1886년 일본망명자 김옥균 유폐의 전말과 그 원인

김성혜(Kim, Sung-hyae) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.3

갑신정변에 실패한 김옥균 등이 일본으로 망명한 이후, 조선정부는 이들을 역적으로 간주하고 김옥균의 본국 송환을 위해 노력해 나갔다. 이러한 조선정부와 달리, 일본정부는 국사범을 보호해 일본의 인도적 행동을 드러내고 조선과의 협상카드로 김옥균을 이용하고자 했다. 따라서 번번이 일본국내법과 만국공법, 그리고 조일간 범죄인인도조약의 부재를 이유로 조선정부의 김옥균 송환 요구를 거절했다. 그렇지만 일본정부의 김옥균 비호 방침은 오사카사건 관련자들의 김옥균에 대한 회유 모색이 발각되고 조선정부가 장은규와 지운영을 파견해 김옥균을 암살하려 하면서 변화되었다. 이로 인해 김옥균의 일본체류가 일본국내 치안을 불안하게 만들고 외교 분쟁의 빌미를 제공한다는 사실이 표면화 되었기 때문이었다. 그러자 일본정부는 김옥균문제를 해결할 방안을 강구했는데, 공교롭게도 이때 스스로를 지키고자 한 김옥균의 행동이 일본정부를 더욱 자극했다. 일본정부는 1885년까지 망명 국사범의 보호라는 명분과 대조선 정책에서의 활용이라는 실리를 모두 얻고자 김옥균의 일본체류를 묵인했다. 그렇지만 점차 조?청 양국의 반복적인 송환 요구와 일본내 반정부세력과의 연계, 암살자들의 도일 등으로 김옥균을 내치외교의 걸림돌로 판단하게 되었다. 결국 일본정부는 김옥균의 공식적인 신변보호 요청을 계기로 추방을 결정해 오가사라와에 유폐시켰다고 하겠다. The Korean government had constantly promoted the repatriation of political asylum in Japan like Kim Ok-kyun(金玉均) who led a failed coup and fled to Japan. At that time, the Korean government recognized Kim was a threat to the regime and made the feelings of the people disturb. However, the Japanese government opposed the Korean government for they permitted Kim’s residence in Japan. By the way, the Japanese government’s policy had changed because of the discovery of the Osaka plot(大阪事件) with Kim Ok-kyun and an assassin dispatched by the Korean government. The Japanese government had to prevent a coup by the opposition with Kim Ok-kyun or the assassins would kill Kim in Japan. Therefore, the Japanese government had decided on Kim’s deportation from Japan because of the obstacles in diplomacy and sedition. Then Kim had consulted his personal problems with an Englishman belonging to the judiciary of Japan and moved to a hostel of France concession in Yokohama, leaving Tokyo. Kim then sued Ji un-yeong(池運永) in court. In addition, Kim asked for personal protection and asylum in Russia from the Speyer of Russian consul in Japan. However, Kim Ok-kyun’s formal request for personal protection antagonized the Japanese government and made his expulsion one of force. As a result, Kim Ok-kyun was confined to Ogasawara(小笠原) Island.

김균진의 신학과 신학적 공헌

김명용 연세대학교 신과대학 2009 신학논단 Vol.56 No.-

Kyun Jin Kim is one of very important modem theologians in Korea. He was president of Korean society of systematic theology and is now president of Korean society for Karl Barth's theology. He has served more than 30 years as professor of systematic theology at Yonsei university. He has made a big impact on Korean theology. I. Kyun Jin Kim' theological characteristics 1. Kyun Jin Kim's theology is a theology of the kingdom of God. Although soul salvation plays a big role in Kim' theology, the kingdom of God is the core of his theology. He has written his doctrine of systematic theology in the light of the kingdom of God. It is the purpose of his theology to establish the kingdom of God on the earth. 2. Kyun Jin Kim' theology is a messianic theology. According to Kim, it is important to know that Christ was the messiah. Kim denies that the concept messiah is interpreted only spiritually. He can be a political messiah, although he doesn't want to rule the world with coercive power. He is the messiah who saves not only our souls, but also the world and the earth. 3. Kyun Jin Kim's theology is a holistic theology. He is not interested in a biased theology. He loves holistic theological view. According to Kim, Korean Min Jung theology lacks this holistic view, although it shows us very important field to establish the kingdom of God. Ⅱ. Kyun Jin Kim's theological contributions 1. Kyun Jin Kim's first theological contribution to Korean theology is his five books of systematic theology. He accomplished his doctrine of systematic theology. His five books of systematic theology can be valued in Korean like Church Dogmatics of Karl Barth. 2. Kyun Jin Kim's theology is very academic. His theology is a very high level theology which can compete with european theologies. It is important to know that european theologians should learn from his theology. 3. Kyun Jin Kim's third theological contribution is his translation of many books of J. Moltmann. He translated into Korean the crucified God, Trinity and Kingdom of God, the Way of Jesus Christ, Sprit of life, the coming God etc. 4. Kyun Jin Kim's forth theological contribution is his contribution to the theology of life. He develops a very high level theology of life in Korea.

1930년대 김광주의 상해 체험과 아나키즘 인식

김명섭 ( Myung Seob Kim ) 단국사학회 2016 史學志 Vol.52 No.-

This paper discussed the Korean community in China Shanghai in the 1930s by the novelist Kim Gwang-ju`s recalls. Kim Gwang-ju is a refuge for about 10 years until the 1937 war took place while since moved to Shanghai in 1929 to meet the various figures of the Korean community in Shanghai unfolded cultural activities with the anti-Japanese movement. Even though his shanghai settlement and time of refuge records are seem to inaccurate, but it is a relatively considered as a objective and analytic memoir of his experience. Through this we can know that Kim Gwang-ju associated with the young director of movies, including the various cultural artists of theatrical world in 1930s Shanghai. Through the interchange with the young generation of unconstrained cultural artists who do not want the Japanese domination and the activity of Bohemian Theater Company, he had various experience in poem, conte, play and movie. Of course, theses are based on the great support of leaders such as Kim-Gu, Ahn-Changho and Kim Du-bong who led the Korean Independent Movement in Shanghai. Furthermore, the interchange with anarchists who were active in the ``Namhwa-Federation`` has had a big impact to raise his nationalistic emotion and the spirit of freedom. From the perspective of the Korean modern national movement, the research of Kim Gwang-ju`s life first, additional research materials for his family, especially elder brother Kim Dong-joo is very necessary. Kim Dong-joo is a secret help sponsor of activities of the Anti-Japanese independence fighters in Manchuria, as well as a important person who connected with an agents of a Provisional Government. His life was believed to be the future of course, also we need to study in depth the role and position of the personal hospital. Secondly, it is necessary to examine the local shelter, etc. Activity of Kim Gwang-ju activities in Shanghai. In other words, while Kim Gwang-ju live a long time is needed for local excavations and historical research, such as the Activity where many literary works written by the school and toughness. This is expected to find signs of shanghai, including Kim Gwang-ju Korean culture, artists in the 1930s who exchanges with him.

정조 말∼순조 초 金健淳의 행보와 辛酉邪獄

임혜련 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2019 한국학논총 Vol.51 No.-

Kim Geon Soon’s baptismal name was Josaphat and he was executed during Shinyu-Saok(1801). He is from Andong Kim’s family. Andong Kim’s was the most prestigious family in the late Joseon dynasty. During Byungja-Horan(1636-1637), Kim Sang Heon and Kim Sang Yong of the Andong Kim family dedicated loyalty to the Joseon Dynasty. Kim Geon Soon was a descendant(Bongsason) of Kim Sang Heon. Andong Kim’s family was Nohron and married a royal family in the 19th century and became maternal relatives. Kim Geon Soon was a Catholic. Kim became a Catholic after taking an interest in Western Studies(Seo-hak), and Andong Kim’s free and diverse traditions were one of the reasons why Kim became a Catholic. Also, Kim was talented and he had the curiosity about various things. He read Catholic books and wrote books from his youth. Kim was baptized by Father Zhou Wen-mo. Although Kim Geon Soon was involved with the “Gang Yee Cheon incident,” but King Jeongjo forgave Kim. Because Kim was a Bongsason of Kim Sang Heon and Andong Kim’s family was loyal to the King. But King Soonjo did not forgive Kim. King Soonjo ascended the throne at the age of 11. Because the king was too young, Queen Jeongsoon conducted Sooryeomcheongjeong. In 1801, the execution of Catholics is Joseon Dynasty occurred, which is called the Shinyu-Saok. The incident killed many Catholics in Joseon. The circumstances changed from the time when it was King Jeongjo due to Sooryeomcheongjeong of Queen Jeongsoon. King Jeongjo cooperated with Si-pa of Nohron and Nam-in, but Queen Jeongsoon was from Byuk-pa of Nohron. So the Queen tried to eliminate those people who were active during Jeongjo’s reign. The Shinyu-Saok was the main incident because many Nam-in were Catholic. Though KimGeonSoon was Nohron he was executed and beheaded. Andong Kim was Si-pa of Nohron. The beheading of KimGeonSoon was too strict because he was the Yangbhan class. Nevertheless, Kim was executed because of Queen Jeongseon's intention to eliminate the Si-pa of Nohron. It was also the Queen's intention to warn the entire family of Andong Kim. In the end, Kim’s death was also influenced by political reason. 김건순은 안동 김문 출신으로 순조 원년(1801년) 신유사옥으로 처형된 인물이다. 안동 김문은 병자호란이 발생했을 때 김상헌과 김상용의 충절을 바탕으로 의리와 학문을 갖춘 조선후기 최고의 명문가이며, 김건순은 김상헌의 봉사손이었다. 안동 김문은 19세기에는 왕실과 국혼을 통해 외척가문으로 가세를 지속하였던 노론 가문이다. 김건순은 안동 김문 가풍에서 나오는 자유롭고 다양한 분위기와 개인의 재능과 호기심, 다양한 관심이 작용하여 그는 학문으로서 서학을 하였다. 또한 그는 청년시절부터 천주교 서적을 읽고 책을 썼으며, 천주교와 관계를 맺고 있었던 것으로 볼 수 있다. 김건순은 정조대 ‘강이천 사건’에 연루되었지만, 산림 김양행의 손자이며, 김상헌의 봉사손이라는 가문적 배경, 그리고 정조의 안동 김문에 대한 신뢰 등으로 혼자 귀양에서 제외된바 있다. 순조 즉위후 정순왕후가 집권하면서 상당수 천주교 신자들이었던 남인들을 제거하기 위한 것이 신유사옥이었다. 이 사건으로 정조대 입지가 강화되었던 남인들은 정치적으로 제거될 수밖에 없었다. 김건순은 주문모 신부의 심문 과정에서 언급되며 체포되어 천주교 신자인지, 세례를 받았는지, 강이천이 꾀한바 있는 사건을 통해 반역을 꾀했는지 집중 심문을 받았다. 김건순은 철저히 천주교인인 것을 부정하였고, 세례 받은 것을 인정하지 않았다. 그는 주문모신부만 만난 것을 인정하였다. 이러한 그의 행보는 배교로 볼 수 있고, 천주교회에서도 김건순을 순교자로 인정하지 않고 있다. 그럼에도 김건순은 안동 김문 명문세족 출신 양반사대부이지만 참수형을 당하였다. 김건순은 천주교를 했다는 것을 인정하지 않았음에도 샤를르 달레나 황사영 등 당대인들은 그를 순교자로 묘사하고 있다. 이러한 김건순에 대한 엄한 처분은 두 가지 정치적 목적을 가지고 있다고 여겨진다. 하나는 안동 김문에 대한 정순왕후의 견제이며, 또 하나는 신유사옥이 남인을 처벌하는 정치적 숙청이라는 시각에 대한 반증으로 노론 김건순에 대한 엄한 처벌이 이루어진 것으로 보이며, 천주교 측에서는 노론도 천주교 신자라는 또 다른 이유가 필요했기 때문에 당대에는 김건순을 순교자로 인식한 것으로 볼 수 있다.

아관파천 전후(1896~1898) 정치권력 변화와 김홍륙 독차사건 재검토

장경호 한국근현대사학회 2017 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.81 No.-

Kim Hong-ruk, as low class of Russian translator in Hamgyongdo had a massive power after Korea royal refuge at the Russian legation. He gathered forces with some officers and people in Hamgyongdo. There was a quid pro quo in Kim Hong-ruk’s help of Russia. He wielded absolute power. For example, his relatives and father-in-law raised to a very high post. Some officers who opposed his power were relegated to inferior position. Some shamans moved in and out of palace and they abused their authority over personnel affairs. Some powers who opposed Kim Hong-ruk tried to kill him but it was failed. Russia wanted to investigate this case but it was not turned out. After this case, Kim exercised power. For example, Kim tried to kill executive in independence club and helped Russia’s rights. After the dismissal of Seoul Mayor, he was not nominated for a post. The King condemned him to exile because Kim was blined by selfish interests and desires. Kim beared malice against to King and he tried to kill him by poisoning his coffee. This was so-called Poison attempt of Kim Hong-ruk. However, as considering many cases, Kim was removed by King and Royal influence. Royal influence was always with King and tried to Kill Kim. They directly investigated Kim and no one see their investigation of Kim. Thus, there were no objective people who see this case. After this case Independence club and foreigners wanted to investigate this case again but King refused the requirement. King Ko-jong made a law of strengthening Emperor’s power and went for the effect of killing two birds with one stone as suppressing the independence club. Thus, this case is not poison attempt of Kim Hong-ruk but Removal operations of Kimg Hong-ruk. 함경도 출신 천민이자 러시아 통역관 김홍륙은 아관파천 이후 커다란 권력을얻게 되었다. 러시아는 그를 옹호하였고, 김홍륙은 정부의 일부 관료들 및 함경도세력들과 함께 세력을 공고히 하였다. 그는 러시아의 이권을 보장해주는 대가로정부에서 무소불위의 권력을 행사하였다. 그의 친척과 장인은 사욕을 채울 수 있는자리에 올랐고, 이에 반대하는 정부의 대신들은 전부 좌천되었다. 심지어 그가 추천한 무당도 궁에 드나들었고 그 무당은 인사권을 행사하기도 하였다. 그의 전횡에 대항하는 세력들은 암살을 도모하였으나 실패로 끝났다. 러시아는이에 대한 진상조사를 원했으나, 제대로 밝혀지지 않았다. 김홍륙은 이 사건 이후에독립협회 간부들을 없애려고 하고, 러시아의 이권을 도우는 등 다시금 권력을 행사하려 하였다. 그는 한성판윤에 해임된 이후 관직에 다시 진출하지 못했다. 고종은 그가 사리사욕을 채운다는 이유를 들어 귀양 보냈다. 귀양 보낸 이후 김홍륙은 앙심을 품고고종을 독살하려는 계획을 세웠다. 이른바 김홍륙 독차사건이다. 그러나 여러 가지 사건의 전황으로 보아 김홍륙은 독살을 시도했다는 이유로사형당한 것이 아니라 고종과 그 측근 세력에 의해서 제거당한 것이었다. 사건의배후였던 인물들은 항상 고종의 측근에 있었고, 김홍륙을 직접 조사했다. 독이 든커피를 마시는 것을 증명하거나 김홍륙을 조사한 것을 본 객관적인 인물도 없었다. 이에 당시 독립협회와 외국인들은 수많은 의혹을 제기하여 이 사건의 조사를 원하였으나 고종은 이를 일축했다. 고종은 이 사건 이후에 황권 강화를 위한 법령을 만들었고, 의혹을 제기한 독립협회를 억누르는 일석이조의 효과를 누렸다. 따라서 김홍륙 독차사건은 당시 일어났던충격적 사건이 아닌 고종과 측근세력의 황권 강화를 위한 김홍륙 제거작전이었던것이다.

민법의 기초자 가인 김병로

김재형 사법발전재단 2023 사법 Vol.1 No.63

After gaining independence from Japan in August 1945, the Republic of Korea prioritized the codification of its legal system, which entailed developing new laws and codifying them separate from the laws that the Japanese colonial rulers imposed on Koreans in 1919–1945 to lay the foundations for Korea as a fledgling sovereign state. The history-making task of writing the new Korean Civil Code was given to the most accomplished legal expert of the time, Kim Byeong-Ro (also known by his pen name, Gah-In). On September 15, 1948, shortly after his inauguration as the first chief justice of the Supreme Court of Korea, Kim served as chairman of the Korean Code Compilation Committee and worked tirelessly toward codifying the law of his country. Despite the challenges from the Korean War, (1950–1953), Kim successfully finished drafting the Civil Code on July 4, 1953, and the draft code was submitted to the Korean National Assembly as a government proposal. On December 17, 1957, two days after Kim’s retirement as chief justice, the National Assembly passed a bill approving the Civil Code. On February 27, 1958, the Civil Code was promulgated as Act No. 471; and on January 1, 1960, it came into force. During his tenure as chief justice, Kim not only instituted an independent Korean judiciary but also accomplished the all-important task of drafting the Korean Civil Code. If we wish to understand the historical origins of the Civil Code of Korea, it would be a worthwhile endeavor to examine the role that Kim played in creating the Civil Code and Kim’s relevant achievements. Furthermore, within the current context of considering amendments to the Korean Civil Code with some urgency, it would be essential to examine the principal elements of the Code and the Code’s guiding philosophy, which influenced the Korean legislators at the time of the Code’s infancy. Against the foregoing backdrop, this article reviews the role of Kim Byeong-Ro, as the central figure behind the Korean Civil Code, in authoring the Code while analyzing how his ideology and ideas are reflected in the major provisions of the Code. The article begins by retracing Kim’s process in writing the Code, highlighting his involvement and his accomplishments in particular. The major provisions of the Korean Civil Code are then compared with those of the Japanese Civil Code, as the latter was effectively in force in the Republic of Korea when the former was codified. Through this comparison, the article aims to examine Kim’s ideology and convictions as they came to be evinced in the course of drafting the Korean Civil Code. Kim was determined to create a Civil Code that would wholly supplant the Japanese Civil Code and one that would be in harmony with the culture and customs indigenous to Koreans. To that end, he researched and studied the civil codes of many foreign countries. But he eschewed borrowing or adopting foreign laws in their original form. Instead, he only made use of them as a point of reference. In drafting the Korean Civil Code, Kim proceeded to codify what was in line with Korean customs and practices even when they did not exist in the Japanese Civil Code, while making a point of abolishing or revising what existed in the Japanese Civil Code that was alien to Korean soil. This is why a great number of provisions in the Korean Civil Code are not found in any form in the Japanese Civil Code. Or, even when they are, they differ in their content. Kim sought to avoid or limit unconventional or extremely individualistic views while honoring legal principles based on natural law. He also exhibited mindfulness of the socially and economically underprivileged by making a conscious effort to create a Code that was rational and reasonable in its particulars. In the realm of family law in particular, Kim attempted to reform the family system to make it jibe with the much-changed social reality at the time while remaining faithful to Korea's pro... 1945. 8. 해방 이후 독립국가에서 법전편찬은 무엇보다도 중요한 일이었다. 독립국가의 기틀을 세우기 위해서는 일제 강점기에 따라야 했던 일본법에서 벗어나 독자적인 법전을 마련해야 했기 때문이다. 민법 제정은 당대 최고의 법률가가 부여받은 임무였다. 김병로는 대법원장 취임 직후인 1948. 9. 15. 법전편찬위원장을 맡아 기본 법률의 제정에 온 힘을 쏟았다. 6·25전쟁으로 혼란스러운 틈에도 김병로는 1953. 7. 4. 민법초안을 완성하였고, 이것이 정부안으로 국회에 제출되었다. 그가 대법원장직에서 정년퇴임한 이틀 후인 1957. 12. 17. 민법제정안이 국회에서 통과되었다. 그 후 민법제정안은 정부에 이송되어 1958. 2. 22. 법률 제471호로 공포되었고, 1960. 1. 1. 시행되었다. 김병로는 대법원장 재임기간 동안 사법부의 기틀을 마련함과 동시에 법전편찬위원장으로서 민법 제정이라는 과업을 이루었다. 민법 제정 과정에서 김병로의 역할과 업적을 살펴보는 것은 대한민국 민법의 역사적 성격을 규명한다는 점에서 중요한 의미가 있다. 또한 민법 개정이 시급한 상황에서 제정민법의 주요 내용과 당시 입법자들의 근본사상을 되새겨볼 필요가 있다. 이 글에서는 민법의 기초자인 김병로가 우리나라의 민법 제정 과정에서 어떠한 역할을 했는지에 관하여 살펴보고, 그의 사상과 이념이 고스란히 녹아 있는 제정민법의 주요 규정을 분석해보았다. 먼저 민법 제정 과정을 개관하면서 그 과정에서 김병로의 역할과 공적을 찾아 정리한 다음, 제정민법의 주요 규정에 관하여 당시 대한민국에 의용(依用)되던 일본민법, 즉 의용민법과 비교해보고, 이를 토대로 민법 제정 과정에서 드러나는 김병로의 이념과 사상을 살펴보았다. 김병로는 일본민법을 대체하는 민법을 제정하되, 세계 여러 나라의 민법을 참고하여 우리 고유의 문화와 풍속에 맞는 독자적인 민법을 제정하고자 하였다. 일본민법 등 외국의 법령은 참고용일 뿐 그대로 채택하지 않았다. 김병로가 민법초안을 기안할 때 일본민법에는 존재하지 않더라도 종래 우리나라 관습 등에 따라 인정되어 온 제도는 명문화한 반면, 일본민법에 존재하나 종래 이용되지 않은 제도는 과감하게 폐지하거나 수정하였다. 이것이 제정민법에는 일본민법에 존재하지 않거나 일본민법과는 그 내용상 차이가 있는 다수의 규정들이 있는 이유이다. 김병로는 극단적인 개인주의 사상을 지양하고자 하였고, 자연법적 사고에 따라 법원칙을 존중하였다. 또한 합리적이고 현실적합성이 있는 민법을 제정하고 사회경제적 약자를 배려하려고 하였다. 가족법 분야에서 우리 고유의 전통과 순풍미속(淳風美俗)을 유지하되, 변화된 사회현실과 조화를 이루도록 가족제도를 개혁하고자 하였다. 김병로의 노력으로 대한민국은 독자적인 민법전을 가질 수 있게 되었다.

견고한 고독의 세계 : Eine vergleichende Studie u¨ber Rilke und Hyon-seung Kim 릴케와 김현승

김재혁 한국독어독문학회 2002 獨逸文學 Vol.84 No.1

Der koreanische Dichter Hyon-seung Kim bekennt sich zu einem erheblichen Einfluß Rilkes auf seine Weltanschauung, insbesondere wegen Rilkes ernsthafter Haltung gegenu¨ber Leben und Kunst. In diesem Zusammenhang steht Kim unter dem starken Einfluß von Rilkes fru¨hen Werken wie Das Stunden-Buch und Das Buch der Bilder. Diese Werke behandeln wichtige Themen, die auch bei Kim ihren Niederschlag finden, das heißt Gott, Einsamkeit und Dichtung. Die Haltung des lyrischen Ichs bei Kim ist der Geba¨rde des lyrischen Ichs in Das Stunden-Buch sehr a¨hnlich. Der russische Mo¨nch in Rilkes Werk spricht aufs Knie fallend vor Gott Gebete, malt Ikonen und schreibt daru¨ber hinaus Verse. Diese fromme Haltung pra¨gt auch die des lyrischen Ich bei Kim. Ferner besteht große A¨hnlichkeit zwischen beiden Dichtern darin, dass die beiden in ihrer fru¨hen Zeit durch Gebet, also aus der Sehnsucht nach Gott, Verse schaffen. Man kann niemals bei Kim von der Einsamkeit im Herbst als literarischer Kulisse sprechen, ohne sich as Rilkes 「Herbsttag」zu erinnem. Trotzdem konnte Kim abda¨mmend gegen Rilkes Einfluß seine eigene Welt dadurch bewahren, dass er an der ihm eigentu¨mlichen Einsamkeit festha¨lt. Sein literarischer Verdienst findet sich dort, wo er mit Hilfe der Dinge und Ausdru¨cke solider Art seine existentielle Einsamkeit zu einem reinen poetischen Thema hat reifen lassen. Kims fester Glaube an die reine Einsamkeit entsprang seit Mitte der 1960er Jahre aus dem Mißtrauen gegen die christliche Gottheit und die fro¨mmelnden Christen. Unter diesen Umsta¨nden hatte er keinen anderen Weg, als nur auf das selbsta¨ndige Ich angewiesen zu sein. Zugleich hat er, wie seine Gedichte 「Absolute Einsamkeit」 und 「Solide Einsamkeit」zeigen, seine Einsamkeit positiv verarbeitet und ihr so einen Sin gegebenletzten Endes zu einer Ewigkeit, anders als Rilke, der auf jeden Fall seine Einsamkeit nur als Vorraussetzung fu¨r das Dichten betrachtet hat. Gerade hier hebt sich die originelle Seite der Einsamkeit von Kim gegen Rilke ab. In Hinsicht der sprachlichen Behandlung grenzen Kims Gedichte der absoluten Einsamkeit an Rilkes Dinggedichte in Neue Gedichte . Dieses Resultat ergibt sich daher, dass Kim seine dichterische Sprache wie ein Steinmetz meißelt, so dass er seine bloße Idee mit den soliden Ausdru¨cken bekleidet. Und dass Kim auf der Suche nach poetisch solider Gestaltung immer wieder auf sprachliche Pra¨chtigkeit und gefu¨hlvolles Pathos verzichtet hat, also dass er nach der "Poetischen Nu¨chternheit" gestrebt hat, bringt ihn noch mehr in die Na¨ch von Rilkes Dinggedichten. Aber Kim kehrte endgu¨ltig zu dem christlichen zuru¨ck, nachdem er Bluthochdruck erlitten hatte. Nach diesem Zwischenfall bereute er, dass er bisher - Gott aus dem Blick verlierend - zu dichterisch geneigt war. Natu¨rlich kann man auch in der literarischen Phase, wo er nur die absolute Einsamkeit verfolgt hatte, eine grundlegende Haltung mit Pra¨gung durch das christliche Ethos finden, Dies bedeutet, dass zu ihm die Einsamkeit eine Art Religion war. Also war seine Einsamkeit ein Prozess des christlichen Selbsterwachens. Wenn man die Tatsache in Betracht zieht, dass fu¨r ihn der Prozess der Einsamkeit eine Forsetzung des Dichtens war, so scheint seine Einamkeit ihr eigenes literarisches Dasein gefu¨hrt, moderne menschliche Bedingungen untersucht, und dadurch fu¨hlten sie sich menschlich gesteigert.

朝鮮時代 宦官 金處善의 活動

장희흥 대구사학회 2013 대구사학 Vol.113 No.-

Kim Chu-seon was the eunuch from Kin Sejong to Eunsangun in Chosun Dynasty. We can find it difficult to examine a eunuch’s personal activities rather than those of official. In case of the eunuch’s life, there is no any trace in pedigree and no collection of works and anthology. Kim was seemed to be engaged in the royal court as the eunuch during King Sejong. It has been learned that Kim had been released from the banishment before and after the Suyangdaegun’s Kyeyujungran, and soon was exiled. But their connection was not confirmed. Kim came into play as the close to the King Sejo, and was punished by a few mistake in works. But Kim was promoted to the high official in the Department of Eunuch during the King Seongjong. After death of King Seongjong Kim organized the eunuchs to keep the King’s tomb and got the official rank as Jahyundaebu, the senior grade of the second. But after the Gapjasahwa, Yunsangun tyrannized the politics, and the eunuchs like other officials had the loyal remonstrance. Eunuch Kim Sun-son was killed by the remonstrance, and Kim’s family was adopted in the guilty-by-association system. Eunuch Kim Kyu-gyung was killed in cruelat that time. Kim Chu-seon recognised all of these eunuches’ poor situations but Kim also pleaded with the Eunsangun from his motive. Kim was also punished and kim’s family was adopted in the involvement system. In recent, there is debate that Kim was restored during King Jungjong but granting Kim a official position was during King Yungjo. As the result, Kim was adopted into the eunuch Kim and could be succeeded to Kim’s family as Eunuch.

구전설화와 공간의 매개적 접근방식을 통해 살펴본 설화의 무형유산적 의미 - 하서 김인후 설화와 순창 훈몽재 관련 구술을 대상으로 -

이정훈 한국문화융합학회 2019 문화와 융합 Vol.41 No.2

This paper is discussing the spatial meaning of Hunmongjae in Sunchang at two levels. The first is an analysis of a story about Kim In-hoo. Of the 10 stories in the Gobi literature section, there are stories compiled in the 1980s and stories added in the 2000s. In the first edition of the book, Kim In-hoo’s status represents the Jeolla provinces but in the second edition of the book, it refutes the first. The story of Kim In-hoo, who was originated in Ulsan, about taking place in Jeongup and as well as the conflicts with husband of his wife’s sister, Tae-in Kim (Kim Yak-mook) who was originated in Jeongup, deserve consideration for Kim In-hoo’s regional significance. However, any assessment of Kim In-hoo in the first book reflects the fact of his high status in the Jeolla provinces. In comparison, the second edition does not primarily highlight the personal situation of Haseo-nom de plume of Kim In-hoo-, but only highlights his appearance as a wise judge. However, Kim’s status in the Jeolla provinces’ Confucian is largely attributed to Pilam Seowon in his hometown of Jangseong in the South Jeolla Province, as well as Hunmongjae in Sunchang, which he built. The second aspect to be discussed at this paper is the oral materials related to Sunchang’s Hunmongjae, which were obtained through a field survey in 2019. Kim In-hoo was actually a man from Jangseong of South Jeolla Province in a strict sense. Therefore, Seowon that gives ancestral rites to Kim In-hoo is Pil-am Seowon. However, Sunchang Hunmongjae was built before Kim’s birth and was a scholarly retreat to protect his temple. In addition, a local survey and a survey of the literature confirmed that Hunmongjae had been rebuilt on four occasions since its foundation in 1548. Furthermore Hunmongjae has maintained its reputation due to the move of the Confucians in Jeolla provinces and the desire of the descendants of the Sunchang residents. In this paper, we looked at the anecdotes of Haseo in the North Jeolla region by analyzing the narrative and found the space of oral transmission through a field survey. This approach can also be described through the concept of a “chronotope,” which Bachchin refers to as a dynamic relationship of time and space. The story is narrated in a concrete space as it is remembered by people through the passage of time. The story of Kim In-hoo is the memory of a historical figure and Hunmongjae is a place to commemorate Kim In-hoo’s activities in the North Jeolla Province. In addition, a local survey showed that Hunmongjae’s status consisted of various efforts to inherit the tradition of Confucianism amid the shrink of Confucian culture. This combination of literary analysis and local research in this narrative will be an example of the intangible heritage research methodology.

방법으로서의 이상 -김윤식의 이상 문학 연구에 대하여

김예리 구보학회 2019 구보학보 Vol.0 No.22

Kim Yoon-shik’s writing is filled with contradiction and tension between an axis of the literature as a system, for example seen with the unity of the written and spoken language, and the other axis wandering around modern times but outside of it. He directly faces the matter of boundary in the modern literature through Yi Sang’s literature. Kim’s study on Yi Sang made the concept of modernity, an essential methodology to study KAPF, become unstable in Kim’s critical world. Kim explains Lee as a person who produced literary works that are no longer based on the authority of “writers,” and summoned “text,” a post-modern concept, to discuss Lee. Kim’s research puts Lee on the boundary between modernity and post-modernity, saying Lee shows the highest thoughts that modern men could ever pursue. At the same time, however, Kim constantly returns Lee to modern times, and makes him a fragile individual who was frustrated by the huge wall of modernity. In Kim’s research on Lee, Lee appears with two opposite faces. The two faces tell that Lee is the unconsciousness of modernism existing on the boundary of modern times. Lee was the limits that Kim, as are searcher on modernism literature, could approach. This means that Lee’s literature is the limits, a form and a methodology for Kim as a modernism literature researcher. Lee’s literature is not merely a subject for research but a base of thinking placed in Kim’s unconsciousness. In other words, Kim’s world of critique can be generally understood only through Yi Sang’s literature. In this context, this paper examines the meaning of Kim’s research on Yi Sang’s literature in Kim’s world of critique, and interprets Kim Yoon-shik’s literary thinking on the boundary of the world. 김윤식의 글쓰기는 언문일치와 같은 말로 설명되는 제도로서의 문학의 한 축과 근대의 바깥을 서성이는 또 다른 축이 만들어내는 모순과 긴장으로 채워져 있다. 김윤식은 근대문학에서 발생하는 이러한 경계의 문제를 이상 문학을 통해 직접적으로 대면한다. 김윤식의 이상 연구에서 중요한 것은 이상과의 만남에서 카프 문학 연구의 중요한 방법론이었던 근대라는 개념이 흔들리기 시작했다는 데 있다. 김윤식은 이상이 더 이상 근대적인 ‘작가’의 권위가 통용되지 않는 작품들을 생산한 존재로 설명하며 그를 논의하기 위해 ‘텍스트’라는 탈근대적 개념을 호출한다. 그리하여 김윤식의 이상 연구는 이상이 근대적 인간이 할 수 있는 최고의 사상을 보여주고 있다고 말하며 그를 근대의 경계선에 세워놓는다. 하지만 다른 한편으로 김윤식은 끊임없이 이상을 근대라는 세계의 내부로 귀속시키며 이상을 근대라는 거대한 벽에 부딪혀 좌절한 불쌍하고 유약한 인간으로 만들어버린다. 김윤식의 이상 연구에서 이상은 극과 극의 아주 다른 얼굴로서 우리 앞에 나타난다. 이렇게 극단적으로 달라지는 이상의 얼굴은 이상이 근대의 경계선 위에 존재하는 근대의 무의식이라는 점을 말해주는 것이다. 김윤식에게 이상은 근대 문학 연구자로서의 김윤식이 도달할 수 있는 마지막 한계선이었던 셈이다. 이러한 사실은 이상 문학이 근대문학 연구자로서의 김윤식의 한계이자 형식이며 방법이라는 것을 의미하며, 그런 점에서 이상 문학은 그에게 단순한 연구 대상이 아니라 연구자로서의 그의 무의식의 자리에 위치하고 있다는 것을 의미한다. 다시 말해 김윤식의 비평적 세계는 이상 문학을 통해서만 그것의 전체적인 윤곽을 가늠할 수 있다는 것이다. 본 연구는 이와 같은 맥락에서 김윤식의 이상 문학 연구가 그의 비평적 세계에서 어떤 의미를 갖는지를 살펴보며, 이를 통해 세계의 경계선 위에서의 김윤식이 펼쳐 보이는 문학적 사유를 읽어보았다.