한국외교와 한일안보관계의 변용, 1965~2015

박영준 서울대학교 일본연구소 2015 일본비평 Vol.- No.12

Since the normalization of the Korea-Japan diplomatic relations in 1965, South Korea and Japan have developed its security relations in diverse ways. Concerning the causes and mechanisms of Korea-Japan security relations, some researchers paid attentions to America’s role in the Asia-Pacific regions in propelling the two allies into more friendly security relations or estranging each other signalling the prospect of entrapment. Other scholars have emphasized the role of Japan’s diplomacy to manage the Korea-Japan security relations in terms of Japan’s national security policy. In this paper, I tried to shed light on the role of Seoul’s national strategy and diplomacy in developing the Korea-Japan security relations. Each administrations of Park Chung-Hee, Roh Tae-Woo, and Kim Dae-Jung have underscored the importance of Korea-Japan374 일본비평 12호security relations and developed it by suggesting the national strategy of the Motherland Modernization, Northern Policy and so-called Sun-shine policy. In contrast, administrations of Kim Young-Sam, Roh Moo-Hyun, and Lee Myung-Bak failed to develop Korea-Japan security relations due to the rising national sentiment toward Japan during their presidency despite their initial directions of national strategy which had put emphasis on the development of mutual security cooperation. Incumbent Park Geun-Hye administration seemed to set South Korea on the similar path in terms of Korea-Japan security relations like her predecessors such as Lee Myung-Bak or Roh Moo-Hyun. Considering these patterns and tendencies, South Korea’s security relations with Japan in the near future will also be determined by the interaction of its national strategy and national sentiment in the contest of rising China and provocative North Korea.

북일 국교정상화 교섭과 북한의 체제전환

전진호 동아시아국제정치학회 2018 국제정치연구 Vol.21 No.2

North Korea and Japan have been negotiating for normalization of diplomatic relations since the 1990s, but they could not reach the normalization of diplomatic relations due to North Korea’s nuclear tests, missile launches and Japanese abductions. However, Japanese Prime Minister, Koizumi, who visited Pyongyang in 2002, announced the “9.17 Pyongyang Joint Declaration” and arrived at principle agreements for normalization of diplomatic relations with North Korea. If North Korea and Japan launch summit meeting, following the South-North Korea summit and the North Korea-U.S. summit, the possibility of successfully reaching normalization of diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan appears to significantly raise. Following the normalization of diplomatic relations between North Korea and the U.S., if diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan are normalized, cross-recognition of North Korea will be accomplished. This accomplishment will lead North Korea to set-up a new system to cooperate with South Korea, the U.S. and Japan, instead of taking opposition against South Korea, the U.S. and Japan. The transition of North Korea will naturally take place. This paper focuses on the analysis of negotiations for diplomatic relations, which would be the basis of normalization of relations between North Korea and Japan, while focusing on analysis of Japan’s roles to induce system transition and stabilization of North Korea. To achieve the analysis, past of negotiations for normalization of diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan, the direction and contents of the normalization between North Korea and Japan, roles of Japan and responses of South Korea are taken into considerations. Due to surrounding environment changes of North Korea, Japan actively seeks for conversation with North Korea, also there are plenty space for Japan to contribute to reaching peace regime within Korean Peninsula. Therefore, with denuclearization of North Korea, South Korea should lead North Korea and Japan to normalize diplomatic relations between two countries. 북한과 일본은 1990년대 이래 국교정상화 교섭을 추진해 왔지만 북한의 핵실험 및 미사일발사, 일본인 납치문제 등으로 국교정상화에는 이르지 못했다. 하지만, 2002년 평양을 방문한 고이즈미 총리는 북한과의 ‘9.17 평양 공동선언’을 발표하여, 북일 국교정상화를 위한 중요한 원칙에 합의한 바 있다. 최근 남북 정상회담, 북미 정상회담에 이어 북일 정상회담이 이뤄진다면 양국이 국교정상화에 합의할 가능성은 비교적 높게 보인다. 북미 관계정상화에 이어 북일 국교정상화가 이뤄지면 북한에 대한 교차승인이 완성되어, 북한은 한미일과 대립하고 있던 상황에서 벗어나 한미일과 협력하는 새로운 체제를 구축할 것으로 보인다. 이른바 북한의 체제전환이 자연스럽게 일어날 것이다. 이러한 점에 주목하여 이 논문은 관계정상화의 토대가 될 북일 국교정상화 교섭에 분석의 초점을 맞추었으며, 동시에 북한의 체제전환과 안정화를 유도하기 위한 일본의 역할을 집중적으로 분석하였다. 이를 위해 북일 국교정상화 교섭의 과거는 물론, 북일 국교정상화의 방향과 내용, 일본의 역할 및 한국의 대응까지 폭넓게 살펴보았다. 북한을 둘러싼 환경변화로 일본도 북한과의 대화를 적극적으로 모색하고 있으며, 한반도 평화체제 구축에 일본이 기여할 공간은 충분하다. 따라서 한국은 북한의 비핵화와 동시에 북일 국교정상화가 진행될 수 있도록 북일 양국을 견인해야 한다.

한·일 경제 65년의 회고와 금후의 협력방향

이종윤,김현성 한일경상학회 2010 韓日經商論集 Vol.49 No.-

The economic relation of korea and Japan has developed from dependent pattern to interdependent or competitive one under the changes of economic surroundings. In this paper, we addresses the economic relation for 65 years after the Second World War, with aim to prospect for future cooperation pattern between the two. The study focuses on identifying Japan’s role on the economic growth or fluctuation of Korea, and on reverse pattern. The result can be summarized as follows:First, the volume of Korea-Japan trade increased dramatically. We can, however, witness that Japan’s weight in total Korean trade and Korea’s weight in Japan also are decreasing. Besides China’s economic growth, the diffusion of international production division in underdeveloped countries in Asia mainly comes to have the two economies being non-dependency. Second, Characteristics in Korea-Japan economic relation for 65 years can be summarized: 1) Japan as an external economy in Korea’s economic growth and export increase to Japan, 2) Japan’s non-tariff barriers and Korea’s sluggish exports to Japan, 3) Korea as an indirect export of Japan, 4) The closure of the Japan’s domestic market and deepening competitive industrial structure of the two economies, 5) The relative collapse balance of the two in the volume of trade, 6) The excessive competition structure in overseas markets and the deterioration of terms of trade. Third, the study intend to highlight the closure of Japanese market as one of overlooked factors why the economic relation developed to be competitive. This gradual transformation has the possibility to bring overcompetition and welfare loss eventually. We might prospect the transnational corporative competition among companies in both countries, accelerated by FTA.

韩日“新型伙伴关系”评估与展望

강용범,고재휘 한국동북아학회 2007 한국동북아논총 Vol.12 No.4

With the cold war over, Japan has done an about-face in their foreign policy toward Korean government. To make Koreans forget about the past historical matters, Japan pursued an active foreign policy. In addition, former Korean president Taewoo Roh and Youngsam Kim showed positive attitudes to build up favorable inter state relationship with Japan. However, since 1990 Japanese government started turning to the right. To make matters worse, Korea met economical difficulties due to the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. Right at this time, the Kim Daejoong administration made the turning point of the relations between two countries. “ Recovery of destroyed relationship with Japan” became one of the central issues in foreign policy. Korea and Japan established the mutual cooperation on political, economical, cultural and security matters. Above all, opening of the cultural market closed to Japan initiated the “New age” between two countries. Unfortunately Japanese history textbook controversies in 2001 completely ruined this relationship between Korea and Japan. Although 2002 Korea-Japan co-hosted Worldcup sort of helped rebuilding the relationship, both countries realized they can never be free from the past historical matters. Roh Moohyun administration which claims to stand for “The government everybody can participate” have put great effort to fix up the situation between Korea and Japan. Roh Moohyun administration fixed it a rule to have the yearly summit conference, arranged the official meetings to conclude FTA(Free Trade Agreement) and declared the year 2005 as the Korea-Japan Year of the Friendship President Roh professed not to mention the past historical matters as governmental issue during his presidential tenure. While it runs into a lot of flak from the public considering it as humiliating diplomacy. Due to the enacting regulations of “Dakesima Day”by the Sinema County Parliament, Japan 2005, the territorial dispute recurred between Korea and Japan, and it led it to the cancellation of they early summit conference and the relations between Korea and Japan had to face the worst phase ever. In conclusion, historical matters and territorial dispute were supposed to be the biggest obstacles between Korea and Japan. But the relations between Korea and Japan seems to be more mature than the one between China and Japan. Because Korea and Japan have maintained diversified cooperation relations. 냉전이 종식된 후 일본의 대한반도정책은 커다란 변화를 가져왔다. 특히 일본은 한국과의 과거를 청산하고 적극적인 태도로 임했으며, 노태우, 김영삼 정부도 새로운 한․일관계의 정립을 위해 노력했다. 90년대 이후 일본정치의 우경화와 1997년 아시아금융위기로 인하여 한국경제는 위기를 맞게 되었다. 이러한 때에 김대중 정권은‘황폐해진 한․일관계’를 회복하는 것을 핵심과제로 삼고, 정치, 경제, 외교, 안보, 문화면에서 협력관계를 구축하였다. 일본문화에 대한 금지령을 해소하고 문화시장을 개방함으로 양국관계의‘새로운 시대’를 열었으나, 2001년 일어난‘역사교과서 풍파’로 인해 원점으로 돌아갔다. 2002년 한․일 월드컵을 계기로 복원되긴 했으나 역사문제는 여전히 넘을 수 없는 장벽이라는 것을 상기시켰다. 노무현 참여정부는 정상간 상호방문, 자유무역협정 체결로 2005년을‘한․일 우호년’으로 정하고 임기 내에 역사문제를 정부 차원에서 거론하지 않겠다고 공언 함으로대일 관계 구축에 강한 의지를 보였지만‘굴욕적인 대일외교’라는 비난을 면치 못했다. 2005년 일본 시마네현 의회가 법안을 채택하여‘다께시마의 날’을 확정함으로 한․일간의 영토분쟁이 야기되고, 정상 간의 정례방문이 무산되는 등 한․일 관계는 회복되지 못했다. 결론적으로 한․일 관계는 역사문제와 영토분쟁이 장애물이긴 하나 다각적인 협력관계를 유지함으로 중․일 관계 보다는 원활하고 성숙된 관계라 볼 수 있겠다.

Dynamics in Northeast Asian Regional Order: Explaining Korea-Japan-U.S. Relations Right After Nixon Doctrine, 1969-1971

윤태룡 한국동북아학회 2013 한국동북아논총 Vol.18 No.2

This study purports to analyze the dynamics of Korea-Japan-U.S. relations right after the Nixon Doctrine (1969-1971) and to define the nature of the Korea-Japan relations in the context of the macro-trends of continuously enlarged cooperation after 1965 Korea-Japan diplomatic Normalization. The reason for my efforts to redefine the nature of Korea-Japan relations especially during this period of 1969-1971 is that, in my view, Victor Cha's study overemphasizes the role of U.S. influence on Korea-Japan relations by solely focusing on the causal links between the U.S. disengagement policy and the so-called exceptionally cooperative Korea-Japan relations. According to the logic of Cha's 'quasi-alliance model,' the high level of cooperation in Korea-Japan relations is mainly caused by these two states' abandonment fears regarding the United States, which are traced to the indirect or unintended consequences of the U.S. disengagement policy. However, though we witness the increased cooperation in Korea-Japan relations in this period of 1969-1971, this does not constitute a particularly peculiar and new trend, but a part of consistently macro-trend of expanding cooperation in the whole period of 1965-1971 of Korea-Japan relations including this period of 1969-1971 which is overused by those who emphasize the importance of indirect effect of the U.S. disengagement. Of course, this study does not deny the fact that there is an advancement in Korea-Japan relations in this period of 1969-1971. However, there has been not only a continuation of expanding trade and political relations, but also a conflictive aspect, evidencing the mixture of cooperation/frictions at the same time in the history of the bilateral relations. This means that though we cannot ignore the U.S. factor in grasping the dynamics in Korea-Japan relations, we should also take into account not only the common interest (such as, economic cooperation), but also the fundamental conflict of interests traced back to historical animosity between the two states.

전후 일본의 국가 대전략과 북일관계

강용범 ( Jiang Long-fan ),왕해범 ( Wang Hai-fan ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소(구 통일문제연구소) 2016 동북아연구 Vol.31 No.1

역사적으로 한반도는 일본이 무력으로 지역패권을 도모하고 이른바 “동아시아공영권”의 야망을 실현하는 전초기지가 되어왔다. 제2차세계대전후 일본은 보통국가의 지위와 신분을 회복하고 나아가 아시아지역 강대국으로 부상하는 것을 국가전략의 최종목표로 삼아왔다. 이러한 국가전략을 실현하는 과정에 과거 식민통치에 대한 청산은 비켜설 수 없는 걸림돌이 되었다. 냉전이 한창이던 1965년, 미국의 적극적인 중재하에 한·일양국은 국교정상화를 실현하였다. 따라서 북한과의 관계개선은 전후 일본외교의 중요한 과제로 부상하게 되었다. 일본의 정치가들은 흔히 일본은 전략이 없는 국가라고 한다. 허나 냉전 이후 20여년간 전개되어 온 일본의 대북정책을 살펴보면 일본의 국가전략이 얼마나 교묘한가를 알 수 있다. 우선 북한과의 국교정상화를 통해 정상국가로서의 신분과 지위를 회복하고, 다음으로 북한의 “안전위협”을 빌미로 “군사대국화”를 실현하며, 나아가 6자회담에 끼어들어 한반도다자안보협의에 깊숙이 개입함으로써 정치, 군사 대국화를 위한 기틀을 마련하였다. 뿐만 아니라 일본의 대북정책은 반성과 사죄 그리고 배상이라는 근본적인 문제를 떠나 북한의 핵·미사일과 납치문제에만 집착하고 있다. 더욱이 일본은 중국이나 한국과의 관계가 악화되어 외교적으로 고립될 경우에는 북한과의 관계 완화를 통해 위기를 탈출하려 시도하고, 안보법안과 헌법개정을 위해선 “북한위협론”을 들먹여 제재를 강화하는 등 교묘한 전략을 구사하여왔다. 제4차 북핵실험 후 북·일관계는 또다시 최악의 위기를 맞고 있다. 북한은 일본인납치피해자에 대한특별조사위원회를 해체하였고 일본은 유엔안보리제재는 물론 독자적이고 더욱 강경한 제재를 실시하고 있다. 헌법개정을 본격적으로 추진하고 있는 아베 내각으로 말하면 북한위협이 고조되고 양국관계가 악화되는 것이 더욱 바람직한 전략적 선택일 수도 있다. In history, the Korean peninsula has been an advanced base of Japan to pursue local hegemony through force and realize an ambition to achieve Mutual Prosperity in East Asia. After World War II, Japan has had a final goal of recovering the position and status of a normal country and furthermore, raising its status to one of the top countries in Asia. In the process of realizing such a national strategy, its colonial rule in the past has become a setback which can not be overcome. In 1965 when the Cold War was at its peak period, under the active intervention of the U.S.A, South Korea and Japan normalized diplomatic relations. Therefore, a better relationship with North Korea has become an important task for Japan`s diplomacy before and after the war. Japan`s politicians said that Japan does not have any strategies. However, to look at the policies against North Korea which have been developed for about 20 years after the Cold War, it can be understood how clever Japanese strategies against other countries are. First of all, through normalization of diplomatic relations with North Korea, it recovered the status and position of a normal country. Then, under the pretext of the security threat of North Korea, it realized “Military Power” and furthermore it joined in six-party talks to intervene in the multilateral security talks and were prepared for a great military power. As well, Japan`s policy against North Korea has adhered to nuclear technology ,missiles, and kidnapping out of the fundamental problems of reflection, apology and compensation. In addition, as Japan has had worse relations with China and South Korea, and is isolated diplomatically, it attempted to escape from this crisis through mitigation of relations with North Korea, and for security law and constitution revision, it mentioned the North Korean Threat Issue to reinforce restraint. After the 4th North Korea Nuclear Test, relations between North Korea and Japan faced the worst crisis. North Korea dismantled a special investigation committee into Japanese kidnappings and Japan has implemented more independent and resolute restraints as well as restraints in the U.N. Security Council. To the Abe administration which has actively executed Constitutional reform, it is suggested that the severe threat of North Korea and aggravated relations between the two countries would be a more desirable strategy.

미중 전략경쟁 시대의 한일 안보관계

조은일 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2021 국제지역연구 Vol.30 No.2

This paper examines the case of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) and argues that the security relations between Korea and Japan have developed within the framework of Korea-US-Japan cooperation. The strategic competition between the United States and China further increases the necessity of Korea-Japan security relations as Korea-US-Japan cooperation. But, the Korea-Japan relationship was dominated by conflict rather than cooperation. The case of GSOMIA first shows that the security relations between Korea and Japan are experiencing ups and downs from 2012 until today, and second, reveals the importance of the role of the United States in Korea-Japan security relations. In the era of US-China strategic competition, the US focuses on the geopolitical values of the Western Pacific as well as the Korean Peninsula, and emphasizes the ROK-US alliance, the US-Japan alliance, and Korea-US-Japan cooperation in creating a security architecture in the “Indo-Pacific region.” Unlike the Trump administration, the Biden administration is showing its willingness to engage in Korea-Japan relations, so both Korea and Japan will be able to alleviate the domestic and political burden on security cooperation. 본고는 한일 군사정보보호협정(지소미아) 사례를 통해 한일 안보관계가 한미일 협력의 틀 속에서 발전해 왔음을 살펴보고, 미중 전략경쟁이 한미일 협력으로서의 한일 안보관계의 필요성을 더욱 높이고 있다고 주장한다. 미중 전략경쟁에 따른 구조적 변화가 어떠한 방향으로 전개될지 불확실한만큼 한일 양국 모두 다루기 어려운 문제가 되고 있다. 그 상황에서 한일 관계는 협력보다 갈등이 지배적이었다. 그렇게 부침을 겪고 있는 한일 안보관계를 보여주는 게 한일 지소미아 사례였다. 2012년 한일 지소미아 체결의 추진과 실패, 이후 미국의 대북정책 조정을 위한 한미일 협력의 추진과 한일 안보관계의 재설정, 2016년 한일 지소미아의 체결 그리고 2019년 한일 지소미아 연장을 둘러싼 갈등과 봉함까지의 과정은 한일 안보관계에 미국의 역할이 중요하다는 점을 보여주었다. 그렇기 때문에 미국이 중국과 경쟁하는 ‘인도-태평양 지역’에서 안보 구상(architecture)을 만드는데 한반도뿐만 아니라 서태평양의 지정학적 가치에 주목하고 한미동맹, 미일동맹 그리고 한미일 협력을 강조하고 있다. 이러한 시각에서 보면 한일 안보협력은 증진되어야 하고 그 협력의 범위가 중국과 경쟁하는 미국의 우위를 유지할 수 있도록 부담 분담(burden sharing)이 추진될 수 있다. 트럼프 행정부와 다르게 바이든 행정부는 한일 관계에 관여할 의지를 보여주고 있는 만큼 한일 양국 모두 안보협력에 대한 국내정치적 부담은 덜 수 있을 것으로 보인다.

Japan and Two Koreas in the Changing East Asia : Contests with the Foe and the Friend

Sandip Kumar Mishra 한국일본학회 2021 日本學報 Vol.- No.127

일본과 한국 간의 관계는 다소 복잡한 양상을 띄어왔다. 이러한 복잡성은 남북한의 분 단과 한국전쟁과 같은 한반도에서 발생한 두 가지 사건, 정통성에 대한 남북한의 갈등과 더불어 해당 지역 내 변화하는 국가 관계의 공식으로 인한 결과물이라고 볼 수 있다. 이 같은 맥락에서 일본이 정권 수립 이후 바로 구 소련 및 중국과 동맹관계를 맺은 북한과 갈등 관계를 유지할 수 밖에 없었다는 점은 이해할 만하다. 그러나 한일 관계의 경우, 양 국 모두 미국과 우방 관계를 유지하고 있고 중국 및 북한과 관련하여 동일한 우려 사항을 지닌 상황을 미루어봤을 때, 일본이 한국과 불편한 관계를 지속하고 있다는 점은 이해하 기 어렵다. 실제로 일본과 한국 모두 역동적인 자유 민주주의 국가일 뿐 아니라 이들의 경제 발전 모델 또한 상당히 유사하다. 한국과 일본은 또한 지난 수십 년간 문화 및 교육 분야에서 상당한 교류를 이어왔다. 일본이 적국(북한) 및 우방(한국)과 갈등 관계를 지속하 는 것은 식민 역사, 정체성 문제 및 영토 분쟁에서 기인하는 것으로 보인다. 남북한은 해 당 문제의 대부분에 대해 일본과 합의를 이루기 어렵다고 판단하고 있다. 일본의 ‘정상’국 가화 정책이 등장하고 동아시아 국가간 관계가 변화하자, 남북한 모두 과거 역사 경험으 로 인해 경계 태세가 되었다. 공격적인 일본은 용납될 수 없다고 간주되고 있으며 한국뿐 아니라 지역 내 가장 임박한 위협으로 인식되고 있다. 상기 언급한 맥락을 바탕으로 일본 과 남북한 간의 갈등의 본질, 궤도 및 원인을 본 논문을 통해 파악하고자 한다. Japan’s relations with Korea have been quite complicated. The complication is product of both events on the Korean peninsula such as division of Korea, the Korean War and legitimacy contests between North and South Korea as well as changing inter-state equations in the region. In the given context, it is understandable that Japan has been contesting with North Korea which got aligned with the USSR and China after its very inception. But it is difficult to understand the contest of Japan with South Korea as both the countries share common friend in the US and common concerns in the form of China and North Korea. Actually, Japan and South Korea are both vibrant liberal democracies and their economic development models have also been quite similar. Japan and South Korea also have huge cultural and educational exchanges in past few decades. The contests of Japan with a foe (North Korea) and a friend (South Korea) are seemingly located in their colonial history, identity issue and territorial disagreements. On most of these issues, North and South Korea both find difficult to agree with Japan. With the emergence of Japan’s quest to become ‘normal’ power and changing inter-state relations in East Asia, North and South Korea both got alarmed because of their past historical experiences. An aggressive Japan is considered unacceptable and the most imminent threat for Korea as well as the region. In the above context, the paper seeks to explore the nature, trajectory and cause of Japan’s contests with North and South Korea.

『大日本水産會報告[會報]의 한국관련 기사와 사료적 가치(1882-1905년)

김동철(Kim Dong-Chul) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2007 한국민족문화 Vol.30 No.-

The Japan Fisheries Association, the first private group of the fisheries society in Japan, was founded in 1882. It published The Journal of Japan Fisheries Association as a society organ once a month in April, 1882. It replaced The Journal of Japan Fisheries Association from number 1(April, 1882) to number 122(July, 1892) with The Bulletin of Japan Fisheries Association from number 123(August, 1892) to number 397(October, 1915) The Japan Fisheries Association is the one among groups which have made the most outstanding contribution to fisheries development in modern Japan. It had influence on the fisheries industry in Korea as well as the fisheries industry in Japan. Thus The Journal〔The Bulletin〕 of Japan Fisheries Association contains many of fisheries articles related to Korea. This paper is an article of a kind of bibliographical note type, photoprinting articles related to Korea which have contained in The Journal〔The Bulletin〕 of Japan Fisheries Association. Because photoprinting is limited to 1905 for convenience of work, bibliographical notes are also limited to 1882~1905. The important content of articles related to Korea is included the Korean coastal fishing, the coastal entry of Japanese fishermen, the Korea-Japan fisheries rule, the various fishermen's unions in Japan organized for purpose of advance into Korea, the members' opinion of advance into Korea, and the various fisheries groups advanced into Korea, etc. These articles are the top sources for the research of the fisheries history in Korea. There has little been the study of the history of fisheries industry in Korea due to lack of material particularly during the 1880's-90's. The articles in The Journal〔The Bulletin〕 of Japan Fisheries Association are the important materials in supplementing a source vacuum. The study of the history of fisheries industry in Korea is still an early stage. Heretofore The Journal of Korea fisheries industry published from 1908 until 1911 is the one of the most widely effective materials. The Journal〔The Bulletin〕 of Japan Fisheries Association is ahead of more than 20 years compared to The Journal of Korea fisheries industry. It also has been taken little advantage of the report related to the fisheries industry published during the 1890's, the 1900's in the domestic academic world. I expect the making of greater historical conception by comparing the articles related to The Journal〔The Bulletin〕 of Japan Fisheries Association with other materials.

미중 전략경쟁 시기의 한일관계 : 양극화된 정치와 대일정책

최희식 ( Choi Heesik ) 현대일본학회 2022 日本硏究論叢 Vol.56 No.-

The existing conflict and complexity of bilateral relations between Korea and Japan since the 2010s have now been further exacerbated due to the competition between the two countries owing to the reduction in the power gap between them, the conflict of identities, and the difference in their respective policies on China and North Korea. It is more appropriate to explain the conflict and complexity of the bilateral relations between Korea and Japan in the context of specific events, such as the issues of the Japanese military ‘comfort women’ and forced mobilization. However, in terms of policy and strategy, and the identity change caused by the equalization of the national powers of Korea and Japan, it must be understood that Korea is not just one country. The difference between progress and conservatism in Korea seems to be bigger than the difference between Korea and Japan. This ‘polarized politics’ is escalating the need to approach the relationship between Korea and Japan from a new perspective that includes more domestic variables. This study aims to analyze how political polarization affects the relationship between Korea and Japan. First, this study examines the perception and strategy of Korean conservatives and progressives during the U.S.-China strategic competition period and then analyzes the effects of political polarization on the development of the Korea-Japan General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) which symbolizes Korea-Japan security cooperation, the North Korea policy which is mentioned as an important factor in the conflict between Korea and Japan, and the historical problem which is pointed out as a direct cause of the conflict between Korea and Japan.