depriving the Governor-General of his command authority over armed forces; abolition of military police; deleting of the clause of Joseon Governor-General’s privilege to bear direct responsibility for the Emperor, deprivation of the right to make recommendation direct to the emperor; appointment of the Secretary of State for Home Affairs to have supervisory authority over the Joseon Governor-General. By means of these reformative measures, Yamamoto had attempted to modify the power of Joseon Governor-General fundamentally. Even though Yamamoto Cabinet was collapsed, and the reform of the colonial control and administrative system was turned out to be a failure due to Siemens Scandal, Hara Takesi who had deeply involved in revision of the system for colonial control and administration, and the officials of Ministry of Home had come to lead the reforms of colony governance after the March First Independence Movement of 1919. Meanwhile, Yamamoto Cabinet followed by Saionji Cabinet had adopted a policy to cut the government subsidies for the colonial Joseon government general having promised streamlining of administrative and financial system as well as financial retrenchment. The colonial Joseon government general initially had planned for collection of additional taxes after completion of land survey project, however, according to the policy of the cabinet, the government general in Joseon announced a five-year independent budget plan in 1914. Included in the plan were collection of additional land tax(a 40% increase); development of new sources of tax revenue (urban land tax, tobacco excise tax, consumption tax); and opium monopoly. As for collection of additional land tax, Japanese people residing in Joseon started a campaign against tax increase having organized the Fellowship of Survey of Increased Taxation in Joseon and the Fellowship of Landowners in Jeonbuk, and, as to opium monopoly, Joseon aristocracy and men of high repute from illustrious families had taken a pivotal role in opposing such measure. Likewise, Yamamoto Cabinet had forced the colonial Joseon government general to implement the cabinet’s policy and guidelines such as, streamlining of administrative and financial system; revision of an order of precedence; replacements of the top...

경남대 소장 데라우치문고의 서첩자료

하영휘 ( Young Whee Ha ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.50

Kyungnam University has published Hanma Classics in 15 volumes that present the collection of writings from the Terauchi Library, now housed in Kyungnam University. I participated in this publication transcribing and translating these writings in Hanma Classics vols. 2-15. This article aims to assess and introduce this extensive collection. Terauchi Masatake (寺內 正毅) was keen to Korean historical sites, artifacts and writings in particular to plunder the Korean culture and history on the basis of assertion that Korea and Japan shared the same heritage. He complied his collection into the Terauchi Library in the same vein. Letters are one of the most important sources in studying the history of the Joseon Dynasty as they were an significant part of people′s life during the time. The writings in Hama Classics, of which the large portion consists of letters, present vivid and candid description of everyday life. No single piece is worthless as they are the truthful evidence of history. Yamaguchi Prefecture Library still keeps 19 scrapbooks of Joseon kings` writing including 11 books of Jeongjo`s and five books of eminent personages. It is imperative to extend our study to those remaining works in Japan in the near future.

시정오년기념조선물산공진회와 1910년대 식민지 조선 : 공진회 개최 과정과 일본인사회의 협찬활동

이동훈(Yee, Dong-Hoon)(李東勳) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

本稿では、1915年(大正4)の秋に京城で開催された｢始政五年記念朝鮮物産共進会｣は、施政五年間の｢進歩改善｣を可視化することで、植民地支配の正当性を宣伝する装置であった。同じ時期に｢内地｣で行われた博覧会は大衆娯楽·消費文化の場として定着しつつあったが、朝鮮では初めて体験する｢近代｣の空間であった。その名称は共進会と称されたものの、準備過程において部分的に修正され、｢内地｣で定着している博覧会の要素を併せ持つようになっていた。寺内朝鮮総督は在朝日本人社会に対し朝鮮人に対する｢同化｣や｢指導｣を強調しており、朝鮮物産共進会はその建前的なスローガンに相応しい催しであった。｢内地｣で大衆娯楽化していた内国勧業博覧会型の博覧会ではなく、朝鮮内で生産された産物を展示·表彰し、その改良を目指す共進会の形式が選択された理由はここにあった。共進会の会場を訪れた日本人の多くは、本来の開催目的である朝鮮の物産品より、施政五年間の成績を視角化した展示施設に魅了されていた。優秀な産物を表彰し、朝鮮の殖産興業を図るという共進会本来の主旨とはかけ離れた総督府施政の成果に日本人は強い印象を受けていたのである。これには言うまでもなく、｢新旧の比較｣によって日本帝国の朝鮮支配の正当性をその目で確認したいという、欲望の視線が働いていた。また、共進会に対する日本人社会の協賛活動は、朝鮮人に対する｢同化｣や｢指導｣といった｢内地人の責務｣からは程遠い、共進会を梃子にした景気改善への期待感がその背景にあった。 This article examines the Chosen Industrial Exhibition held in colonial Seoul in 1915. This exhibition was planned by the governor general of Chosen, Terauchi Masatake to commemorate and celebrate 5 years of colonial governance. This Industrial exhibition was originally planned to promote products of colony Chosen, but the plan was revised to be a more entertaining event. Japanese visitors from outside of Chosen were more interested in exhibition that shows transformation of colony Chosen in 5 years. Their eyes are seeking justification of colonial governing through the exhibition. This paper also analyze activities of sponsorship groups organized by Japanese settlers to examine different aspect of military government rule era. Japanese sponsorship groups participated in exhibition program to gather and entertain visitors. And also Japanese settlers published guidebooks about their living area to promote immigration and investment from mainland Japan.