정주와 이주사이의 동아시아; 일제강점기 오사카 조선촌의 식문화

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2013 동방학지 Vol.163 No.-

전후 암시장과 조선촌에서 출발한 재일조선인의 일상적인 가정요리가 지금은 일본 사회의 식생활에 자리매김되면서 외식산업, 유망 업종으로 성장해 가고 있는 것도 부정할 수 없는 사실이다. 오사카 조선촌은 일제강점기 이후 재일조선인 문화 속 식문화의 중심적 역할을 하고 있다. 그것은 역사성과 현재성에서 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 재일조선인의 다문화공생적 요소를 식문화는 공간에서 식민지성을 유지하면서도 표출하고 있다. 그 중심이 조선촌이다. 식민주의적 관점에서 볼 때, 오사카 조선촌 중심의 조선 문화가 일정하게 일본 내에서 형성되는 것을 존중해야 한다. 그리고 일본 정부가 이를 정책적으로 지원하여 이른바 조선시장을 공설시장으로 만들 것을 주장하기도 했다. 오늘날에도 재일조선인의 삶은 조선촌으로 대변할 수 있다. 역사적으로는 재일조선인이 조성한 조선촌은 조선의 ‘해방구’였다. 일본어도 제대로 모르는 채 낮 동안의 노동에 시달린 조선인이 밤이 되어 돌아왔을 때 아무 거리낌 없이 쉴 수 있는 곳이 바로 조선촌이었다. 고추가루, 김치, 조선말이 있어 그 가운데만 있어도 위안이 되는 장소였다. 조선촌에서는 지연과 혈연적 상호부조가 잘 이루어졌으므로 취직 등 생활상의 편의를 쉽게 얻을 수도 있었다. 최근의 식문화를 놓고 볼 때 한국문화의 발신지의 역할을 하고 있다. 역사성과 함께 오사카 조선촌은 한국 음식의 본거지가 되고 있다. 다양한 한국 음식과 문화가 이곳의 이미지를 형성하고 그 속에서 재일조선인 문화는 일본 사람을 모아내고 있는 것이다. 전전의 일본 정부가 파악하듯이, 재일조선인은 일본에 와 있는 동안에는 무엇보다 돈(金)이 중요했다. 때문에 먹을 것이나 위생, 생활의 즐거움에 대해서는 부차저인 것으로 생각하기도 했다. 따라서 식사는 주로 밥과 소금, 야채로 해결하고, 부식은 장, 츠케모노, 생선 말린 것 등이 전부인 생활도 했다. 주요한 것은 식문화는 사실 생활의 필요에서 삶을 유지하는 방편이었기 때문에 유지되기도 했다는 점이다. 필자는 한민족의 고유한 식문화의 장점을 살리려는 노력이 다양한 지점에서 전개되지 않으면 재일조선인의 독특한 식문화의 유지, 발전은 어려다고 생각한다. 그것은 일본 사회가 갖고 있는 본질에 기인한다고 생각한다. Since the broken of war, some of typical food from Chosun villages in Japan now became normal home meal for Japanese. It is inevitable that these foods being food service industry with good prospects. Osaka Chosun village has been having a main role of food culture since Japanese colonial era. It is clearly shown by history and nowness. Commensal multi-culture fact of Korean residents in Japan would be shown by food culture and Chosun village is in the center. From a colonial point of view, Osaka Chosun village should be acknowledged that chosun culture were partially rooted by Chosun village. Also, Japanese government supported in policy and they urged made this town as a public market. Still, the life of Korean residents in Japan would be symbolized by Chosun village. Historically, a town where Korean residents in Japan made was their own area under rebel control. A foreigner who was not able to speak Japanese had a rough day and he or she were getting their own rest at Chosun village. Red pepper powder, Kimchi, and Korean was there so that they were being comforting. Not only psycological comfort, but regionalism, kinship were made their life in actual ways. When we see the current food culture, this was the place of dispatch for Korean culture. With the historic facts, Osaka Chosun Village(Korean Village) is now base of Korean food. Various foods and culture made brand new image of Korea and Korean culture by Japanese. As previous Japanese government known, Korean residents in Japan thought money was their key problem. Therefore food, hygeine, life, interests were all secondary thoughts. They normally had meal with rice, salt, vegetable and additionally they had certain sauces, tsukemono, and a bit of fishes. Bottom line is that food culture could have been sustained because they had to eat in certain ways. I myself strong believe that an effort which Korean residents in Japan made to retain Korean own food culture eventually developed Korean residents in Japan`s unique food culture. Without this, we could not imagine current Korean food culture. This clearly arose from essence of Japanese society.

한국 내 베트남 결혼이주여성의 가족공동체와 음식문화 갈등

박선미 비교민속학회 2023 비교민속학 Vol.- No.77

This researcher has figured that the conflict of Vietnamese marriage migrant women within their Korean family community for food culture is formed in power relationships between races, generations, or spouses. Specifically, this study has analyzed how marriage migrant women accept Korean food and come up with alternatives on their own adapting themselves within the conflict. Married migrant women refuse to eat Korean food in the early stages of migration but adapt to Korean food culture gradually by eating Korean food for survival after the resistance. Meanwhile, longing for their Vietnamese home food, they attempt to mix Korean and Vietnamese food and devise fusion food. In the process, however, conflicts arise with Korean family members, and they exert their cultural power surrounding food, for instance, asking for Korean food exclusively or rejecting, excluding and discriminating Vietnamese food. This cultural power over food appears not just between races but between generations or spouses, too. First of all, the conflict of food culture and power over food arise between Korean parents-in-law and marriage migrant women. There exist cultural differences between Koreans who value breakfast and Vietnamese who stress lunch. Until the couple is separated from the parents, the parents-in-law force their daughter-in-law, the marriage migrant woman, to join in breakfast and expect them to prepare the meal themselves. Despite the situation that Koreans tend to eat breakfast less often gradually, the parents-in-law’s generation still applies their values of food culture. Next, power over food culture is formed between spouses, too. Compared to parents-in-law, husbands tend to understand and consider marriage migrant women more in their everyday lives, but about food, they are unwilling to adapt to Vietnamese food and exclude it. But unlike the parents’ generation, they sometimes eat rice noodles, jjajo, or Vietnamese rolls if Vietnamese spices with strong taste and flavor are not included. As seen above, the conflict of food culture within the Korean community of Vietnamese marriage migrant women stems from cultural differences between the two ethnic groups, but inter-generational differences seem distinctive, too. The conflict over Korean food culture with Korean parents-in-law and husbands is noticeable. But within the microscopic cultural power of parents-in-law, the older generation, the coercion, discrimination, rejection, or exclusion of food culture is shown more clearly. Accordingly, Vietnamese marriage migrant women are coming up with alternatives to maintain the identities of the two ethnic food cultures both through selective hybridity to distinguish food ingredients, meal dates, or meal places within the identities of the two ethnic food cultures. Despite the growing number of multicultural families in contemporary society, various cultural differences and conflicts still exist in the field of everyday culture. In particular, women from countries that are less developed than Korea like Vietnamese marriage migrant women tend to be easily exposed to cultural conflict or power within the Korean family community; therefore, in the area of folklore, more microscopic and comparative cultural studies will have to be carried out continuously. 이 연구에서는 한국 내 베트남 결혼이주여성이 한국 가족공동체 내에서 겪는 음식문화 갈등을 민족 간, 세대 간, 부부 간의 권력관계 속에서 형성되는 것으로 이해했다. 구체적으로 결혼이주여성이 한국 음식 수용 과정과 갈등 속에서 어떻게 적응하고 주체적으로 대안을 마련해 가는지를 분석하였다. 결혼이주여성들은 이주 초기 한국 음식에 대한 거부와 저항 이후 생존을 위해 한국 음식을 섭취하는 것으로 한국 음식문화에 순차적으로 적응하였다. 한편, 고향인 베트남 음식에 대한 그리움으로 한국 음식과 베트남 음식의 혼종을 시도하고 퓨전음식을 고안했다. 그러나 이 과정에서 한국 가족 구성원들과 갈등이 나타나고 한국인 가족들로부터 한국 음식의 강요, 베트남 음식의 거부와 배제, 차별 등 음식을 둘러싼 문화권력이 작용하였다. 이러한 음식에 관한 문화권력은 민족 간의 차이를 넘어 세대 간, 부부 간에서도 나타났다. 우선, 한국 시부모와 결혼이주여성 간의 음식문화의 갈등과 권력이 작용하였다. 아침 식사를 중요하게 생각하는 한국인과 점심 식사를 중요하게 생각하는 베트남 사람 사이의 문화적 차이가 발생하였다. 결혼이주여성 부부가 분가하기 전까지 시부모는 며느리인 결혼이주여성이 아침 식사에 참여하도록 강조하고 식사 준비도 직접 해 주기를 기대하였다. 이는 한국인의 아침식사 비율이 점차 낮아지고 있는 상황에서도 시부모 세대의 음식문화의 가치관이 여전히 적용되고 있었다. 다음으로 부부 간에도 음식문화 권력이 형성되었다. 시부모에 비해 남편은 일상생활 속에서 결혼이주여성을 이해하고 배려하는 측면이 크지만 음식에 있어서는 베트남 음식에 적응하지 않고 배제하는 모습을 보인다. 다만 부모 세대와 달리 맛과 향이 강한 베트남 향신료를 제외한 베트남 음식을 먹기도 한다. 이러한 베트남 결혼이주여성의 한국 가족공동체 내 음식문화의 갈등은 두 민족 문화의 차이에서 비롯된 것이지만 세대 간 차이도 뚜렷하게 나타났다. 한국 음식문화를 둘러싼 갈등에는 한국 시부모와 남편으로부터 두드러지게 나타났는데, 보다 기성세대인 시부모로부터 미시적 문화권력 속에서 음식문화에 대한 강요, 차별, 거부, 배제 등의 모습을 강하게 보인다. 이에 베트남 결혼이주여성은 두 민족 음식문화의 정체성 사이에서 식재료, 식사일과 식사장소 등을 구분하는 선택적 혼종성을 통해 두 민족 음식문화의 정체성을 유지하려는 대안을 마련하고 있었다. 이처럼 현대사회에서 다문화가족이 점차 늘어나고 있음에도 불구하고 일상문화 영역에서는 다양한 문화 차이와 갈등이 공존한 채 살아가고 있다. 특히 베트남 결혼이주여성처럼 한국 경제보다 저성장한 국가의 여성일수록 한국 가족공동체 내에서 겪는 문화 갈등과 권력에 쉽게 노출되어 있으므로 민속학에서는 보다 미시적이고 비교문화 관점에서 지속적인 연구가 필요하다.

미국내 발간된 한국음식관련 요리책에 나타난 한국음식과 음식문화- 1930년대부터 1970년대 초까지 -

Park Soon Min,정희선 한국식생활문화학회 2022 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.37 No.4

This study reviewed Korean food recipes and food culture included in English cookbooks issued in the United States fromthe 1930s to the early 1970s. In the 1930s cookbook, many types of soup were introduced to Korean food under theinfluence of the Tangban culture in the Joseon dynasty and a brief description of ‘Sinseollo’ culture. The 1940s cookbooks,introduced Korean table settings, food culture, and cooking methods depending on the use of chopsticks. In the 1950scookbooks, Korean foods were selected to suit a Western table setting, and detailed explanations were included along with‘cheopsu’ means the number of dishes served in Korean food. More diverse Korean food was introduced within its cultureand origins in the 1960s cookbooks. The 1970s cookbooks explained, the characteristics of Korean culinary specialties thatdifferentiated from oriental food. This study of Korean food and culture from Cookbooks issued in the United States fromthe 1930s to 1970s, where Eastern and Western multiculturalism coexist, can be used as baseline data to understand theidentity of modern Korean food culture and the direction of the globalization of Korean food.

식문화 연구동향 분석- 1986년부터 2020년까지 한국식생활문화학회지에 발표된 논문을 중심으로 -

이규진,장세은,오윤신 한국식생활문화학회 2022 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.37 No.3

This study examines the trend of research on food and culture in papers published in the Journal of The Korean Societyof Food Culture from 1986 to 2020. The journals published a total of 329 papers, which we classified into 5 main categoriesand 13 middle categories. Of these, 204 articles were on “Korean traditional food culture.” The most studied topic in theentire period was “Perception of Koreans towards traditional food, preference, satisfaction, and usage.” A total of 76 studiesrelated to “Korean contemporary food culture.” The most advanced topic researched concerned “Recognition andattitude”; these studies were consistently carried out throughout the research period. The main classification of “World foodculture” encompassed 32 studies, with major research focused on “World's Modern Food Culture” and the most advancedbeing “Comparison of Food Cultures of Foreign and Korean Food Cultures.” All studies were consistently spaced out duringthe study period. These studies provide an integrated knowledge in the field of food and culture and can be used as a basicmaterial for related research in the future.

글로컬 문화 시대 한식 세계화의 의미 성찰

배은석(Bae Eun-Sok) 인문콘텐츠학회 2010 인문콘텐츠 Vol.0 No.18

손 안의 모바일로 전 세계의 소식을 접할 수 있고, 빠른 속도로 세계를 이동할 수 있는 현대인은 이제 지구라는 하나의 운명 공동체 속에서 살아가고 있다. 미국의 경제적 패권주의의 세계화가 아닌 지역의 문화가 세계 문화로 소통할 수 있는 글로컬 문화의 시대가 도래 한 현재, 한국의 정부는 한국음식을 세계화하려는 정책을 주도적으로 선도하고 있다. 그렇다면 한국음식 세계화의 궁극적인 목적은 한국음식을 통한 경제적 이익을 도모하는 것인지 아니면 한국음식을 통하여 세계와 문화로 소통하는 것인지에 대한 성찰이 필요하다. 이 문제를 논의하기 이전에 한국인은 음식을 산업으로 보는지 문화로 보는지의 문제가 제기된다. 오천년 역사를 간직한 민족음식인 한식은 발효음식이 발달된 건강식으로 음양오행의 우주적 섭리를 품고 있는 문화적 유산이다. 한식 세계화의 논의에 앞서 이러한 사실에 대한 인식이 있어야 할 것이다. 또한 한식의 세계화는 각 지역의 문화와 한식이 만나는 접점에서 이루어질 수 있는 문화 소통의 장임을 인식하여야 할 것이다. 그동안 한식에 대한 논의는 한국인의 관점에서 한국이라는 지역적 범위와 한국전통을 근거로 한 전제에서 이루어졌다. 그러나 한식의 세계화가 현안인 상황에서 한식에 대한 논의는 각기 다른 문화와 지역에 맞는 방법을 고려하면서 진행되어야 할 것이다. 한국음식이 현지화한 사례들에 대한 검토가 있어야 하고 그 과정에 각기 다른 문화와 어떤 방향성을 갖고 어떻게 결합하였는지에 대한 면밀한 조사 연구를 필히 수반하여야 할 것이다. 이것이야말로 글로컬 문화시대에 한식 세계화가 가야하는 방향이고, 세계인이 즐기는 한식으로 자리 잡게 하는 주요한 요인이 될 것이다. Summary: As modern, we can collect information around the world through a mobile phone within a hand. Also we can move all over the world such a fast speed that now, we are living in the earth, which means groups sharing a common destiny. The current circumstance is Glocal culture age, which does not mean globalization of American capital hegemonism, but stands for local culture can communicate as a world culture. According to this atmosphere, Korean government has taken the lead in carrying out the policy: globalization of Korean food. If so, the ultimate objective of this project is that Korea wants to communicate with the world through Korean food or it dreams about dominating the world through its food? Before we go on the matter, there is issue raised whether Korean consider their food part of industry or culture. Korean Food what we call food including national characteristics has history of five thousand years. We can say Korean food is cultural heritage, because Korean people has believed that the concept of Korean food is derived from cosmic nature of 23) Yin-Yang and the Five Elements theory as well as healthy dishes made of fermented way. We should have recognition about the fact before we start to debate about globalization of Korean food. In addition, it makes possible in the spot that each local culture and Korean food cross-over, so globalization of Korean food can say each culture’s communication with that of Korea. What we have discussed on Korean food so far was based on the assumption of local tradition from the aspect of Korean. From now on, the debate over Korean food should inspect localized cases matching each area’s traits. During the process, there should definitely need close research that how each different culture has its own direction and has combination with others. And we should be try to combinate Korean food with cultural contents. This is the way of Korean food’s globalization goes in glocal age and it is going to be an important factor that Korean food gets settled as enjoyable food among citizens of the world.

고등학생의 한국 전통 음식문화에 대한 인식 및 교육 요구도육과정의 기술가정교과 내용분석을 중심으로-

심지영,이귀주 한국가정과교육학회 2006 한국가정과교육학회지 Vol.18 No.4

본 연구는 현행 7차 교육과정 중 가정교과의 식생활 영역에 있어서 한국 전통 음식문화에 대한 교과내용을 분석하고, 한국 전통 음식문화에 대한 고등학생의 인식 및 교육에 대한 요구도를 알아보고자 하였다. 이를 통해 한국 전통 음식문화에 대한 실천적 교육내용과 교육방법 구성에 기여하는 기초 자료를 제공하는 것을 연구목적으로 하였으며 연구결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 가정교과의 식생활 영역에 있어서 한국 전통 음식문화에 대한 내용은 중학교 3학년의 ‘상차림과 식사예절’, 고등학교 1학년의 ‘초대와 행사의 계획과 준비’, 고등학교 2-3학년의 ‘음식문화와 음식마련’의 내용으로 구성되었다. 둘째, 고등학생들은 한국 전통 음식문화에 대해 자긍심을 가지고 있었으나, 실제 가정생활에서는 적용하지 못하였고 특히 ‘명절과 세시풍속의 의미’에 대해 제대로 이해하지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 한국 전통 음식문화의 교과내용에 대한 요구도는 전통 음식문화에 대한 자긍심과 가정 내에서의 계승여부, 인식도에 따라 유의미한 차이가 나타났으며, 요구도의 하위변인(필요도, 흥미도, 활용도) 간 상관관계가 유의하게 높게 나타났다. 넷째, 한국 전통 음식문화의 교육은 고등학생이 필요하다고 느끼는 교육영역으로 나타났으며, 교육내용으로는 만드는 방법이, 교육방법으로는 조리실습과 음식문화 체험활동이 요구되는 것으로 나타났다. This study was designed to make an analysis of the content related with Korean traditional food culture covered in the section of Food and Nutrition of Home Economics textbooks based on the current 7th curriculum and to investigate the recognition and needs for education on Korean traditional food culture among high school students. Through this, we tried to present basic data contributing to the construction of practical educational content and educational method in relation to Korean traditional food culture. The results of this study are as follows. The content of Korean traditional food culture in the section of Food and Nutrition covered by Home Economics textbooks consisted of ‘Setting the Table and Table Manners’ for the third graders of middle school, ‘Planning and Preparing Invitation and Events’ for the freshman of high school, and ‘Food Culture and Preparation of Food’ for the second and third graders of high school. High school students were proud of themselves on Korean traditional food culture, but fail to apply their knowledge to real household life. In particular, it was proved they didn't understand ‘Korean Festival Holidays and Annual Customs.’ The need on the content of Korean traditional food culture showed significant difference in accordance with pride on traditional food culture, its succession in the families and one's recognition. And it was highly correlated with the subordinate variables such as demands, interest, utilization. These results showed that the education of Korean traditional food culture is an area that is demanded and how to cook Korean traditional food should be included in the content for education and practice of cooking and experience of food culture should be dealt with as the educational methods.

푸코의 통치성으로 살핀 한식세계화 담론 : 문화정책, 한식문화관, 미디어 재현을 중심으로

류동협(Donghyup Ryu),홍성일(Sungil Hong) 한국언론학회 2020 한국언론학보 Vol.64 No.2

Korean food is coming into vogue as the popularity of the Korean Wave continues to swell. The globalization of Korean food has been one of the goals that the Korean government has pursued through significant cultural policies for the past two decades. The governmental policies for the globalization of Korean food were based on the discourses of soft power that attempt to transform everyday food culture into a cultural industry. Both the Korean Food Culture Center and Korean food-related media content have contributed to the formation of a Korean food globalization discourse. Neoliberal governmentality has enabled the government-led Korean food globalization project to be maintained and reinforced despite numerous controversies and criticism. Foucault’s governmentality addresses not only the political structure or analysis of state management but also an overall way of guiding individual or group behaviors. For neoliberal governmentality to be effectively implemented, the voluntary participation of individuals who internalize self-government is essential. By using various case analyses, this paper examines how the Korean food globalization project, which pursues economic success and efficiency, is placed in the neoliberal governmentality and government at a distance by reinforcing autonomous individuals. First of all, this study explores the historical process in which the structure of Korean society has been transformed into a neoliberal system as it reconstructed around the economic government. With the deepening policy of globalization of Korean food, the past decades were able to witness the expanding and tightening of a neoliberal government. This study discusses how the knowledge of Korean cuisine is constructed and disseminated through an institution such as the Korean Food Culture Center. Social and spatial analysis of a museum provides insight into how knowledge construction plays a crucial role in shaping the mindset of the neoliberal citizen. Lastly, the study also discusses how neoliberal governmentality is reproduced by the media. In the age of globalizing Korean food, neoliberal subject practices ‘conduct of conduct’ or counter-conduct in terms of Foucault’s concept of governmentality. It is essential to analyze the power relationships among the nation, market, and individual in the implementation of the governmental policies for the globalization of Korean food. The detailed inquiry of the historical development of the Korean food globalization policy, the construction of the Korean Food Culture Center, and Korean food-related media discourse determines how Korean society has been transformed into neoliberal governmentality. Neoliberal governmentality has transformed the family, community, and food culture, which were considered external factors of the economy, into the realm of the economy. As a result, the policy reorganized individuals and groups into entrepreneurial subjects who are responsible, acting, and governing themselves. Based on these findings, we encourage further research to investigate the connection between cultural policy and governmentality.

Understanding Korean food culture from Korean paintings

정혜경,정경란,김흥주 한국식품연구원 2016 Journal of Ethnic Foods Vol.3 No.1

Background: In Korea, there are many traditional foods that have developed along with the country's rich history. In addition, various food cultures have developed through agricultural traditions, ritual ceremonies, and the sharing of affection. Paintings, works of calligraphy, and music demonstrate some of these cultural characteristics of Korean foods. Further research and analysis of Korean food culture using these data sources is currently underway. Methods: This paper focuses on the cultural characteristics of Korean food revealed in paintings from the Chosun dynasty. The 10 most renowned paintings, including the work of Kim Hong-Doh, a representative artist in the Chosun dynasty, will be discussed in relation to the cultural characteristics of Korean food. Results: The results of our analysis of the genre paintings show that the characteristics of Korean food are well portrayed in these paintings in the same manner as Pansori. For example, genre paintings show that food is a symbol of power, which can be used to control people. Food has also been regarded as health supplements and medicine, and people have shared their feelings and affections through food culture. In addition, food contains people's wishes and is used as a medium to communicate with Gods. Conclusion: Beyond the basic value of food in maximizing nutrients and energy, Korean food culture has developed distinctive cultural characteristics through more than 5,000 years of agricultural history. Although the genre paintings analyzed in this paper are limited to a certain era, this paper will serve as a milestone in providing direction for future studies.

베트남에서의 한국음식 수용과정과 세계화 전략

김미혜 ( Mi Hye Kim ),우나리야 ( Na Ri Yah Woo ),정혜경 ( Hae Kyung Chung ) 한국식생활문화학회 2011 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.26 No.3

In this study, we compared the differences and similarities between the Korean food culture and the Vietnamese food culture by surveying food resources and researching the process of Korean food being accepted into Vietnam. We suggest countermeasures for advancing Korean food into Vietnam. We conducted in-depth interviews regarding Korean food with Vietnamese food specialists who ate Korean food. As a result, Vietnamese foodies eagerly recognized that the most representative thing about Korean food was the special properties of its various and affluent side dishes. They were also aware of kimchi, made of various vegetables and condiments, as an excellent side dish compared to the Vietnamese who`s staple is boiled rice. Furthermore, the flavor of Korean food was preferred by the Vietnamese who were familiar with foods such as Neue-ok-mom or fermented seafood. It was thought that the new food could be eaten with many vegetables. The specialists replied that the most typical functional property of Korean food was health. The acceptance process of Korean food into Vietnam was based on the acculturation theory. That made the Vietnamese easily experienced strange culture in the case of propagation by whom have already experienced, through the selective filter steps by various images of Korea, and made them accept the Korean food through temporary choose and acceptance step such as recommendations by friends. Globalization strategies for Korean food proposed by the Vietnamese foodies were public relations marketing in voluntary contact environments, distinguishing traditional Korean foods through research and development, and globalization by diversifying the Korean restaurant concept.

한국과 일본여성의 식문화 의식과 전통식품 소비실태 비교 연구

고경희 한국식생활문화학회 2003 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.18 No.4

We conducted a survey on Japanese women's consciousness of food culture and their traditional food consumption by self filling-out questionnaire during January, 2000 for the period of a month, For the survey we selected 250 women residing in Kyoto, Japan. For the statistic work we used SAS package system, and t-test, χ^(2)-test and Duncan's multiple range test were also used to verify the results significance. The purpose of this survey lies in gathering a basic data on the comparative direction of Korean and Japanese women's food culture in the future 1. Comparing the preferred food purchase place, In case of Korean women, traditional market was comparatively more preferred while Japanese women relatively preferred convenience store (p<0.001). 2. In case of Japanese women, they answered there is no difference from ordinary days on New Year's Day (71%) and Christmas (40%) while 38% answered they prepare food at home. 40% said they prepare food on parents-in-law's birthday, and 41% said no difference from ordinary days. 52% said they prepare food at home on husband's birthday. For their own birthday, 32% said yes to preparing food at home while 45% said no difference and 22.3% said eating out. For children's birthday 65% said preparing at home, 16.3% said no difference and 14.9% said eating out. 3. Comparing the conception on traditional food, Korean women answered "complicated" (77%) most while "simple" (5%) least, which indicates their demands for simplified recipes. In case of Japanese women, "complicated (44%) was most while "scientific" (6%) was least which indicates their demands for scientific way of recipes. There were differences shown by age (p<0.001) and the older the more said "simple" or “logical” (p<0.01). 4. As the reason for the complicity of traditional food recipes, Koreans said "too many hand skill" (60%) most while "too many spices" (8%) least. For Japanese, "various kind of the recipe" (55%) was most while "too many hand skill" (7%) was least. There were significant differences shown by academic background (p<0.01) and income(p<0.01), and the lower the academic background, the more said "too many spices" as the reason for the complicity in making traditional food. Generally, the lesser the income, the more tendency to say "various kinds of the recipe". 5. In case of Koreans, "the recipe is difficult" (56%) was high while "uninterested" (9%) was low in answer which showed differences by academic background (P<0.05), and in case of Japanese, "no time to cook" (44%) was high while "uninterested" (7%) was low. 6. The following is the reasons for choosing traditional food as a snack for children. In case of Koreans, they answered as "traditional food" (34%), "made from nutrious and quality materials" (27%), "for education" (22%) and "suites their taste" (17%) revealing "traditional food" is highest. In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of "made from nutrious and quality materials" (36.3%), "traditional food" (25.2%), "suites their taste" (22.6%), "for education" (12.8%) and 7. Comparing the most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world, Koreans answered "taste and nutrition" (45%) most while "shape and color" (6%) least. In case of Japanese, "taste and nutrition" (75%) was answered most while "hygienic packaging" (4%) was least. Both considered "taste and nutrition" as most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world. 8. In case of Koreans, they answered they learn how to make traditional food "from mother" (47%), "media" (18%), "school" (15%), "from mother-in-law" (14%), "private cooking school" (4%) and "close acquaintances" (2%). In case of Japanese, they said mostly learn "from mother", but it was also shown that the lower the academic background the lesser the tendency of learning "from mother" but "from school" (p<0.001). 9. About the consumption of traditional fermented food, Koreans said they make kimchi (90%), pickled vegetables (39%), soy sauce (33%), bean paste (38%), salted fishery (12%) and traditional liquors (14%) at home while 67% for salted fishery and 48% for traditional liquors answered they buy rather than making at home. On the other hand, Japanese answered they mostly buy kimchi (60%), soy sauce (96%), bean paste(91%), natto(92%), salt fermented fish foods (77%) and traditional alcoholic beverage (88%) to eat. This difference was shown very distinct between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001). 10. About the most important thing in food, Koreans answered in the order of "liking and satisfaction" (33%), "for health" (32%), "for relieve hunger" (18%) and "convenience" (17%). In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of "for health" (61%), "liking and satisfaction" (20%), "to relieve hunger" (16%) and "convenience" (3%). This shows that Japanese women take comparably more importance to health than Korean women. The conception of food was shown different between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001), and Koreans showed level 4ㆍ5 of food culture while Japanese showed level 5.