해방기 좌익 신문 『조선인민보(朝鮮人民報)』의 항일투사와 김일성 형상: ‘수령형상’의 기원과 형성 탐색을 위한 시론 (1)

최강미 ( Choi Gangmi ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2020 국방연구 Vol.63 No.1

북한소설 연구에서 ‘김일성 형상’은 주요한 주제 중의 하나이다. 1960년대 후반 북한의 주체시대가 시작되면서 문예작품에서는 김일성 형상화를 의미하는 ‘수령형상화’가 중요한 정책적 과제로 지정된 이래 북한소설은 김일성의 형상이 전면화되거나 전제된 텍스트로서 특징화되어 왔다. 그러나 수령형상화의 연원은 해방기로 거슬러 올라갈 수 있으며, 김일성이 등장하는 해방기 소설은 삽입된 일화나 인물을 이루는 요소 등에서 당시 저널리즘을 통해 소개된 김일성 관련기사들과 겹치는 부분이 많다. 특히 김일성의 형상은 당시 속속 귀환하던 항일투사들의 소개기사내용과도 밀접한 관련을 보인다. 따라서 대중 매체에 소개된 김일성의 모습을 검토해 보는 작업은 해방기 소설에서 김일성 형상의 의미를 모색해 보기 위한 기초 자료가 될 수 있을 것이다. 이 글은 그 첫 번째 작업으로서 해방기 서울에서 발행된 최초의 국문신문이자 대표적인 좌익 매체 중 하나였던 『조선인민보』에 실린 귀환 항일투사들의 소개기사와 김일성 관련 기사를 검토하면서 김일성 형상의 초기 모습을 당대 저널리즘을 통해 형성된 항일투사 형상의 연속선상에서 살펴보았다. 초기 김일성의 형상은 다른 항일투사들의 형상을 이루고 있는 내용 요소들을 대체로 공유하고 있다. 그러나 정보가 구체적이지 않은 데 비해 찬양의 수사가 과도해지면서 불균형이 심화되는 경향을 보여 준다. 특히 다른 항일투사들과 달리 투옥 경험 등 고난에 대한 구체적인 이력이나 정황이 제시되지 않음으로써 강하지만 훼손되지 않는 낭만적 투사 이미지도 형성되고 있다. 한편 전자의 불균형은 다른 인물의 구체적인 정보를 활용해 이상화할 수 있는 여지를 높여 주는 것으로 해석될 수도 있다. 본고는 일종의 시론(試論)으로서 한계를 지니며, 이후 두 번째 작업인 북한에서 발행된 매체의 기사를 검토하는 후속 작업을 통해 수령형상의 기원과 형성에 대한 탐색을 좀더 보충하고 논의를 확장해 가고자 한다. Kim Il-sung's character' is one of the main topics in the study of North Korean fictions. Since North Korea's 'the era of Juche(self-reliance)' began in the late 1960s, "Suryeong Hyeongsanghwa", which means making the figure of Kim Il-sung as a character for fictions was designated as an important policy task in the field of North Korean literature work. And North Korean fiction has been characterized as texts which are based on the Kim Il-sung's figuration or display it at the whole narrative. However, the origin of "Suryeong Hyeongsanghwa" can trace back to the Korean liberation period, and the episodes inserted into the narratives and elements comprising the figure's character in North Korean fictions which have Kim Il-sung as a fictional character in the period have many parts overlapping with mass media articles by which Kim Il-sung was introduced. Especially, the Kim Il-sung's figure has close relation with the content elements constructing the image of anti-Japanese fighters who came back to Korea at that time. Therefore, the work that look-over the figure of Kim Il-sung introduced via mass media can be basic materials for exploring the meaning of Kim Il-sung's character in the North Korean fictions of the liberation period. As the first work of a preliminary step, in this article I looked into the early form of Kim Il-sung as one of the anti-Japanese fighters with their image constructed by mass media in that time through analyzing articles in Choseon Inminbo which is one of the representative left-wing and the first newspaper in Korean published at Seoul after the liberation of Korea. The early form of Kim Il-sung shared most content elements by which other anti-Japanese fighters' image was constructed. However, because the rhetoric of praise are getting more excessive compare to his not specific information, the unbalance of Kim Il-sung's figuration goes deeper. Especially also an image of romantic fighter who is strong but not damaged has been constructed because there is no clear description about his severe experience including imprisonment unlike that other fighters usually mention their experience of imprisonment. On one hand, the unbalance can be interpreted as a possibility for idealizing his character more by using other's specific information. This article has some limitation as a sort of essay. Therefore after this, I am going to supply more contents for exploring about the origin and formation of Suryung Hyeongsang and expand this discussion through successive work, checking articles of mass media published in North Korea at that time.

조중연합사(朝中聯合司)가 '조선인민군' 재편성에 미친 영향

김태현 국방부군사편찬연구소 2010 군사 Vol.- No.76

This research begins with a question “why the North Korean Leader Kim Il-sung excluded the experience, military doctrine and guideline of Chinese Communist Forces(CCF)) during the reorganization of North Korean People's Army(NKPA), even though the CCF's military intervention contributed to save North Korea from collapse-crisis in the war?". This phenomenon is contrary to the common belief that a military alliance between two nations normally binds and consolidates its relationship strong together, and will have a positive influence on a mutual norm and culture. This paper, focused on the dynamics of Kim Il-sung's “regime security" and “conflicting interaction between two nations", explores a impact of the CCF-NKPA Combined Forces Command on the Reorganization of NKPA in the era from October 1950 to the end of 1950's. The conclusions of this research are as followings: First, the CCF-NKPA relations at the highest levels during the creation of the CCF-NKPA Combined Forces Command and the conduct of the Korean War were characterized as a tension and conflict, not as friendship. The CCF-NKPA Combined Forces Command, which is created in December 1950 for the purpose of unity of commands for two forces, was perceived by Kim Il-sung not only as a military command defending an alliance's common interest against external threats, but also as an political institution intervening in the North Korean internal affairs. The Establishment of the CCF-NKPA Combined Forces Command meant to Kim Il-sung a “lost" of his own operational command which can be interpreted as an expansion of chinese influence over the North Korea. The Chinese really attempted to draw towards themselves the commanders of the NKPA, and were not ashamed to interfere in the internal affairs of North Korea. This all made Kim Il-sung anxious about his regime security. Consequently, Kim Il-sung intended to prevent Peng Dehuai (Commander of the CCF-NKPA Combined Forces Command) from expanding his power over the Yenan-faction by introducing the Soviet in keeping a balance of power between two powers. Kim Il-sung's Mistrust against the chinese leadership was mixed with his personal psychological factor that he had experienced during the Anti-Japanese War in the 1930s and in the winter 1950-1951. He preferred therefore to rely on the soviet side. Second, tensions and conflicts between two nations had a lasting impact on the reorganization of the NKPA in two senses. On the one hand, Kim Il-sung stuffed the core position of NKPA's leadership with a Partisan-faction, so that he could seize the military power as an instrument for making his political power indisputable. The “Military" functioned for him rather an instrument for keeping his own political power internally, than an protecting force ensuring the sovereignty and survival of the national state externally. He succeeded to make the NKPA loyal to protect his own political status. On the other hand, Kim Il-sung was more dependent on the soviet side to keep a balance against the chinese. Under great assistance and support from the soviet he attempted to regain the military capabilities. Kim Il-sung's plan was consistent with a intention of soviet that had a fear of an expansion of the Chinese over North Korean. The Training, military doctrine, tactical guideline during the reorganization of NKPA was accordingly influenced strongly by the soviet military thoughts and systems. The sole alternative that Kim Il-sung could select was leaning to the soviet side, considering an increasing influence of the chinese and their interference in the internal affairs. Last but not least, the subject “the CCF-NKPA Combined Forces Command and the NKPA" needs studying more carefully with a deeper analysis in twofold respects. The Sino-North Korean military alliance nowadays is a key factor to understand the current security structure of the north east asia that is symbolized by the North Korean nuclear crisis and Cheonan-warship ...

김일성,김정일의 상징정치: 구호와 상징조형물을 중심으로

이승현 ( Seung Hyun Lee ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2012 한국과 국제정치 Vol.28 No.2

김일성이 어떻게 상징을 조작하여 대중들이 기대를 갖도록 했는가? 김일성이 상징 조작에 활용했던 구체적인 사례들은 무엇이 있는가? 이 과정에서 김정일은 어떠한 역할을 수행하였는가? 본 연구는 이런 질문들을 바탕으로 상징(체계)과 정치 사이의 상호연관성을 탐색하려는 목적을 갖고 진행하였다. 에델만이 통찰한 것처럼 김일성과 김정일은 국가 상징, 정치적 구호, 상징조형물들을 통하여 자신들의 권력을 상징화하고 일상화하였으며, 대중들은 일부 이로부터 감동받고 김일성과 심리적 동질화를 이룸으로써, 다양한 위기의 시기가 있었지만 북한의 정치는 큰 변란 없이 현재까지 이어져오고 있다. 김일성·김정일의 상징장치가 권력기제로서 작동해 오고있는 것이다. 김일성의 상징 조작(manipulation)은 유일체제 수립을 전후하여 선전선동부문을 책임지게 된 김정일에 의해 더욱 치밀하게 계획되고 추진되어 북한 주민들은 조작을 조작으로 느끼지 않게 되는 단계, 즉 상징장치들이 작동operation)하는 단계에 이르게 되었다. Our research is focused on three questions. How did Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il manipulate symbols to give hope to the people? What are the specific cases that Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il utilized when they manipulate symbols? What is the role of Kim Jong-il in these whole processes of symbolic manipulation? We will try to find the correlation between the politics and symbolic systems in North Korea through these questions. When Kim Il-sung obtained and enlarged his powers, he mobilized various symbols in North Korea. And Kim Il-sung succeeded in succession of his power to his son Kim Jong-il and he also mobilized the various symbols in those processes. In recent years, Kim Jong-il tried to give his power and authority to his son Kim Jong-un, and we have a chance to observe the vivid mechanism of symbolic politics in real experiments in North Korea. North Korean people were impressed by symbolic politics of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il and tuned with two Kim``s symbolic manipulation. As a result of these, two Kim could overcome the various crises that North Korea had faced. Kim Jong-il manipulated more sophisticatedly than his father from 1967 when unitary political system established. So, North Korean people can``t recognize the differences between manipulation and operation of symbolic politics.

일반 논문 : 북한 문학 교과서에 수록된 "김일성 교시"와 "김정일 말씀" 연구-『국어문학』교과서와 『문학』 교과서의 비교를 중심으로-

홍지선 ( Ji Sun Hong ) 한국문학교육학회 2012 문학교육학 Vol.38 No.-

This study compares ``Kim Il-Sung`s Lessons`` and ``Kim Jong-Il`s Words`` contained in North Korean 『Korean Literature』 textbooks and 『Literature』 textbooks in order to examine the relations between those quotations and literature education. Comparing Kim Il-Sung`s and Kim Jong-Il`s quotations contained in 『Korean Literature』 textbooks and 『Literature』 textbooks, this study has found that after the revision of textbooks, ``Kim Il-Sung`s Lessons`` are reduced about 43% while ``Kim Jong-Il`s Words`` are increased about 100%. This is one of the ways to strengthen Kim Jong-Il`s system after Kim Il-Sung`s death. And the ``Literature`` subject corresponding to the political ideology subject turned its direction to increasing ``Kim Jong-Il`s Words``. As quotations from Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jung-Il serve as a structure to move the society in writing form, ``Kim Il-Sung`s Lessons`` and ``Kim Jung-Il`s Words`` in literature education work as a standard or base to specify contents of literature education and to develop the contents of textbooks. About 80.8% of ``Kim Il-Sung`s Lessons`` corresponds to ideological emotion and refinement while about 89.7% of ``Kim Jong-Il`s Words`` belongs to knowledge function education. Therefore, in ``Literature`` education, ``Kim Il-Sung`s Lessons`` are chiefly in charge of ideological emotion and refinement whereas ``Kim Jong-Il`s Words`` play roles for knowledge function education. One more curriculum and 『Literature』 textbook revision could be predicted after the death of Kim Jong-Il. Based on such changes made to education in North Korea, we can expect contents related to Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jong-Il will be diminished. Instead, lessons of Kim Jong-Eun, works done by him and works with him as the hero will be major contents of Literature textbook.

북한협상의 기원 : 김일성과 오의성의 담판 사례를 중심으로

김해원(Kim, Hai Won) 북한학회 2019 북한학보 Vol.44 No.1

항일무장투쟁의 간고한 시기에, 김일성 유격대는 담판의 성공을 통해 구국군과 공조함으로써 연합전선을 펼 수 있음으로써 생존을 모색할 수 있었다. 오늘날 북한의 김정은 정권은 북한 핵문제를 해결하겠다는 미국의 강한 도전에 직면해서 어떻게든 협상을 통해 잘 해결해야만 북한 정권의 미래를 보장받을 수 있다. 이러한 점에서 김일성 유격대와 김정은 정권이 처한 상황은 실로 유사하다고 볼 수 있다. 북한에서는 ‘김일성과 오의성과의 담판’을 매우 중요한 협상의 사례로 간주하고 있는바 김일성의 저작물 ‘세기와 더불어’에서 오의성과 행한 담판의 준비과정, 진행과정, 담판의 성과 등에 대해 상당히 많은 지면을 통해 세부적으로 설명하고 있다. 김일성 스스로 이 담판을 ‘통쾌한 사변’으로 평가하였던 점에서 ‘ 김일성과 오의성과의 담판’은 북한의 협상사례의 혁명 전통으로서 손색이 없다. 따라서 이 글은 ‘김일성과 오의성과의 담판’에서 표출된 협상의 단계(준비과정, 진행과정, 합의과정, 합의기구 창설, 합의기구 파기, 결렬과정) 분석 및 각종 협상행태(협상전술과 협상전략)의 분석을 통해 북한협상의 기원을 연구하는데 목적이 있다. At a difficult time of the anti-Japanese armed struggle, Kim Il Sung’s guerrilla group was able to seek survival by joining forces with the chinese militants through the success of the negotiation. Today, the Kim Jong Un regime in North Korea faces a strong challenge from the U.S. to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue, and only if it manages to resolve it well through negotiations can it be guaranteed the future of the regime. In this regard, the situation facing the Kim Il Sung guerrilla and Kim Jong Un regime is indeed similar. In North Korea, “Negotiation between Kim Il Sung and Oh Eui Sung” as a very important case of negotiation. In Kim Il Sung’s work “With the century,” the preparation process, progress process, and performance of the discourse performed with Oh Eui Sung are explained in detail through a lot of pages. Given that Kim Il Sung himself evaluated the negotiation as a “a landmark event,” the “challenging between Kim Il Sung and Oh Eui Sung” is a revolutionary tradition of the North’s negotiating cases. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to survey the origin of North Korea’s negotiations through the preparation process, progress process, agreement process, establishment of an agreement organization, breakdown process, and analysis of various negotiation behaviors (negotiation tactics and negotiation strategies) expressed in the “Negotiation between Kim Il Sung and Oh Eui Sung.”

북한의 통치이념 "김일성-김정일주의" 분석

김창희 ( Chang Hee Kim ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2013 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.22 No.3

북한의 김정은은 자신의 공식적인 체제를 출범하면서 통치이념으로 김일성-김정일주의를 내세웠다. 2012년 4월 11일 당규약 개정을 통하여 “조선로동당은 위대한 김일성-김정일주의를 당건설과 당활동의 지도적 지침으로 한다”고 하였다. 김일성-김정일 주의는 노동계급의 혁명사상 발전의 가장 높은 단계를 이루는 완성된 혁명사상이고, 주체시대?선군시대의 유일하게 올바른 지도사상이라고 한다. 그러므로 ‘온 사회의 김일성-김정일주의화가 시대적 요구’라고 하고 있다. 본 논문의 목적은 김일성-김정일주의의 의미와 특성을 체계적으로 분석하고자 하는것이다. 이를 위해서 김일성-김정일주의를 북한 사회에 정착시키려는 의도에서 이념적도구로 활용하고 있는 ‘김정일애국주의’도 규명해야 한다. 김일성-김정일주의를 분석하기 위하여 주체사상이나 선군사상에 대한 역사적?객관적인 그리고 현실에 대한 이해에서부터 시작해야 한다. 주체사상과 선군사상의 선험적 분석에 바탕을 둔 새로운 통치이념에 대한 접근이 필요하다. 그리고 이를 김정일애국주의와 어떻게 연결시키고 있는가에 대한 분석도 해야 한다. 김일성-김정일주의는 백두혈통을 이어받은 김정은에 대한 충성심과 김정일 따라 배우기를 강조하고 있다. 모든 인민들이 김정일의 애국심을 본받아 강성국가로의 발전에 헌신해야 한다는 것이다. 김일성과 김정일의 업적과 사상을 연결시켜, 이것을 지도사상이라는 기치로 내세우면서 인민들의 통합성과 동원을 극대화하려 하고 있다. With the official assumption into the office, Kim Jong Eun designated ‘Kim Il Sung- Kim Jong Ilism’ as the governing ideology of North Korea. On April 11, 2012, the revised Party article announced that “the North Korea Worker`s Party takes great Kim Il Sung- Kim Jong Ilism as a guidance for the development and behavior of the party.” It is said that the doctrine is the perfect revolution ideology that realizes the highest level of evolution of revolution ideology of the working class and the only righteous guiding thought during the ‘Juche’ and ‘Military-First’ era. Accordingly, ‘the whole society`s Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Ilization for epochal requirement’ is narrated. The purpose of this study is to systematically explore the implications and characteristics of Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Ilism. For this, it will analyze ‘Kim Jong Il patriotism’ as an ideological implement for the establishment of Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Ilism. The historical, objective, and realistic comprehension of the Juche and Military-First ideologies is prerequisite for the analysis of the doctrine. Namely, an approach to the new governing ideology based on the empirical analysis of the former ideologies is necessary. Additionally, it requires an analysis on how Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Ilism is connected to Kim Jong Il`s patriotism. The new governing doctrine gives an emphasis on the loyalty to Kim Jong Eun from the Baekdu lineage and on learning after Kim Jong Il. This implies that following Kim Jong Il`s patriotism, all people should contribute to developing a stronger country. Establishing a connection between Kim Il Sung`s achievements and his ideology, and offering Kim Jong Il`s ideology as the guiding ideology, Kim Jong Eun intends to maximize the unity and mobilization of North Korea`s general public.

북한의 김일성-김정일 우상화 전략 및 특성 비교 연구

정교진(Jung, Kyo Jin) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2016 통일인문학 Vol.68 No.-

본 연구는 북한의 김일성, 김정일 우상화 전략 및 그 특성을 비교 연구하였다. 북한은 김일성, 김정일 시기에 상징정치, 특히 ‘지도자상징정치’를 강도 높게 시행했다. 그로인해, 김일성, 김정일 부자는 권력을 독점하고 향유하다가 김정은으로 이어지는 3대 세습을 성공시켰다. 현재, 북한 김정은 정권도 ‘지도자상징정치’가 강도 높게 작동되고 있는 것으로 보인다. 그렇다면 김일성, 김정일 시기와 비교해서 그 정도(강도)는 과연 어떨까? 북한의 유훈통치 속성상 일반적으로 김일성 시기를 가장 높게, 다음은 김정일, 그 다음은 김정은 시기 순으로 평가하기가 쉽다. 과연 그럴까? 이 질문으로부터 본 연구는 출발했다. 북한의 지도자상징정치는 지도자 우상화와 직결된다. 따라서 연구방식은 북한의 김일성-김정일 우상화 전략 및 그 특성을 비교 검토하는 것이다. 특히, 김일성-김정일 우상화에 있어 ‘신화적 사고’ 방법으로 접근했는지를 집중적으로 파악하고자 했다. 다시 말해, 김일성-김정일을 신출귀몰한 초능력 · 초인간적인 인물로 묘사했는지 그 여부를 검토하는 것이다. 연구자료는 『김일성원수님 어린시절』(1968), 『친애하는 지도자 김정일선생님 어린시절』(1975)과 인민학교 국어교과서(1960년대~1990년대), 그리고 『김일성 전설집』(1987), 『김정일 전설집』(1996)을 주자료로 사용하였다. 결론부분에서 김정은 우상화와도 단순비교를 해보면서 김정은 우상화의 강도 및 김정은 정권의 지도자상징정치 현주소를 나름대로 제시했다. The Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il regime had made extensive use of leader political symbology. Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il were able to enjoy a monopoly of power and were able to transfer power to Kim Jong-Un. Currently, the Kim Jong-Un regime in North Korea seems to have successfully strengthened its system of political ruler symbolism. How strong is Kim Jong-Un’s system of political ruler symbology compared to him predecessors? Considering the dying injunctions of the North Korean leaders, we can assume that Kim Il Sung’s was the strongest; followed by Kim Jong-Il and then Kim Jong-Un. Could this be correct? This study begins from this inquiry. Political ruler symbology of the North is closely related to the idolization of its leaders. Therefore, the research method is to compare North Korea’s Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il’s idolization strategy and its characteristics. In particular, this research focused on whether mythological thinking was employed in the idololization of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il. In other words, this study will prove that Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il were depicted as supernatural or superhuman figures. As for primary materials, I will refer to the following works: “Kim Il Sung’s childhood,” “Kim Jong Il’s childhood,” “the People’s school language textbook (1960 ~ 1990),” “Kim Il Sung, a legendary house” and “Kim Jong-Il, a legendary house”.

김정일의 방어기제와 상징전략

차승만 한국보훈학회 2012 한국보훈논총 Vol.11 No.4

The works for the equalization of Kim Jong Il = Kim Il Sung had been reinforced all the more to imprint Kim Il Sung as the founder of self-reliance theory, Kim Jong Il as the embodier of self-reliance theory for the purpose of fixation of the past hereditary composition of Kim Jong Il in North Korea. The agitation or change of self-reliance theory means the collapse of not only myth of Kim Il Sung but also the collapse of the system of Kim Jong Il it self from the view point of North Korea. Accordingly the authority of North Korea has no alternative but devote all their energy to the symbolic strategy for the purpose of sticking to the self-reliance theory. Especially seen from the functional relation between the system of Kim Jong Il and the self-reliance theory, it would not be wrong to say that in fact, the political power of Kim Jong Il depends on completely how the self-reliance theory as the base of justification is maintained. The construction of political image to the effect that Kim IlSung that is to say is Kim Jong Il with the self-reliance theory as the center plays a key role in maintaining the system of Kim Jong Il. Accordingly the strategy of symbol to build the system of Kim Jong Il in North Korea devoting all of their energy in the composition works of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il appeared successful once. In the policy of symbol, by the way, to accomplish the target originally intended, the practical base capable of justifying the logic in their way should be prepared. Even in case of a plausible strategy of symbol, if the fictiveness is as much as strong, the adverse effect would appear by the internal contradiction within themselves finally. The strategy of symbol indeed for the purpose of hereditary succession of Kim Jong Il based on the unreasonable fiction called self-reliance theory; rather the unintended result as the major characteristic of symbol policy owing to the high degree of manipulation so to speak, there would be a big possibility to be confronted with the crisis of counteraction inevitably. In this study, laying emphasis on the enhancement of symbol fabrication with the self-reliance theory as the center in the dark side of creation of political power structure connected from Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il in North Korea, the adverse effect to be generated from the distortion in the symbol manipulation in connection with the possibility of collapse of political power structure in North Korea has been investigated. In its course, what kind of political symbol has been used as well has been analyzed. We could know that Kim Jong Il had the command of the utilization of leadership, the metaphorical strategy of symbol saying Kim Il Sung = Kim Jong Il, the strategy of myth creation, the counteractive strategy of symbol. The political strategy of symbol, by the way, such as the strategy of symbol seen in the metaphor of Kim Il Sung = Kim Jong Il, etc. is shown with the big possibility of failure. Anyway, to use the strategy of symbol for the system of North Korea is because there is an effect to be produced by the symbol. Namely, it may be concluded because the symbol plays a role to conceal the truth at the same time gives the psychosocial satisfaction to the people. 과거 북한 김정일의 세습구도 정착화를 위해 김일성은 주체사상의 창시자, 김정일은 그 구현자로 각인시키기 위한 김정일=김일성 등식화 작업이 일층 강화시켰다. 따라서 김일성-김정일 합성화 사업에 총력을 기울여 온 북한의 김정일 체제 구축을 위한 상징전략이 일단 성공하였다고 하겠다. 그런데 상징정책도 본래 의도한바 목적을 달성하기 위해서 그 나름대로의 논리가 정당화될 수 있는 현실적 근거가 마련되어야 하다. 따라서 어떤 그럴듯한 상징전략일지라도 그 허구성이 강하면 강한 만큼 종국에 가서는 그 자체내의 모순에 의해 역기능을 드러낼 것이다. 주체사상이라는 터무니없는 허구에다 기반을 둔 김정일 세습을 위한 상징전략이야말로 그 조작성의 고도화로 인해 오히려 상징정책의 주요한 특성인 의도되지 않은 결과, 즉 반작용의 위기를 필연적으로 맞게 될 가능성이 크기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 북한에서 김일성=김정일로 이어지는 권력구조의 창출 이면에는 주체사상을 중심에 둔 고도의 상징조작이 작용했다는 점을 중시하고, 상징조작에서의 왜곡성이 초래 할 역기능을 북한의 권력구조의 붕괴가능성과 관련시켜 검토하였다. 그리고 그 과정에서 어떠한 정치적 상징을 이용했는지를 분석하였다. 김정일은 리더십 활용상징전략, 김일성=김정일 은유상징전략, 신화창조전략, 대응상징전략을 구사하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 그런데 김일성=김정일 은유에서 보여 지는 상징전략 등 정치상징전략은 실패할 가능성이 큰 것으로 보여 진다. 여하간 북한 체제를 위해 상징전략을 사용하는 것은 상징이 가져다주는 효과 때문이다. 즉 상징은 진실을 은폐하는 역할을 수행하면서 동시에 사람들에게 심리사회적 만족을 주기 때문이라는 결론을 내릴수 있다.

해방 후 김일성의 정치적 부상과 집권과정

기광서 한국역사연구회 2003 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.48

The purpose of this article is to investigate the process of Kim Il Sung's political uprising after the liberation of Korea by exploring various internal and external factors: the relations to the Soviet Union, his political ability, his position within political groups, and the change of the situation. During his anti-Japanese armed struggle in 1930s, Kim Il Sung obtained no less massive popularity in Korea and took a second position after Park Ho˘n-yo˘ng in Korean communist Party(KCP) which was reestablished after the country's liberation. The Soviet authorites, distinctly recognizing Kim Il Sung's political inclination, helped his political growth by giving various assistance. Cho Man-sik, Kim Il Sung's potential rival, had an opportunity to play an important political role in North Korea, but he couldn't help leaving forcedly from the political arena because of his attitude against the Moscow Agreement. Standing as a chairman of Provisional People's Committee of North Korea in February 1946, Kim Il Sung became "the first man" in North Korea. Land reform, accomplished nearly at the same period with this Committee, had given him a crucial opportunity to strengthen his own political influences. Kim Il Sung's political power didn't seem to be absolutely consolidated, when the leadership of KCP escaped from the suppression of the American authorities and arrived at North Korea. It would be probably difficult to substitute Park Ho˘n-yo˘ng for Kim Il Sung, keeping the firm support of the mass and communists in North Korea. Nonetheless, Kim Il Sung encountered with 'invisible' challenge from Park Ho˘n-yo˘ng's group for some period. In sum, after the liberation of Korea, Kim Il Sung became the top leader of North Korea throughout the following important steps: the acquisition of his popular images soon after the return in Korea, the exclusion of Cho Man-sik, the failed attempt to establish Provisional Government of Korea and the victory in competition with Park Ho˘n-yo˘ng.

신년사로 본 김일성․김정일의 대남인식과 대남정책 비교

이준희 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 국제지역연구원 2011 아태연구 Vol.18 No.2

This research is to investigate possibility of further change in North Korea, by looking at how much there has been a change in North Korea perspective on South Korea as the ‘Kim Il-sung era’ has turned into the ‘Kim Jung-Il era’ and how much there has been a change on South and North Korean relationship. Abbreviation on analysis, Kim Jung-Il, rather than Kim Il-Sung has used positive/negative vocabulary on South Korea a lot and also there has been in not only a positive relationship but a negative relationship between South and North Korea. It indicates that a lot of negative relation cut a conspicuous figure in ‘Kim Jung-Il era’, rather than ‘Kim Il-Sung era’ though it has increased positive/negative relation not concerned with positive/negative recognition. Especially, it is not convincing that we could recognize it the more positive, the more negative relation. So, these results are not consistant with usual thoughts. Also, Interrelationship analysis of ‘Kim Jung-Il era’ on negative recognition and negative relationship shows us plus linear relationship (0.145). Interrelationship analysis on positive recognition and negative relationship show us much more plus linear relationship (0.455). Putting these various analysis together, Kim Jung-Il is more dynamic and has more hostile attitude toward South Korea than his father, Kim Il-sung. Summing up these objective analysis, this will come to the following tendency that North Korea has taken aggressive action toward South Korea through interchange and cooperation between South and North Korea rather than actual improvement between them. From national liberation to this day, fundamental relationship between South and North Korea has not changed a lot inspite of a number of interchange and cooperation between them. Instead, North Korea take aggressive bussiness action preferentially during South and North Korea relationship and improvement of relationship is used to clear up internal-external criticism just like an expediant accompanied by aggressive state undertakings related to South Korea. If North Korea had wanted to improve relationship between South and North Korea sincerely, they didn't aggressive state undertaking toward South Korea having talks. In conclusion, Kim Jung-Il has succeded like that and also deepend hostile consciousness of Kim Il-Sung during succesion of authority. 이 연구는 북한의 지도자인 김일성 시대와 김정일 시대의 남한에 대한 인식과 남북관계에는 어떠한 차이가 있는가를 살펴보고자 하는 것이 목적이다. 본 분석 결과의 요약은 김일성보다는 김정일이 남한에 대해 부정/긍정적인 용어를 많이 사용하였으며 긍정적인 관계도 많았지만 이에 못지않게 부정적인 관계도 많았음을 알 수 있다. 다시 말해 김일성 시대와 김정일 시대 공히 긍정/부정인식에 무관하게 긍정관계, 부정관계는 증가하는데 김일성 때는 미미하게 발생되는 반면 김정일 때는 매우 두드러지게 부정관계가 많이 발생되고 있다. 특히 부정인식 때 부정관계가 증가하는 것은 이해할 수 있지만 김정일 시대에 긍정으로 인식할수록 부정관계가 크게 증가된다는 것은 이해가 되지 않는 것으로 일반적인 관념과는 상이한 결과라 하겠다. 또한, 김정일 시대의 부정적인 인식과 부정적인 관계의 상관관계는 양적인 선형관계(0.145)를 나타내고 있다. 김정일시대 긍정인식과 부정관계의 상관관계는 매우 큰 양의 상관관계(0.455)를 나타내고 있다. 이러한 분석을 종합해보면 김정일이 김일성보다 활동적이면서도 대남적대의식이 강했던 것으로 나타난다. 이러한 객관적인 사실들을 종합해 볼 때 하나의 경향성을 발견할 수 있는 것은 북한은 남북 관계시 교류와 협력에 의해 실제적인 남북관계 개선보다는 공세지향의 대남사업에 역점을 두어 왔음을 알 수 있다. 해방 이후 지금에 이르기까지 남북한 간에 많은 교류와 협력이 이루어져 왔음에도 근본적인 남북관계는 커다란 변화가 없으며, 오히려 남북관계를 진행하면서 북한은 공세적인 대남 사업을 우선시하였으며, 관계계선은 공세적인 정책추진에 따른 대내‧외 비난을 해소시키는 방편으로 활용하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 만일 북한이 진정 남북관계 개선을 꾀하고자 했다면 대화를 하면서도 공세적인 대남사업을 추진하지 않았을 것이다. 결론적으로 김정일은 권력승계과 정에서 김일성의 대남 적대 의식을 그대로 답습하면서도 더욱 심화시켰음을 알 수 있다.