북한의 반(反)한나라당 논리 분석: 이명박 정부의 대북정책 실행에 대한 반응 전망

윤황 ( Hwang Youn ) 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 2008 서석사회과학논총 Vol.1 No.1

The research objective of this thesis is to forecast the prospect on the North Korea`s reactions about the Lee Myung-bak administration`s policy toward North Korea, though the conclusions drawn by the analysis on logic of North Korea`s Anti-Hannaradang(Grand National Party). Following these research objective, the results of this thesis analyzed as below. Namely, the logic of North Korea`s Anti-Hannaradang(Grand National Party) denies its identity and obstructs its takeover in South Korea, and sets on the aim of its disband & overthrow. This aim is being under the North Korea`s attempt to communize the whole Korea as scheduled strategy of the unification(minjok taedangy lron and minjok kongjo idea or uri minjok che`il ideology). After sailing of the new Lee Myung-bak`s government in 2008 and the ruling Hannaradang(Grand National Party), North Korea is going to uphold the logic of anti-Hannaradang. Accordingly the North Korea`s reactions about the Lee Myung-bak administration`s policy toward North Korea are to find expression in dual patterns of argument and behaviour. But I proposed that the Lee Myung-bak`s administration would have a positive approach to Kim Jong-il`s system by agreeing to meet each other halfway. The reason is that if the Lee Myung-bak`s administration really wants a pragmatic government, the South Korea`s government will come to the North Korea`s system always, anywhere as if our forces share the bed whit the enemy for pursuing own interests.

이명박 정부가 지향해야 할 대북정책의 원칙과 방향

정경환 한국통일전략학회 2008 통일전략 Vol.8 No.2

This study is to present the principle and direction of our policy toward North Korea in Lee-Myung bak Administration. The appeasement policy toward North Korea had brought about a shocking result nuclear test in place of opening and reform of North Korea. Looking this result, Kim Dae-jung and No-Mu hyun regimes having lefist tendency is estimated as failure. Because the policy toward North Korea is directly concerned in national fate, new administration must make every effort on founding upright policy toward North Korea. The principles and directions of policy toward North Korea in Lee-Myung bak administration are as follows ; First, it is making policy toward North Korea basing liberal democratic value. Secondly, the principle of our policy toward North Korea in Lee-Myung bak Administration is making dictatorial Kim Jeong-il regime of North Korea open system. Thirdly, it needs policy toward North Korea basing correct outlook on state keeping the Republic of Korea. Finally, it consists of development of policy toward North Korea establishing the doctrine of liberal peace. With this principles, Lee-Myung bak administration must keep the seeking of multiple negotiating strategy, strong establishment of Korean-American alliance and the principle of mutual doctrine. 본 연구는 지난 2월 25일 출범한 이명박 정부의 대북정책의 원칙과 방향을 제시하고 있다. 지난 김대중 및 노무현 양 정권은 대북포용정책이라는 이름으로 대북정책을 시행한 결과, 북한을 개방․개혁으로 유도하기는커녕 2006년 10월 핵무기 실험이라는 전대미문의 결과를 초래하였다. 이런 결과로 볼 때 지난 10년 간의 좌파적 성향을 지닌 양 정권의 대북정책은 실패로 종결되었다고 평가할 수 있다. 이러한 과거 정권의 실패를 교훈삼아 새롭게 출범한 이명박 정부는 보다 새로운 각오로 민족의 명운이 결려있는 올바른 대북정책을 정립하는 데 모든 역량을 경주해야 한다. 필자가 생각하고 있는 이명박 정부의 대북정책이 지녀야 할 원칙으로서는 첫째, 자유민주적 헌법가치에 충실한 대북정책의 설정이 요청된다. 둘째, 수령영도체제인 현재의 전제독재체제인 북한의 김정일 정권을 개방․개혁체제로 전환해야 한다는 확고한 원칙에 입각한 대북정책을 설정해야 한다. 셋째, 대한민국을 수호해야 한다는 분명하고 확고한 국가관에 입각한 대북정책이 필요하다. 마지막으로 평화의 전제가 자유라는 자유평화론을 담보할 수 있는 대북정책의 개발이 요청된다. 이러한 원칙을 가지고 다양한 협상전략의 구사, 한미공조체제의 견고한 구축 및 상호주의 원칙의 견지라는 정책방향이 필요하다.

국가기념일 제정 이후 ‘5·18민주화운동 기념사’ 연구

윤선자 한국근현대사학회 2019 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.91 No.-

Since the May 18 Gwangju Uprising in 1980, democratization has become a key term in Korean history. This paper analyzed the history of the 5·18 democratization movement to identify the democratization movement that developed after the Gwangju Uprising. Since most of the democratization movements developed after the 1980 Gwangju Uprising were carried out in connection with the Gwangju Uprising, the 5·18 Memorial is the most meaningful and important data for understanding the process and contents of democratization. The May 18th Gwangju Uprising was established on May 9, 1997 with the consensus and agreement of many peoples, and it began to be remembered and commemorated at the national level. It was a journey of the Korean democratization movement. From the perspective of the author of the May 18 Memorial, the interest in the 5·18 heightened as the Kim Dae-jung administration from the Roh Moo-hyun administration increased, and the Lee Myung-bak administration lowered the interest, reflecting each government’s perception and evaluation of democracy and 5·18. The Kim Young-sam administration, the Kim Dae-jung administration, and the Roh Moo-hyun administration called the 5·18 struggle a demonstration for democracy of righteous citizens and led to the June 1987 war. The Lee Myung-bak administration and the Park Geun-hye administration focused on linking the 5·18 with the economy, but they are not convincing. In presenting directions and tasks for the promotion of the democratization movement, the Kim Dae-jung administration presented 5·18 tasks to be implemented at the government level and sought public consent and cooperation. The Roh Moo-hyun administration also called for the public’s understanding and participation in finalizing the Gwangju democratization movement, but failed to persuade those who resisted democratic reform. The Lee Myung-bak administration and the Park Geun-hye administration presented economic development as a task of 5·18, but did not lead to a link between economic democracy and political and social democratization. 1980년의 5·18광주항쟁 이후 민주화는 한국사의 핵심 용어가 되었다. 본고는광주항쟁 이후 전개된 민주화운동을 파악하기 위해 5·18민주화운동 기념사를 분석하였다. 1980년의 광주항쟁 이후 전개된 민주화운동이 대부분 광주항쟁과 연계되어추진되었으므로, 민주화의 과정과 내용을 파악하는 데는 5·18기념사가 가장 의미있고 중요한 자료이기 때문이다. 1980년의 광주항쟁은 광주전남인들과 천주교광주대교구에서 기억·기념되기 시작하였고, 시간이 흐르면서 더 많은 사람들과 더 많은 지역들에서 기억·기념되었다. 5·18광주항쟁은 많은 사람들의 공감대 형성과 동의를 거쳐 1997년 5월 9일에 ‘5·18 민주화운동 기념일’로 제정되어 국가 차원에서 기억·기념되기 시작하였는데, 5·18 국가기념일 제정까지의 과정은 광주항쟁 이후 전개된 한국민주화운동의 여정이었다. 5·18기념사의 작성 주체는 대통령을 포함하여 당시의 집권층이었다. 작성 주체의 측면에서 볼 때 김대중 정부에서 노무현 정부로 이어지면서 5·18에 대한 관심은 고조되었고, 이명박 정부부터는 관심이 낮아졌는데 이는 민주주의와 5·18에 대한 각 정부의 인식과 평가를 반영하는 것이었다. 5·18기념사에 언급된 5·18에 대한 규정을 보면, 김영삼 정부 ·김대중 정부 ·노무현 정부는 5·18항쟁을 의로운 시민들의 민주주의를 위한 항쟁이라 하였고, 1987년의 6월항쟁으로 이어졌다고 하였다. 이명박 정부와 박근혜 정부는 5·18을 경제와 연계시키는 데 주력하였는데 설득력이 떨어진다. 민주화운동을 진전시키기 위한 방향과 과제 제시를 보면, 김영삼 정부는 광주시민들에게만 능동적인 시민상을 요구하였다. 김대중 정부는 정부 차원에서 추진할 5·18의 과제를 구체적으로 제시하고, 국민의 동의와 협조를 구하였다. 노무현 정부도 광주민주화운동을 최종적으로 완성시키는 것이 국정목표라며 국민의 이해와 참여를 요구하였는데 민주개혁에 저항하는 이들을 설득하지 못하였다. 이명박 정부와 박근혜 정부는 경제발전을 5·18의과제로 제시하였는데, 경제민주화와 정치사회적 민주화의 연결고리를 이끌어내지는 않았다.

이명박 정부의 대북정책과 남북관계의 발전 방향

우정(Woo Jeong) 북한학회 2008 북한학보 Vol.33 No.1

우리가 경험했듯이 지난 김대중ㆍ노무현 정부는 현실주의(realism)보다 이상주의(idealism)적 철학에 기반하고 있었다. 하지만 아직도 햇볕정책이 추구했던 북한의 개혁개방은 이뤄지지 않았고 개인의 정치적 권리도 경제활동의 자유도 보장받지 못하고 있다. 이명박 정부의 대북정책은 지난시기 대북 정책목표인 북한의 변화를 유도하는데 실패했다는 평가에서 출발하고 있다. ‘비핵ㆍ개방ㆍ3000’ 은 그러한 평가에 기반하여 한반도의 ‘새로운 평화구조 창출’을 추구하고 있다. 새 정부의 대북정책은 실용주의적으로 한국의 위상과 역량 그리고 미래 비전에 부응하는 정책을 추진할 것으로 보인다. 그리고 핵폐기 문제는 핵시설의 동걸. 불능화 단계로 가기 위한 북한의 핵 신고문제를 놓고 많은 시간을 보냈다. 하지만 북한이 핵물질 신고 및 검증이 어려운 상황이다. 아직까지 북한의 신고 검증문제로 진통을 겪고 있다. 그러나 한ㆍ미정상회담에서 ‘21세기 전략동맹’ 을 선포한 이상 북한은 핵 신고를 마치더라도 ‘철저검증’을 피하면서 한국 정부를 시험하는 한편, 자신의 필요에 따라 미ㆍ북 및 남북관계의 긴장을 고조시켜 나갈 것이다. 핵문제 교착의 책임을 미국 측이나 우리 신정부에 전가시키면서 서해에서의 대남 도발 가능성도 배제할 수 없다. 따라서 한ㆍ미동맹 복원을 통해 북한체제 위기에 대비해 이미 양국 정상회담에서 밝힌대로 가치동맹 속에 대북 정책을 전개하여야 할 것이다. For President Lee Myung-Bak, pragmatism is the guiding principle. His idea is that the ""yardstick of pragmatism"" must be used in assessing his administration"s performance in all areas. Foreign policy and North Korea policy are no exception. Indeed, the Kim and Roh administrations pampered the impoverished communist state with lavish donations of cash, fertilizer and other materials. This ideology-driven assistance policy was the best for developing nuclear weapons of North Korea. It is time for the Lee government to make an accurate evaluation of the past decade of the engagement policy to make his Vision 3000 a success. Let independent think tanks to do the job in an objective manner. It will help not only avoid mistakes and produce national consensus but also ensure regional peace, security and development. North Korea has stepped up its offensives against the Lee government for its repeated call for the North to denuclearize and improve its human rights conditions, a tougher stance on Pyongyang the conservative government took after 10 years of liberal governments led by Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun. They are the same demands as those from the international community as well as the U.S.A. On the private level, North Korea boycotted a joint May Day festival with the South. Prospects for the resumption of inter-Korean talks are cloudy at the moment. North Korea has continued to bash President Lee. The South called on the North to refrain from unleashing rhetoric against President Lee. Lee wants North Korean leader Kim Jong-il to change his mindset to improve inter-Korean relations. But Kim may still favor the Sunshine Policy to Lee"s Vision 3000.

이명박 정부에 대한 총론적 검토

김배원(Kim Bae-Won) 한국헌법학회 2013 憲法學硏究 Vol.19 No.1

The Lee Myung-Bak’s Administration, which was in succession to the conservative and right-wing government-progressive and left-wing government under the sixth Republic of the 1987 system, has established as a conservative and right-wing government again claiming to advocate the pro-business and strict law and order. The government which was beginning a high ratio of the 48.7% of the ballot, was joined with the ruling party also held a majority twice during his term in the election of national assembly. The Lee Myung-Bak’s Administration did the best during his term, to achieve 5 national heritage -government for the people, vibrant market economy, active welfare, power of talent, and mature world state- and 100 government administration project and contributed to promote the national prestige through a diplomatic achievements; however, it relatively caused poor surroundings of the human rights because of the economic priority and as its means of establishing strict law and order. It is the outline of the a gerenal review to the Lee Myung-Bak’s Administration that the polarization of economy and society caused by growth model of chaebol-oriented, the abuse of the governmental authority caused by the formal legalism and illegal actions, the poor surroundings of the human rights -freedom of expression, spiritual freedom, social constitutional rights- caused by the economic priority and the priority policy of the law and order, and the abuse of pardon power and corruption was left extant remains. Some of this outline is caused a reaction to the prior goverment, progressive and left-wing government, but the other was succeeded without no improvement. It rather was likely to intensively feel constitutional problems being emerged in the conservative and right-wing government. Whether the government is conservative or progressive, it seems most important that constitution norm rules the both the present government and the next government effectively, and so effective constitutional regulation to the government power was vested to make a constitutional reality which extends the freedoms and rights of the people.

이명박 정부의 대북정책과 천안함 사건 이후 남북관계

채규철 ( Kyu Chul Chae ) 한국외국어대학교 글로벌정치연구소 2010 글로벌정치연구 Vol.3 No.1

This paper was made to analyse Lee Myung-Bak administration`s policies toward North Korea and contradictions of inter-Korean relations and then to propose policy advise. For the purpose of it, this paper examined substances and analysed problems of Lee administration`s policies toward North Korea in chapter II. This paper took an overview inter-Korean relations since the inauguration of Lee administration and analysed dilemmas of South and North Korea respectively after sinking of the Cheonan warship while examining their positions in chapter III. On the basis of it, this paper prospected for inter-Korean relations and advised policies for getting out of the dilemmas in chapter IV.

이명박 정부의 대북정책에 대한 소고

김영재(Kim YoungJae) 21세기정치학회 2012 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.22 No.2

The feasibility of Lee Myung-bak administration's policies toward North Korea has been the subject of controversy. Indeed, the previous government's engagement policy, called the 'sunshine policy', became absorbed in economic inducement and failed to produce desired results. Most reviews on the policy are skeptical about how much inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation, especially increase of economic assistance and exchange, has contributed to North Korea's denuclearization, reform and opening, and a peaceful integration between the two Koreas. Accordingly, Lee Myung-bak administration pronounced its principle, Meet cooperation with compensation, deviation with sanction, where economic sanctions played an important part, as an effort to redefine inter-Korean relations. However, North Korea answered with provocations and protests which led to continual antagonization and conflict between the two Koreas. Thus, in this age of controversies and phenomenal eruptions of Korean conflict, this study aims to conduct an overall analysis and assessment of Lee Myung-bak administration's policies toward North Korea. To this end Lee Myung-bak adminstration's political stance towards North Korea as well as the contextual process of the current administration's policies towards North Korea since it took office will be examined. After a closer look into the pending issues concerning policies toward North Korea, I will evaluate the outcome of the policy and examine what the results implies. Nevertheless, a transformation of policies toward North Korea policy will be left for the next government; in the future, inter-Korean policies should be changed to avoid strained situation like the present and manage inter-Korean relations more effectively.

한국 사회의 법과 인권, 민주주의: 이명박 정부 5년에 대한 평가 ; 이명박 정부 노동정책의 평가와 과제

김인재 ( In Jae Kim ) 민주주의법학연구회 2012 민주법학 Vol.0 No.50

In the beginning of 2008 and immediately after the inauguration, Lee Myung-bak administration announced the keynotes of labor policy such as ``the rule of law in the labor relations``, ``the enhancement of flexibility of labor market``, and ``the reformation of labor regulations``, and set up the specific action plans such as the legal and institutional advancement of the labor relations, the amendment of the relevant labor laws respecting the full-time union officer and the plural union, the change of the relevant laws in order to lengthen the employment period of non-regular workers, the flexibilization in wages, working hours and employment, the sweeping labor regulatory reforms. On demand of the economic organizations, the government has consistently promoted the sweeping labor regulatory reforms and the flexibility of labor market policies during the five-year period. The government has not presented the medium and long term policies that could create the decent jobs and solve effectively the unemployment problem. On the other hand, the government has emphasized the ``autonomy`` and ``law and principles`` at the labor relations. But the ``autonomy`` has meant that the government just had abdicated the role as the mediator at the labor disputes, and ``law and principles`` strictly has been applied only to the labor union or the workers excluding the employers. In conclusion, Lee Myung-bak administration has imposed ``the neo-liberalistic labor policies`` all the way along the line. And the labor policies have constituted nothing but a part of the economic policies to promote economic growth.

'제2판' 급변사태론에 대한 비판적 검토

이수훈 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2011 한국과 국제정치 Vol.27 No.4

This paper will critically examine the North Korea's collapse theory, paying particular attention to the main positions shared by the supporters of this belief. This consists of perceptions of North Korea which also shaped Lee Myung-bak administration’s current North Korea policy and response to recent events. In addition, the issue of reunification will be discussed in line with the possible occurrence of sudden change in North Korea. The arguments of this paper begins with the analysis of North Korea's collapse theory, which harbors misguided perception of North Korea leading to knotty policy and problematic response towards North Korea by Lee Myung-bak administration. Furthermore, the risk of reunification in case of sudden collapse will also be explored. It cannot be stressed enough on the importance of continuous and long-term efforts for reconciliation, cooperation, and peaceful coexistence to achieve reunification and resolve the divided system of the Korean peninsula. As a feasible policy alternative to achieve this goal, an upgraded version of the engagement policy is suggested. In the core of the new engagement policy lies the building of peace regime and joint economic bloc in the Korean peninsula. In order to realize this policy, it is imperative to facilitate and secure private sector participation, including civil society and corporations. In other words, the direction of this new policy should encourage the role of the local governments and communities, by promoting ‘local participatory’ engagement policy that promote specific exchange and cooperation projects which incorporates and respects the strengths and goals of each organizations on different levels.

이명박 정부의 다문화가정 정책 추진성과 및 문제점

양문승(Yang Mun Seung),윤경희(Yun Gyeong Hui) 한국공안행정학회 2010 한국공안행정학회보 Vol.19 No.4

현재 한국 내 다문화가정의 수는 전체 인구 대비 2.34%를 점유하고 있으며, 1990년 0.11%에 비해 20배 이상 상승하였고, 이러한 추세로 나간다면 2020년에는 전체 인구의 2.8%, 2050년에는 9.2%까지 증가할 것으로 예상된다(여성가족부, 통계자료; 통계청, 통계자료; 경찰청, 경찰백서, 2010 참조). 다문화가정의 증가 추세는 한국 사회내 인종적ㆍ문화적 다양성에 큰 변화를 가져왔을 뿐만 아니라, 이들의 한국사회 내 사회적응 문제, 자녀교육 문제, 가정불화와 그에 따른 이혼율 증가 등과 같은 사회적 위험들도 수반하고 있다. 이러한 문제의식 하에서 이 연구는 앞으로 가속화될 다문화사회의 전개 방향을 진단하기 위한 것으로 이명박 정부 다문화가정 정책의 현 주소를 파악하고, 이를 통해 보다 현실적이고 실효성 있는 다문화 정책의 방향을 제시하는데 그 목적을 지니고 있으며, 특히 다문화가정 정책에 대한 경찰활동 관점에서 이명박정부의 문제점을 점검하고 평가한다는 의미를 새겨보고자 한다. 이명박 정부의 다문화가정 정책의 기조는 통합과 인권보호로서, 이를 다문화가정 정책과 관련된 국정과제 편제 구조를 통해 살펴보면 5대 국정지표 하에 5개의 국정 전략과 7개의 국정과제, 8개의 세부 실천과제가 다문화정책과 연계되어 있음을 알 수 있다. 그러나 이중 대부분이 사회서비스 확충 및 사회정착을 위한 복지적 측면의 정책에 치중하고 있고, 과제의 대상은 국내 외국인을 모두 포함하는 정책이 아닌 차별적인 유형을 가지고 있다. 또한, 주관기관이 지원의 분산 우려, 책임 회피우려, 협력의 미흡 등 전체적으로 다문화가정 담론에 대한 중심축 부재 현상을 나타내고 있다. 특히, 다문화가정이 직면하고 있는 범죄발생 및 범죄피해와 안전사회에의 관점은 상대적으로 퇴보해 있는 실정이다. 이명박 정부의 다문화가정 정책의 방향 및 목표, 추진 성과를 보면 어느 정도의 가시적인 성과를 거두었다고 할 수 있으나, 다문화가정이 요구하는 피부 체감적 요청은 정책에 제대로 반영되지 못하였으며, 경찰의 측면에서는 다양한 치안정책이 더더구나 이루어지지 못하고 있다. 이에 이 연구에서는 다문화가정의 범죄피해 및 범죄발생 문제에 대하여 설문조사와 통계자료를 분석함으로써 이들의 사회문제 갈등 정도와 향후 다문화가정 정책에 경찰활동 측면의 지원방안이 이루어질 수 있도록 이들이 요구하는 경찰활동 방안을 다섯 개 분야로 나누어 제시하였다. 즉, 경찰의 법적인 보호 및 활동, 범죄예방 활동 및 관심, 안전 활동, 범죄예방 교육 및 안전교육, 범죄피해 예방 및 지원이 조속히 이루어져야 할 것이다. 다문화가정에 대한 정책은 범죄피해 예방과 지원과 관련하여 정책을 적극 추진되어야 하며, 정부차원에서도 기본 정책을 수립하고 적정절차에 따라 이를 관리할 수 있는 방향을 설정해나가야 한다. 또한, 다문화가정의 문제점을 포용할 수 있는 신 다문화 이론을 모색하고, 사회적 합의에 따른 다문화주의 담론의 전개와 아울러 글로벌 사회에 걸 맞는 다문화가정 치안종합정책이 절실히 요구된다. Current multi-cultural family's ratio in South Korea reaches to 2.34% of total population. It rose nearly 21 times compare to 0.11% of 1990. If this tendency is maintained, there is a possibility of this domestic multi-cultural family rate increase to 2.8% of the entire populations in 2020, and to 9.2% in 2050. While the growth of multi-cultural family puts out Korean society variety in racial and cultural aspect, social problems are also caused by them such as social adjustment, children's education, family dispute and divorce. Under this circumstances, this research diagnoses present status of Lee, Myung-bak administration's government policy task for multi-cultural family and sets the future goal for more actual and suitable policy direction. It will especially focuses on examination and assessment of potential problematic factors that can be caused in police activity parts of multi-cultural family's policy task under Lee, Myung-bak administration. The basis of multi-cultural family policy of Lee, Myung-bak government heads to integration and protection of human rights; It is also related to policy tasks for multi-cultural family, forming five strategies, seven projects, and eight detailed practical assignments under five task indexes. However, most of parts are attaching importance to welfare policies for social service expansion and social settlement. The object of tasks is limited to discriminational class, not including all of domestic foreigner. There is also pivot absence appeared toward multi-cultural family discussion for care on subjective agency's support dispersion, responsibility avoid, insufficient cooperation. Concerns on crime occurrence, crime damage, and safety issues which multi-cultural families confront in particular are relatively retrogressive. The direction and goal including propulsion result of multi-cultural family policy task enforced under Lee, Myung-bak administration seem to lead a portion of tangible results, but which multi-cultural family actually demands is not reflected to policy tasks. Diverse crime prevention of police, moreover, is not achieved. Hereupon, this study analyzes questionnaires and statistic data conducted over crime damage and occurrence problems of the multi-cultural family, sets strategies for the most needed police activity in five parts of legal protection and movement, crime prevention activities and attention, safety plans, education on crime prevention and safety regulations, crime prevention and victim assistance. These will help more positive and influential assistances and the future supports of police action could be achieved on their families according to the degree of conflict in social problems. Policy task for multi-cultural families should be actively promoted with relation to crime prevention and support. The government has a role on establishing basic policies and trying to set the right direction to manage it in accordance with proper procedures. In addition, it is urgently requested to explore new multi-cultural theory that could cover families' problems with the deployment of the discourse of multiculturalism based on social consensus as well as developing comprehensive policy that suits the global community.