미-이라크전의 전후 처리 과정 분석: 반테러 전쟁과 민주정권 수립을 위한 개입적 패권 사업

전재성 세종연구소 2003 국가전략 Vol.9 No.2

2003년 3월 20일에 시작된, 이라크에 대한 미국과 영국의 연합국의 공격은, 바그다드와 티그리트를 함락시키면서 4월 14일 개전 26일만에 사실상 종결되었다. 이로써 1991년 걸프전 이후 10년 이상 끌어온 이라크문제가 12년만에 큰 전기를 맞게 되었다. 본 논문의 목적은 미-이라크전쟁의 장기적 의미를 의식하면서, 종전 후 진행되고 있는 상황을 살펴보고, 그 흐름과 방향을 타진하는 것이다. 전쟁은 세력의 공백을 낳는다. 패전국이 생겨나기 때문이다. 패전국이 존재했던 세력의 공간을 누가, 어떠한 방식으로 메우느냐가 전후처리과정인데, 국제정치에서 전쟁이 중요한 이유는 전후처리과정이 이후의 국제정치의 근본틀을 구성하기 때문이다. 종전된 지 아직 한 달이 채 되지 않았으나, 전후처리의 단기적 과정, 특히 승전국인 미국의 전후 구상과 구체적 정책의 전개과정을 살펴보면서, 미국의 전쟁목적이 과연 무엇이었는지, 달성되어 가고 있는지, 미국이 구상하고 있는 21세기의 세계 및 지역질서는 무엇인지, 그리고 이러한 변화가 탈냉전 후기의 국제질서 전반과 우리 한반도에는 어떠한 영향을 미칠지 생각해 보는 것은 의미 있는 일일 것이다. The US-Iraq war in 2003 will have great impacts on the future of Iraq, the course of US foreign policy, Middle-East regional politics, as well as on the future world politics. One way to analyze the transformation of international politics at various levels is to examine the process of postwar settlement in Iraq. The US is now in the midst of postwar settlement in political, economic, and social areas, at the same time rearranging relations with European powers, NATO, and the UN. This article tries to examine the results and changes of postwar settlement, and the long-term impact of the war by looking at the allied powers' policy toward Iraq, Middle East, other big powers, and international institutions.

일본정부의 전후처리에 대한 한국정부의 대응(1947-2004) : 피해자의 對日過去淸算運動과 관련하여

신주백 백산학회 2007 白山學報 Vol.- No.77

This paper examines how the Korean and Japanese governments coped with the past squaring movwment from 1945 to 2004; Koreans, who had sustained first-hand injuries under Japanese imperialism until August 1945, have demanded reparation and official apology from Japan since then. The Korean government’s response has been largely prescribed by the U.S. East Asian strategy, Japan’s principle of postwar settlement, and the past squaring movwment both in and outside the country. Even following the Korea-Japan Agreement, the Korean government mostly avoided contact with the victims and reserved their demands. The government’s tendency to dodge their demands or to address them passively persisted throughout the 1970s. Only a propos the issue of atomic bomb did the Korean government attempt a policy compromise. However, beginning in the late-1980s, a period marked by South Korea’s democratization and high economic growth, in the demise of the Cold War, Japan-Korea relations with respect to the history debate began to shift. In particular, the issue of Japan’s “military comfort women” increasingly aggravated the sharp conflict between the two governments. The Korean government’s new response did not deny the Korea-Japan Agreement but merely placed further pressure on the Japanese government on humanitarian grounds. Moreover, Kim Dae-jung’s administration, rather than limit the history debate to a national issue, began to recognize international standards and the international community.

지역별 고령층 정주여건 특징에 관한 연구

양혜연,김태일 대한건축학회 2022 대한건축학회논문집 Vol.38 No.7

Based on the 2015 Population and Housing Census data, this study focused on the differences in settlement conditions and grouped the characteristics of these housing situations by region. According to the regional group, the characteristics of settlement conditions, living conditions, and regional movement status by age group were collectively analyzed to derive basic data for the improvement direction of residential conditions among the elderly by their regional group. The analysis results revealed there were differences in various survey items such as the type of house, type of ownership, and the level of house aging based on the building year of the region group. Furthermore, regional characteristics were also identified in the influx of population by age group according to the movement of residence, the economic conditions of the elderly, and social activity conditions. In addition to regional characteristics, the characteristics of the housing and living conditions of baby boomers, which are different from the elderly of the postwar industrialized generation, were derived to find a direction to improve the residential conditions of the elderly. Based on these results, this study suggests that local governments and the central government should derive various elderly settlement models that are not uniform and cater to each region. 본 연구는 은퇴 후 정주하게 될 지역별 주거 사정의 차이에 주목하여 2015년 인구주택총조사 데이터를 기반으로 지역 유형별 주거 사정의 특성을 그룹화하였다. 또한 지역별‧연령층별 지역 이동현황, 주거 여건 및 생활 여건의 특징을 함께 분석하여 고령기 정주 여건의 개선 방향을 위한 기초 자료를 도출해 보고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 지역그룹별로 주택 유형‧소유 형태 및 건축 연도에 따른 주택의 노후화 수준에 차이를 보였다. 나아가 거주지 이동에 따른 연령층별 인구 유입과 고령자의 경제적 여건 및 사회활동 여건에도 지역별 특징을 파악할 수 있었다. 지역별 특징 외에 향후 지역 기반 고령기 정주 여건 개선 방향 모색을 위해 전후 산업화 세대의 고령층과는 다른 베이비 붐 세대의 주거 및 생활 여건의 특징을 도출해 보았다. 이러한 분석 결과를 바탕으로 지역별 주거 사정 및 경제적, 문화적, 환경적 지역 자원의 이해에 대한 중요성을 강조하였다. 이를 바탕으로 지자체와 중앙정부가 함께 획일적이지 않고 각 지역에 부합하는 다양한 고령기 정주 모델을 도출해 나갈 것을 제언하였다.

현대 한일관계사 연구의 회고와 전망

최영호(Choi, Young-Ho) 한일관계사학회 2018 한일관계사연구 Vol.60 No.-

본 논문은 필자의 연구 성과를 중심으로 하여 한국과 일본의 현대사에 관한 연구를 ①해방직후의 재일한인 사회, ②일본의 전후처리, ③일제강점하 조선인 강제동원 피해자에 대한 한국정부의 ‘보상’과 ‘지원’, ④해방 후 재조일본인 단체, ⑤‘평화선’문제에 국한시켜 연구 활동과 관련한 회고와 전망을 논한 것이다. 필자는 한국의 현대사 연구에는 반드시 한일관계사에 관한 기본 지식을 갖추어야 한다고 생각한다. 역사적으로 지리적으로 일본의 영향력에서 벗어날 수 없었던 한국은 민족 해방, 정부 수립, 주권국가의 회복, 경제성장 과정 등에서 일본과의 관계를 설정하지 않을 수 없었기 때문이다. 또한 현대 한일관계사에서 갖가지 역사적 맥락들은 과거의 사건이나 현상에 그치지 않고 오늘날에 이르기까지 양 국민의 생활이나 상호 인식 문제에 강력하게 영향을 끼치고 있기 때문에, 역사 교육과 연구에 대한 필요성과 당위성을 제공하고 있다. In this paper, I"m discussing the prospect and retrospect about ① Korean community of Japan in the liberation period, ② Japan"s postwar settlement, ③ Korean government"s compensation and assistance to victims of forcible mobilization by Japan, ④ Japanese people in Korea in the liberation period, ⑤ "Peace line’by Korean government relating to contemporary studies on the relation between Korea and Japan on the basis of the results in my own investigation. I think it is essential for researchers of Korean modern history to understand fundamental informations of the postwar relations between Korea and Japan. Because Korea has fallen historically and geographically under the influence of Japan and would map out future relations with Japan in the process of national liberation, governmental setting-up, recovery of sovereignty and economic revival. Various historical contexts in contemporary relation between two countries are not confined to past events or phenomena but also include lives or perceptions of the people between two countries these days. So Korean and Japanese historians should examine closely the contexts and spread widely over the common societies in many ways.

야스쿠니 문제의 국제화와 일본의 보수운동 : 나카소네 총리의 공식참배 문제를 중심으로

유지아(YOO, Ji-A) 한일민족문제학회 2020 한일민족문제연구 Vol.39 No.-

本研究は、1985年に中曽根康弘首相が靖国神社を正式に訪問した時期を 扱っている。それ以来、靖国神社への靖国首相の訪問の問題は国際的な問 題に発展し、保守的な運動につながる。靖国神社問題は東アジアの歴史紛 争の重要な問題の1つであるが、1985年までは東アジアの観点から考えることが できなかった。そのため、日本政府は1978年に靖国神社に7人のA級戦争犯罪 者を合祀した。その後、中曽根首相が正式に靖国神社を訪問すると、国際社 会は日本人の歴史観を批判し始め、日本では中曽根首相の靖国神社参拝問 題と靖国問題に対する論争が始まった。日本の各新聞では、｢近隣諸国への 配慮｣や｢靖国と国際社会｣などの表現が見られるなど、靖国問題をもっと真剣 に受け止めた。韓国と中国では、A級戦争犯罪者が靖国神社に合祀される と、靖国神社への関心がさらに高まるとうになった。アジア諸国で批判の声が高 まるにつれ、靖国神社での崇拝の問題は国際的な問題になった。 一方、1990年代の日本の政治は、冷戦崩壊という国際情勢や、自民党の 長期執権の崩壊という国内情勢など、変化の過程であった。中曽根政権は、 ｢戦後政治の総決算決｣をスローガンに、敗北により失われたよいところを回復さ せるという政策目標を提唱した。このような状況の中で、中曽根首相の靖国神 社参拝の問題は、国際的にも批判されているだけでなく、国内の訴訟へと広がっている。訴訟の結果は靖国神社の公式訪問の合憲性が疑われるところが あるにも関わらず、申し立てを判断する必要はなく、原告はいかなる権利または 利益も侵害されなかったとし、却下された。しかし、靖国訴訟は日本の保守派 を団結させた。最終的に、保守議員らは保守議員連盟を結成し、保守運動を 開始した。また、他の保守勢力と連帯して、教育の正常化、歴史教科書の編 集、新憲法の提唱など、強力な国民運動を展開し、日本の保守化に影響を 与えている。 This study deals with the time when Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone (中曽根康弘) officially visited the Yasukuni Shrine in 1985. Since then, the issue of Prime Minister Yasuhiro’s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine has developed into an international issue and led to a conservative movement in Japan. The Yasukuni Shrine issue is one of the key issues in East Asia’s history conflicts, but until 1985, it was not viewed from an East Asian perspective. Nevertheless, the Japanese government incorporated seven A-class war criminals at Yasukuni Shrine in 1978. Then Prime Minister Nakasone was officially the Yasukuni. And the international community has begun to criticize the Japanese for their perception of history. Therefore, in Japan, the issue of official visit to Yasukuni Shrine by Prime Minister Nakasone and the Yasukuni issue began to be discussed simultaneously. In each Japanese newspaper, expressions such as “caring for neighboring countries” and “Yasukuni and the international community” appeared, taking the Yasukuni issue more seriously. In Korea and China, interest in Yasukuni Shrine increased even more when A-class war criminals were incorporated into Yasukuni Shrine. As the voices of criticism increased in Asian countries, the issue of worship at Yasukuni Shrine became an international issue. Meanwhile, Japanese politics in the 1990s was a process of transition from the international situation of the collapse of the Cold War to changes in the domestic situation such as the collapse of the LDP(自民 党)’s long-term power. The Nakasone regime advocated a policy goal of reviving the good things lost due to the defeat, with the slogan of “the total settlement of postwar politics”. Under such circumstances, the issue of Prime Minister Nakasone’s visit to Yasukuni Shrine has not only been criticized internationally, but has spread to domestic lawsuits. The result of the lawsuit was dismissed because there was a suspicion of the constitutionality of the official visit to Yasukuni Shrine, but there was no need to judge the allegation, and the plaintiffs were not infringed on any rights or interests. However, the Yasukuni lawsuit brought the conservatives of Japan to unite. Eventually, conservative members formed a Conservative Parliamentary League and launched a conservative movement. In addition, in solidarity with other conservative forces, it has been influencing the conservativeization of Japan by developing a strong national movement such as normalizing education, editing history textbooks, and advocating a new constitution.

샌프란시스코 평화조약 체결과 식민지 문제 인식 - 식민주의와 반공주의의 결합과 경쟁 관계의 지점 -

이석우 전북대학교 동북아법연구소 2022 동북아법연구 Vol.16 No.1

샌프란시스코 평화조약 체결 당시 식민주의가 문제라는 인식을 찾기는 어려워 보인다. 국내 사료와 식민제국 영국의 기자가 직접 취재한 자료를 검토할 때 한국인들은 식민제국에 대한 저항 의식이 병합 초기부터 존재했다는 점을 알 수 있다. 그러나 승전국으로서 평화조약 체결을 주도했던 미국과 영국, 그리고 패전국 일본은 최소한 식민제국으로서 식민지에 대한 인식을 공 유했던 것으로 보인다. 조약 체결에 가장 적극적이었던 미국의 대표인 John Foster Dulles가 반공 주의자이면서 한국보다 일본에 더 가까웠던 점, 한국의 독립 문제를 일본의 주권으로부터 한국 이 분리된다고 보는 미 국무부의 문서 및 미국 학자의 인식, 그리고 한반도 내외에서 전개된 독립운동 세력과의 교전을 반란 수준으로 바라보는 일본의 인식은 둘 다 제국의 논리를 대변하 는 것과 같고 이 인식은 한국의 평화회의 참가와 서명국 지위가 배제된 결정의 배경이 되었다고 볼 수 있다. 강화조약이 전쟁상태를 종식하고 평화관계를 회복하는 것을 목적으로 하는 합의에 의한 것이 라고는 하지만 전승국과 패전국의 힘의 관계가 적용되기 때문에 정치적 성격이 결부되는 것은 불가결해 보인다. 이렇게 볼 때 샌프란시스코 평화조약이 전승국인 미국과 영국의 적극적인 의사가 반영된 것이므로 1차 세계대전의 강화조약과 달리 패전국 일본에 매우 유리하게 진행된 것 자체로 크게 비난을 받을 것은 아니다. 다만 샌프란시스코 평화조약이 식민제국주의 잔재를 포함하고 있고 냉전의 산물이라는 점에 주목할 필요가 있다. 국제사회의 흐름은 식민지배 과정 의 불법뿐만 아니라 식민지배 그 자체에 대한 책임을 져야한다는 방향으로 천천히 변화되고 있다. 이 같은 상황에서 샌프란시스코 체제라는 오래된 다자체제 안에서 식민지 문제 청산을 논의하는 것이 우호적인 결과를 낳을 수 있을지 의문을 가져볼 필요가 있다. 즉, 샌프란시스코 평화조약이 유일한 전후 한일관계의 국제법적 전제로 보아야 하는지에 대한 다른 출구전략이 필요하다. It is difficult to find any negative acknowledgment of colonialism at the time the San Francisco Peace Treaty was signed. Examining domestic historical records and data, and the reports by a reporter from the colonial empire of the United Kingdom evidences signs of resistance to the colonial empire by the Korean people from the beginning of the annexation. However, despite the resistance, it seems that the victorious nations of the United States and the United Kingdom, who led the signing of the peace treaty, and the defeated country, Japan, had shared at least one common perception about colonialism as colonial empires. The fact that John Foster Dulles, the representative of the United States, who had the most active role in concluding the treaty, was an anti-communist with closer ties with Japan than Korea; the documents from the U.S. State Department and the general perception of American scholars that treated the independence of Korea as nothing more than a separation from Japanese sovereignty; and Japan’s perception of the Korean independence movement as mere rebellion, goes to show both the U.S. and Japan had represented the rationale for colonialism and thus also served as crucial underlying reasons for Korea’s exclusion in the peace conference and its status as a signatory. Although the peace treaty is based on an agreement aimed to end the state of war and restore peaceful relations, the influence of the victorious Allied Powers and a defeated nation in the process of making a treaty makes its political nature an indispensable factor. In light of this, considering that the San Francisco Peace Treaty greatly reflects the intentions of the victorious nations of the United States and United Kingdom, unlike the Peace Treaty of World War I, it should not be criticized solely for the reasons of favorable treatment to Japan, a defeated country. However, the fact worth noting is that the San Francisco Peace Treaty contains remnants of colonialism and is a product of the Cold War. The trend of the international community is gradually changing in the direction of acknowledging responsibility for not only the illegality of colonial rule but also colonization itself. Considering this international shift, it is necessary to question whether discussing the settlement of colonial issues based on the old, multilateral system of the San Francisco system alone would bear favorable results. In other words, there is a need for another perspective to examine the proposition that San Francisco Peace Treaty be regarded as the only international legal premise for postwar Korea-Japan relations.

제 1차 세계대전 말 유럽의 국제정치와 민족자결주의

노경덕(Roh, Kyung Deok) 역사학회 2020 역사학보 Vol.0 No.245

This article attempts to explore the self-determination discourse set from the late nineteenth century to the period of the First World War in Europe. Firstly, it examines European Lefts’ discourse on self-determination and argues that, despite clear discrepancies among the Left intellectuals, it tended to put the self-determination principle to go beyond war-related issues and to include anti-imperialist agenda. Secondly, the article traces the European controversies on self-determination in the late First World War, particularly, during 1917 Russian revolutions and on the Brest-Litovsk conference. In the process, according to the findings of the article, the self-determination discourse simply became a matter of war settlements, namely, how to resolve the territorial issues that the war had caused on Central and Eastern Europe. It failed to touch on a more universal issue of anti-imperialism and anticolonialism. Well-known Wilson’s 14 Points speech was a product of, or reaction to, such atmosphere, as it focused on the issue of postwar settlements only among European empires. Bolsheviks’ self-determination discourse was the only exception to this tendency, but they were not able to make their antiimperialism a major agenda of European politics at that time because of their vulnerable position in the war situation.

동아시아 역사논쟁(歷史論爭)과 미(美) 하원(下院)의 위안부(慰安婦) 결의안(決議案) 논의 - 최근의 동향과 미,일관계에의 함의를 중심으로 -

조양현 ( Yang Hyeon Jo ) 한일민족문제학회 2007 한일민족문제연구 Vol.12 No.-