경향신문을 통해 본 남북한 충돌의 양상과 그 유형

박형준 육군사관학교 화랑대연구소 2020 한국군사학논집 Vol.76 No.3

This study sought to understand the characteristics of North Korea's major provocations and their implications through the analysis of the patterns and types of inter-Korean military conflicts that have occurred over the past 70 years by collecting cases of inter-Korean military conflicts reported in the 『Kyunghyang Shinmun』. As a result of the study, first, as a result of compiling military conflict incidents by year, the year in which military conflicts occurred most frequently between North and South Korea was in 1968, and there was a tendency to occur concentrated in the late 1950s and 1960s. Second, as a result of the total status of each campaign, about 80% of all military conflict incidents occurred in land areas (1,799 cases). Third, as a result of the analysis by type, the type of military conflict that occurred most frequently was ‘military capture or injury (including spy capture)’, and the second priority was ‘military death’ that occurred during infiltration engagement. Of particular note is that out of the total of 1,139 cases of these two types, espionage-related cases accounted for a large proportion of 914 cases. As such, South and North Korea are fighting a “small war” at the military demarcation line that makes the signing of the armistice agreement colorless, and the Korean peninsula has become a “gun powder store” where tensions cannot be released. 본 연구는『경향신문』에 보도된 남북군사충돌 사례를 수집하여 지난 70여 년간 발생한 남북군사충돌의 양상과 그 유형 분석을 통해 북한의 주요 도발의 특징과 그 시사점을 파악하고자 했다. 이를 위해 분단 이후 전쟁 기간을 제외한 2019년까지의 『경향신문』을 전수조사하여, 군사충돌 사례를 수집하고 그 양상 및 주요 특징을 도출하고자 했다. 본 연구를 통해 다음과 같은 의미있는 결과들이 도출됐다. 첫째, 연도별 군사충돌 사건을 집계한 결과, 남북 간 군사충돌이 가장 많이 발생했던 연도는 1968년이었으며, 1950년대 후반, 1960년대 집중되어 발생하는 경향이 나타났다. 이후 점차적으로 군사충돌이 감소하는 추세가 보여졌으며, 1990년대 중반 북한의 ‘고난의 행군’시기에 약간의 증가세가 나타나기도 했다. 이는 체제 결속을 위한 북한 군부의 의도적 도발과 관련지어 살펴볼 수 있다. 둘째, 전역별 현황을 집계한 결과, 대부분의 군사충돌 사건이 육상 지역(1,799건)에서 발생했다는 점이다. 이는 전체 발생 건수의 약 80%일 정도로 큰 비중을 차지하고 있다. 즉 대부분의 군사충돌 사건이 육상 지역에서 발생했음을 의미한다. 셋째, 유형별 분석의 결과로, 정전협정 위반사건 기사 가운데 가장 많이 보도된 사건은 ‘군인 생포 또는 부상(간첩 생포 포함)’과 관련한 사건이었으며, 2순위는 침투교전 중에 발생한 ’군인사망‘ 사건이었다. 특히 여기서 주목할 점은 이 두 유형의 합계 1,139건 중 간첩 관련 사건이 914건이나 될 정도로 군사충돌사건의 대부분이 간첩침투와 연관이 있다는 점이다. 이처럼 남북은 군사분계선에서 정전협정 체결이 무색할 정도의 ‘작은 전쟁’을 치러 오고 있으며, 한반도는 한시도 긴장의 끈을 놓을 수 없는 ‘화약고’가 되었다.

남남갈등의 스펙트럼과 논점들: 현실론적 고찰

강원식 통일연구원 2004 統一 政策 硏究 Vol.13 No.2

The South-South conflict belongs to a different level from the conservatism-progressivism. The former is concerning in the national security fields, and the latter is in the fields of the outlook on the world and social development. The two must be under consideration separately. To solve the inner conflict in the South the causes of conflict and the grounds of arguments should be clarified.Political orientations of the South- South conflict are based on subjective images of good-evil on Kim Jong-il regime, not on the rational judgment on the current situation and future of North Korean society. Some has very idealist views that appeasable warm sunshine will arrange all in good order because the nature of Kim Jong-il and NK society is good, and the others has very realistic views that carrot and stick should be used together, preparing for the worst case because the nature is evil. That is, there is clash between idealistic view and realistic. In idealistic eyes with a merciful and tolerant heart, the power regime of NK is also good, on the other hand in realistic eyes in the law of the jungle that the strong prey upon the weak, Kim Jong-il regime is also the axis of evil. There is no doubt that Kim Jong-il regime could reform the policies and system and participate the world community, at the same time it goes without saying that the NK regime could go on exploit the people. However national policy must be on the lines of realistic views, because it should be to avoid the worst case, not to pursue the best. In this monograph the disputed points of conflict, such as approach methods, views on the present and future situation of NK, ‘national collaboration’, and sunshine policy, is reviewed from the essential viewpoints of universality and actuality. South-South conflict in Korean society could come to the mutual consensus, and ravel out.

DMZ 평화 창출을 위한 신기능주의적 접근

박형준 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2018 동북아연구 Vol.33 No.2

South Korea and North Korea signed the Armistice Agreement for the Korean War's truce and set up a demilitarized zone (DMZ) to prevent conflicts and surprises in 1953. However, under the division structure, the DMZ was heavily armed unlike its original purpose, and 876 cases of major violations of armistice agreements (military conflicts) caused serious human and material damage. Both sides' military clashes in the DMZ have worsened mutual distrust and conflict, hampering inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation. Therefore, it is urgent to find a neo-functionalist approach to transform the DMZ into a peaceful space, so that the South and the North Korea can build sustainable peace. Nevertheless, most of the previous researches on the DMZ have not identified the crucial conditions of the peaceful use of the DMZ, and have not proposed a solution for building sustainable peace. It has been focused on how to use the DMZ peacefully without discussing some fundamentals of problem solving. At the same time, there has been a tendency to focus on economic benefits, the mitigation of military tensions, the conservation of ecological resources and ecotourism by utilizing the DMZ's geopolitical advantages and resources. The purpose of this study is to propose a neo-functionalist approach as a method for peaceful use of DMZ considering the problems raised above. This is because political and military problems reproduced and strengthened mutual hostility between the two Koreas and acted as an obstacle to the establishment of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula. Especially recent demolition and GP explosion in the DMZ can be a meaningful example supporting the neo-functionalist approach.

접경지역 지원의 목표달성 평가

김재한 한국융합학회 2016 한국융합학회논문지 Vol.7 No.1

접경지역지원법(2000)은 접경지역종합개발계획을 통한 생활여건 개선, 자연환경 보전, 통일기반 조성이라는 정책목표 융합을 천명하고 있다. 이러한 지원성과가 정책목표에 상응하는가, 정책 자체에 문제는 없는가를 평가하는 것이 연구목적이다. 이를 위해 2000년~2014년간 정책목표와 관련되는 통계지표의 변화를 분석하고 지자체의 자체평가와 비교하였다. 그 결과, 많은 집행과정의 문제점에도 불구하고 자연환경적으로 발전이 제약되는 도서 및 산악 접경지역을 예외로 하면 주민의 생활여건은 크게 개선되었다고 평가할 수 있다. 반면 개발위주의 정책은 자연환경을 훼손하고 군사규제와 끊임없이 갈등을 야기하고 있다. 정책목표들 간의 조화가 안정적인 지역발전에 바람직하며, 군사적 대치의 남북관계가 지속되는 한 군사우위의 정책목표체계가 훼손되어서는 안될 것이다. The Border Area Support Act(2000) has policy goal convergence to improve living conditions, to conserve natural environment, and to prepare national unification in this area. The purpose of this study is to evaluate whether the support until now meet the policy goal or set a question on policy itself. Variation of statistical indicators related with policy goal for the period 2000-2014 has analyzed and compared with local government’s evaluation report. It is found out that resident’s living condition has improved in spite of several political fallacies, but the support policy can damage natural environment and cause conflict with military regulations constantly. Under current inter-Korean relation, it is desirable to minimize conflicts between political bodies in Border Area.

노무현 정부와 이명박 정부의 대북정책 결정요인 비교연구

윤인향(Inhyang Yoon) 성신여자대학교 동아시아연구소 2015 국가와 정치 Vol.21 No.-

탈냉전적 국제질서속에서 김대중 정부의 대북포용정책을 계승했다고 할 수 있는 노무현정부의 평화번영정책은 금강산관광과 개성공단사업등을 통해 북한과의 교류증진을 위해 많은 노력을 했다. 이 결과 북한에 일방적인 지원만 했다는 비판도 적지 않으며 북한을 시장경제체제로의 개혁과 개방으로 이끌어내는데도 실패했다는 평가를 받고 있다. 이명박 정부는 노무현 정부의 평화정책을 백지화하고 상호주의에 입각한 대북강경정책을 추진했다. 그렇지만 이명박 정부의 대북정책도 군사적 충돌등 남북관계를 과거보다 더욱 악화시켰다는 지적이 많다. 이러한 상황을 염두에 두고서 본 연구는 남북관계가 탈냉전적 국제질서 변화와 상관없이 남한에서 어떠한 성격의 정부가 들어서느냐에 따라 갈등과 협력이 반복되는 이유가 무엇인지를 알아보고자 한다. James Rosnau의 외교정책 결정모델을 적용해서 두 정부의 그러한 외교정책 결정에 영향을 미친 요인이 무엇인지를 비교분석했다. 그 결과 노무현 정부의 대북 정책 결정에는 개인적 요인이 가장 큰 영향을 미쳤고, 정부적 요인과 사회적 요인 순으로 영향을 미친 것으로 분석되었다. 반면, 이명박 정부는 사회적 요인, 개인적 요인, 정부적 요인 순으로 영향을 미친 것으로 드러났다. In the world order of the post-cold war era, the Roh Moo-hyun administration’s Peace and Prosperity Policy toward North Korea was the continuation of the Kim Dae-jung administration’s engagement policy toward the North. Under this policy, The Roh administration put much effort to promote exchanges between South and North Korea through projects such as the Mount Kumgang Tourism Zone and the Kaesong Industrial Complex. Consequently, many criticize his policy, arguing it provided unreciprocated assistance to the North. It is also considered a failure since it could not induce North Korea to open and reform its economy towards a market economy. The Lee Myung-bak administration revoked the former president’s Peace and Prosperity Policy and took a hard-line policy towards North Korea based on the principle of reciprocity. Yet, many point out that the policy of the Lee administration also aggravated the relationship between South and North Korea as seen in the cases of military conflicts, etc. In this regard, this paper will look into why we see cooperation or conflict in the inter-Korean relationship one after the other depending on the character of the government in South Korea, regardless of the changing world order of the post-cold war era. I used James Rosenau’s model of decision-making in foreign policy to compare and analyze the factors of the two administrations which influenced their foreign policies. As a result, the research concluded that personal factor had the greatest impact on Roh administration's policy toward North Korea, followed by governmental factor and social factor. Lee administration's policy was most greatly influenced by social factor, followed by personal factor and governmental factor.