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      • KCI등재

        17세기-18세기 프랑스 미술시장에서 동아시아 칠기의 유입 경로와 활용 방식에 관한 고찰

        신상철 국립중앙박물관 2022 미술자료 Vol.- No.102

        East Asian lacquerware began to be introduced to Western countries around the sixteenth century when East-West maritime trade routes were established by Portuguese and Dutch merchants. Europeans who first encountered lacquerware crafts made in China and Japan were captivated by the material characteristics and technical excellence of the pieces. There were no similar counterparts in the decorative arts of their countries. East Asian lacquerware brought to European markets in the late sixteenth century through the late eighteen century through Portuguese merchant fleets and the East India Company quickly became popular items. The possession of East Asian lacquerware items characterized by brilliant hues, exotic decorative designs, and reflective surfaces and durability reminiscent of ceramics became a symbol of wealth and status in European society for their rarity and remarkable decorative value. From the late sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century when they were first introduced, East Asian lacquerware items were distributed and collected in accordance with their original types and purposes. However, when large-scale lacquered works such as Coromandel screens began to be introduced from the late seventeenth century onward, new ways of utilizing East Asian lacquerware emerged in Europe. Coromandel lacquerware, which is a term used in the European art market to refer to Chinese lacquerware that was exported to Europe from ports on the Coromandel coast of India, is generally produced in the form of large folding screens adorned with designs of flowers and birds or otherwise inspired by Chinese customs and landscapes. The designs are executed on a black or dark brown background. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, there was little practical utilization of these Coromandel screens in residential spaces in Europe. The screens were generally perceived as decorative objects suitable for special events or simply as rare and precious objects from East Asia for displaying the wealth and status of the owner. However, as Coromandel screens came to be applied as an element in lambris, a typeof European interior decoration, the usage of the East Asian lacquerware screens began to change. Lambris is an architectural term that refers to a method of decorating the interior walls of stone buildings using wooden panels. Starting in the eighteenth century, Coromandel screens were being incorporated in lambris and Chinese and Japanese lacquerware began to be used as materials for European furniture production. This decorative technique was implemented in consideration of the material characteristics of East Asian lacquerware and allowed the utilization of the images depicted on the surfaces of lacquerware for purposes of visual appreciation. The growing European interest in Asian images led the demand for East Asian lacquerware in the European art market to gradually shift from the mid-seventeenth century onward from small decorative cabinets to large screens. The process through which lacquerware from China and Japan considered rare and precious objects were combined with diverse Western styles of European art to become an element of European interior decoration is a fascinating example of the history of exchanges in artworks between the East and West and the changes in the practices of East Asian art collection in Western society in the pre modern era. 동아시아 칠기는 포르투갈과 네덜란드 상인들에 의해 본격적인 동서 해양 무역로가 개설되던 16세기 무렵 서구 사회에 유입되기 시작하였다. 이 시기 중국과 일본에서 제작된 칠기 공예품들을 처음 접한 유럽인들은 그들의 장식예술 분야에서 유사한 사례를 찾아볼 수 없는 칠기의 재료적 특성과 기술적 우수성에 매료되었다. 16세기 말부터 18세기 말까지 포르투갈 선단과 유럽 국가들의 동인도회사를 통해 유럽 사회에서 유통된 동아시아 칠기들은 미술시장의 인기 품목으로 빠르게 자리 잡았다. 화려한 빛깔과 이국적 문양, 도자기를 연상시키는 매끄럽고 빛나는 표면과 내구성을 갖춘 동아시아 칠기 공예품은 희귀성과 뛰어난 장식적 가치로 인해 소유하고 있는 것 자체가 유럽 상류사회에서 부와 신분을 상징하는 증표가 됐다. 동아시아 칠기가 유럽 사회에 처음 유입되던 16세기 말에서 17세기 중반까지 이 유물들은 본래의 유형과 용도가 유지된 상태로 유통되고 소장되었다. 그러나 점차 17세기 후반부터 코로만델 병풍과 같은 대형 칠기 유물들이 유입되기 시작하면서 유럽 사회에서 동아시아 칠기를 활용하는 새로운 방식이 등장하기 시작했다. 인도 코로만델 해변의 항구들에서 선적되어 유럽으로 반출된 중국 칠기들을 유럽 미술시장에서 지칭하는 용어인 코로만델 칠기는 주로 검정 혹은 짙은 갈색 바탕에 중국 풍속과 풍경 그리고 화조 문양이 장식된 대형 병풍 형태로 제작된 작품들이다. 17세기-18세기 유럽인들의 거주 공간에서 코로만델 병풍의 활용도와 실용적 가치는 크지 않았다. 이러한 코로만델 병풍은 특별한 행사를 위한 장식품이었거나 소장가의 재력과 권위를 드러내기 위한 진귀한 동양의 물건으로 인식되곤 했다. 하지만 당대 유럽인들이 코로만델 병풍을 유럽식 실내장식 기법의 하나인 ‘랑브리’의 재료로 활용하며 동아시아 칠기의 용도가 변경되기 시작했다. 랑브리는 목재 패널을 사용하여 석재 건축물의 실내 벽면을 장식하는 방식을 의미하는 건축 용어로서 18세기에 들어서는 랑브리 제작의 재료로 코로만델 병풍이 사용되기 시작하였을 뿐만 아니라 유럽식 가구 제작을 위한 소재로 중국과 일본 칠기들이 재활용되는 현상이 나타났다. 이것은 동아시아 칠기의 재료적 특성을 고려한 장식 기법이면서 동시에 칠기 표면에 묘사된 이미지를 감상하기 위한 활용 방식이라고 분석할 수 있다. 17세기 중반 이후 유럽 미술시장에서 동아시아 칠기의 수요가 초기 소형 장식장에서 점차 대형 병풍으로 전환된 이유도 바로 동양 이미지에 대한 관심의 증가에서 찾을 수 있다. 지리적으로 멀리 떨어진 동아시아 지역에서 들어온 진귀한 물건으로서 서구 상류사회의 각광을 받던 중국과 일본의 칠기들이 유럽 미술의 다양한 시대 양식과 결합하여 유럽 실내장식의 한 요소로 변모해 가는 과정은 근대 이전 시기의 동서양 미술품 교류 역사와 서구 사회에서의 동아시아 미술품 소장 문화의 변화 양상을 단적으로 보여 주는 매우 흥미로운 사례라 할 수 있다.

      • KCI등재

        일반논문 : 『고등학교 동아시아사』교과서의중국사 서술

        김지훈 ( Ji Hoon Kim ) 수선사학회 2013 史林 Vol.0 No.46

        East-Asia textbooks focus on exchanges and cooperation rather than on wars and struggles between East Asian states. East Asia history emphasizes the peaceful exchange of civilizations but does not describe much of mutual conflicts and confrontations. However, past wars and conflicts need to be explained with appropriate portions. Considering the 21st-century future-oriented cooperative relations of East Asia, exchanges and cooperation in the past history may be regarded as important, and if past wars and conflicts are handled lightly, it may be yet another bias. In addition, East-Asia textbooks regard East Asian states relations as important, and describe East Asia history centered on Korea. However, peripheral areas of East Asia, seen from the current perspective, played an important role in the past history. East-Asia history textbooks should see the past beyond current Korea, China and Japan and complement the contents about the history and roles of peripheral peoples and states. East Asia history generally relatively details ancient and medieval history, but is lacking in describing early and recent modern history. Among 6 units, 4 units handle pre-early modern history, and unit 5 and unit 6 handle early and recent modern history. However, considering Korea`s relevancy to modern times, the portion of early and recent modern history is relatively small. East Asia history textbooks are composed by theme, and with a lack of understanding about general history of East Asia, theme history may not be properly understood. In the textbooks, Balhae appears and is followed by Goguryeo, and this type of composition may confuse students. If students do not understand the general history including the history of dynasties in middle school curricula, they could not easily understand the East Asia history which is composed by theme. East Asia history textbooks need to be described in consideration of those students who lack the understanding of general history in middle school curricula. Early and recent modern history of East Asia is handled by theme, lacks close connection between segments, and repeats same contents, making it difficult for students to understand the flow of history. Early modern history portions explain the opening of ports, people states, imperialist invasions, anti-invasion people movements, etc. separately, repeating chronological flows, and the opening of ports and imperialist invasions, and resistance movements against these should be separately explained. Modern history portions should separately explain the handling of the aftermaths of Second World War, restoration of diplomatic relations, Cold War and wars, economic growth, and various nations` politics to help students appropriately understand the modern history. Furthermore, the system and contents of Korean history, East Asia history, and World history textbooks need to be systematically composed. Descriptions in Korean history, East Asia history, and World history textbooks could be partially duplicated, but need to unify contents and terms.

      • KCI등재

        동해 해류 및 환경 특성 연구 (EAST-I)

        장경일,강창근,강동진 한국해양과학기술원 2010 Ocean and Polar Research Vol.32 No.3

        Many countries has been interested in studying the East Sea to look ahead into the world oceans’ future, since the East Sea has been known as a miniature ocean. In this respect, PICES decided the East Asian Seas Time-series (EAST) studies, and the East Sea as the first subject (EAST-I). Since 2006 Ministry of Land, Transport & Maritime Affairs, Korea has supported the Korean EAST-I program. Through the Korean EAST-I program, 44 research papers were published in various scientific journals. This special issue contains 6 research articles including results from the interdisciplinary observation in the summer, 2008. Those articles cover the entire East Sea from the Korea Strait to the Japan Basin, and also cover the studies of the euphotic layer to the bottom sediment. MLTM and KIMST have provided full support to EAST-I program. KHOA carried out the joint cruises in the Ulleung Basin. Those are deeply appreciated. Finally, we would like to express our gratitude to the editorial board of Ocean & Polar Research.

      • 온라인 공간상의 동해 지명 표기에 관한 연구

        최미선(Misun Choi),양보경(Bokyung Yang) 성신여자대학교 한국지리연구소 2009 應用地理 Vol.- No.28

        The East Sea, a body of water between Korea and Japan, is now widely called ‘Sea of Japan’ in foreign countries. The name ‘Sea of Japan’ was given to this body of water to replace its original name ‘East Sea" when Korea lost its sovereignty to Japanese colonial rule. Restoring the original name ‘East Sea’ to the currently known ‘Sea of Japan’ became an international issue when Korea officially announced its historical claim to the area at the UN conference in 1992. Misrepresentation of the name over the water body is found more widespread online which reflect offline information. This study was prompted by the understanding that correct and fair naming of the East Sea online is a matter of supreme urgency. To understand the current online naming situation of the ‘East Sea’, this study reviewed 100 websites of various countries around the world, and the mass media and map makers. In addition, ‘the 20 websites for special supervision’ selected in 2007 by the report of the Northeast Asian History Foundation, who is focused on renaming the Sea of Japan to East Sea, were also closely examined. Then, the websites were categorized according to their use of the name of East Sea or Sea of Japan. The categorizes are: ‘East Sea only / Sea of Japan only’, ‘Double equal name: East Sea / Sea of Japan’, ‘Double equal name: Sea of Japan / East Sea’, ‘Mixed usage’, ‘Blank/no marking)’ and ‘others’. The efforts of the associations or organizations were also categorized into ‘governmental’ ‘academic’, and ‘private’. The results of this study are as follows: First, according to 100 websites, the majority used ‘Sea of Japan only’. The use of ‘mixed usage" was the second majority. Secondly, two of ‘the 20 websites for special supervision’ have recently changed their naming of Sea of Japan to East Sea. For example, Wikipedia changed to ‘blank(no marking)’, and Welt Atlas to ‘Double equal name: East Sea / Sea of Japan’, which means they are aware of the naming issue of East. Sea.

      • KCI등재

        신(新)냉전 역학구도 상황에서 중동 선교

        장훈태 한국복음주의선교신학회 2018 복음과 선교 Vol.44 No.-

        Today’s Middle East is in a very precarious situation not only in the politics and economy but also in the quality of life. This emphasizes the urgent need for a mission strategy to cope with the dynamic composition of the new Cold War in the Middle East. It is time to recognize the rapidly changing situation in the Middle East and to consider the role of church and her leaders. The international political reality of the Middle East can be seen in four broad divisions. First, There is the chaos due of the appearance of Islamic State(IS) and terrorism in Middle East. Second, after the U.S. withdrew from the Iranian nuclear agreement, a new Cold War framework was built due to conflicts and confusion among countries around the world including Syria, Iran, Israel and Russia. Third, the long-term conflict in the Middle East is accelerating because of the U.S. protectionist policies that unilaterally withdrew from the Iran nuclear agreement and carried out the relocation of the American Embassy to Jerusalem. Four, after the annihilation of IS, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham(HTS) organized by Sunni extremists rapidly rose, and other civil wars and terrorisms are predicted consistently to emerge. The following are the mission implications of establishing a new Cold War in the Middle East. First is clash of civilizations and mission. To better understand Islam must be able to look the most inwardly and listen to their voices. In addition, churches around the world should directly look at various clash of civilizations and social phenomena with the spirit of Jesus Christ instead of being afraid of the seriousness of Islam’s terror and violence. Second, the church should closely observe international political relations and religious phenomena for accurate information and knowledge of the Islamic situation, and look them with the view of God. Third, the church needs to look at the Middle East from God’s point of view and take care of the souls of Islam with authenticity of leadership. In the Middle East, it is very important to do missions through the words of Jesus Christ, to establish the sovereignty of Christ and to glorify God. Finally, the church should also have a deep interest in the Middle East, a region of high interest from God. The church also must give up prejudices and wrong feelings about the Middle East, and strive constantly to pray for whole presence of the Kingdom of God in the Middle East. After all, the church must multilaterally and accurately understand situations in the Middle East, so it will be her important mission to spread God’s love to the whole world. 오늘날의 중동은 급속한 변화 속에서 정치 경제뿐 아니라 삶의 질적 측면에서 매우 불안정한 상황에 빠져 있다. 이는 중동의 신 냉전의 역학구도에 대처하는 선교전략이 시급히 필요하다는 점을 역설한다. 급변하는 중동 지역의 상황을 인지하고 교회의 역할과 사역자들의 역할에 대한 고찰이 더욱 요구되는 시점이다. 중동의 국제 정치적 현실은 크게 4가지로 구분하여 살펴 볼 수 있다. 첫째, 중동 이슬람국가의 등장과 테러로 인한 혼란이다. 둘째, 미국의 이란 핵 협정 탈퇴로 인한 시리아, 이란, 이스라엘 그리고 러시아까지 세계 여러 나라들의 갈등과 혼란으로 인한 신 냉전 구도의 구축이다. 셋째, 이란 핵 협정에서 일방적으로 탈퇴하였을 뿐 아니라 자국의 대사관을 예루살렘으로 이전하는 것을 감행한 미국의 보호주의 정책의 영향으로 본격적인 중동 지역의 장기 분쟁이 가속화되고 있다. 넷째, 이슬람국가(IS)가 소멸된 다음 수니파 극단주의자들로 형성된 하야트 타흐리르 알샴(Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, HTS)세력이 급격히 부상하여 이들로 인한 또 다른 국내의 혼란과 전쟁과 테러가 계속적으로 나타날 것으로 보인다. 이러한 중동의 신냉전 구축에 대한 선교적 함의는 다음과 같다. 먼저는 문명충돌 상황에서 선교의 문제이다. 이슬람을 좀 더 깊이 있게 알아가기 위해서는 종교적 깊은 내면 곧 교리와 삶까지 살필 수 있어야 하며, 그들이 주장하는 교리적· 신앙적· 삶의 목소리에도 귀 기울일 수 있어야 한다. 세계 교회는 이슬람교의 교리를 따른 무슬림들의 돌발적인 테러와 폭력의 심각성 앞에 두려워할 것이 아니라 다양한 문화적 충돌과 사회 현상에서 예수 그리스도의 정신을 갖고 똑바로 보아야 한다. 둘째, 이슬람교를 믿는 신자들의 행동과 다와를 비롯한 활동 상황에 대한 정확한 정보와 지식을 위해 국제정치 관계와 종교적 현상을 주도 면밀하게 관찰하면서 하나님의 관점을 갖고 관심있게 바라보아야 한다. 셋째, 하나님의 눈으로 중동 지역을 통섭의 눈으로 바라보며, 진실한 리더십(Authenticity leadership)으로 이슬람의 영혼을 간호할 필요가 있다. 중동 정치와 종족사회의 복잡한 상황 속에서 예수그리스도의 말씀을 통해 선교 사역을 실행하고, 하나님 주권이 확립되도록 하면서 하나님을 영광스럽게 하는 일은 매우 중요한 일이다. 끝으로 하나님과 선교적 관심이 높은 중동 지역에 대해 한국교회 또한 깊은 관심을 가지고 기도하고 지원해야 할 것이다. 무슬림과 지역에 대한 잘못된 편견이나 감정을 버리고 중동지역을 향한 하나님의 나라가 온전히 임재하도록 끊임없이 기도하며 노력해야 할 것이다. 결국 중동의 상황에 대한 다각적이면서도 정확한 이해를 가져야 하며, 이는 하나님의 사랑을 온 세상에 전하기 위해 교회가 감당해야 할 중요한 선교사역이 될 것이다.

      • 러시아연방 극동 북극권 개발과 극동지역 발전과의 상호 연계성: 야쿠티야 북극권과 추코트카 자치구의 항만을 중심으로

        김 정훈,한종만 한국해양안보포럼 2021 한국해양안보논총 Vol.4 No.2

        As the Asia-Pacific region, which was promoted by globalization, has rapidly emerged as a new economic region and the thawing of the Arctic circle due to global warming has doubled the geopolitical and geographical importance of the Russian Arctic region and the Far East, Russia has set the new eastern policy and Arctic policy as the priority of the state. Through the policy, Russia has created the Arctic Circle and the Siberian Far East development blueprint for the balanced development of the country, and has been continuously updating the Far East Baikal socioeconomic development strategy and the ‘Arctic Strategy’ to realize the geoeconomic values (resource development and logistics) of the Arctic Circle and the Far East. Currently, the Arctic region of the Russian Far East is located at the northernmost point, and the population density is very sparse, and the economic connection with some parts of the Far East is not high. At the same time, it is difficult to answer whether Russia’s active policy and the development & reconstruction of Arctic ports as part of the development of the Northern Route, which is considered to be highly feasible, can drive growth and development in the Far East around ports in the eastern Arctic region. It is necessary to analyze the correlation between the development of infrastructure and the development of the Far East region based on these realistic problems. Accordingly, the study summarizes the current status and issues of the development of the Arctic Circle in the Far East under the definition of the concept of the Arctic Circle in the Russia Far East, analyzes the correlation between the Exploitation of infrastructures of the Arctic Circle in the Far East and the development of the Far East, and attempts to derive the prospects and the implications.

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        동아시아라는 번역공간

        윤여일(Yel-Yl, Yoon) 비판사회학회 2012 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.93

        이 논문의 목적은 한국의 동아시아론에 관한 지식사회학적 분석을 통해 동아시아론의 의의를 해명하는 데 있다. 한국에서 동아시아론은 근 20년 동안 여러 학문 분야에서 논의되어 왔다. 그 까닭은 동아시아가 지리적 범주를 지시하는 것을 넘어 다양한 문제의식과 연결되었기 때문이다. 동아시아론에서 동아시아는 지역 범주이자 지적 지평이자 문명권이자 경제적 권역으로서의 의미를 가지며 다양하게 활용되었다. 그러나 그 결과 동아시아론은 내적 논리를 잃고 모호 해지고 말았다. 따라서 이 논문은 동아시아론의 인식론적 토대를 묻고 동아시아론의 발생 배경을 분석해 현재 상황에서 동아시아론의 필요성을 검토한다. 아울러 이 논문은 동아시아를 번역공간으로 정의하고, 세 가지 수준에서 동아시아론의 방향을 모색한다. 첫째, 동아시아론은 서양 중심적 지식 체계를 극복하고 세계체제의 주변 사이의 번역을 기도해야 한다. 둘째, 동아시아론은 동아시아 역내의 타국의 지식계와의 상호 번역에 나서야 한다. 셋째, 동아시아론은 한국의 지식계 안에서 내부 번역의 과정을 거쳐야 한다. 이러한 과정을 거쳐야 한국의 동아시아론은 사상적 원리성을 벼리면서, 타국의 지식계에 번역될 만한 가치를 지닐 수 있을 것이다. The purpose of this paper is to explore the significance of the discourse of East-Asia by analyzing the discourse of East-Asia in Korea through the perspective of sociology of knowledge. The discourse of East-Asia has seen growth in various academic fields in the last 20 years in Korea, as East-Asia indexes not a mere geographical notion but a field that forms links between diverse problematics. East-Asia in the East-Asia discourse has been used as a regional category, an intellectual horizon, a civilization and economic bloc. However, the discourse of East-Asia lost its ideational cohesion and its argument became ambiguous. This paper examines the need for the discourse of East Asia today by questioning the epistemological foundations of the discourse of East-Asia as well as analyzing its origin. Furthermore, this research defines East Asia as a space of translation and explore the direction for speech-East Asia at three levels. First, the discourse of East-Asia must overcome the Eurocentric order of knowledge and make a commitment to the act of translation between the peripheral regions. Second, the discourse of East-Asia has to consider the mutual translation between intellectual spheres of East-Asian countries. Third, the discourse of East-Asia has to be translated between different academic fields within Korea. Only by going through such a process, the discourse of East-Asia in Korea may have ideological foundation and deserves to be translated into other languages.

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        독일통일과 폭력 문제

        김누리 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2022 통일인문학 Vol.92 No.-

        This paper attempts to trace the background and cause of the success of the "miracle in a miracle", the nonviolent peace revolution in East Germany, which took place during the German unification process. How could this 'miracle in a miracle' happen? How could the two everlasting hostile systems, called the ‘front lines of the East-West Cold War’, be unified without a single gunfire? How could not a drop of blood be shed when the strong Stalinist regime, which had ruled for 40 years, collapsed? This paper attempts to find a reasonable answer to these questions. Four factors contributed to the success of the nonviolent revolution in East Germany, which led to the reunification of Germany through democratic elections. The first ist Gorbachev's Perestroika. East Germany's nonviolent revolution could not exist without the Perestroika of Mikhail Gorbachev, who gave up armed intervention in Eastern European countries and recognized their national sovereignty. The second factor ist the chaos of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED) of East Germany. The East German ruling party was in deep turmoil during the ‘fall revolution’, when moderate reformers won the Stalinist wing, preventing violent suppression of the protests. The third is the idealism of the East German opposition civic movement. The East German regime refrained from violent suppression because the main streams of the East German revolution were not anti-socialist overthrowers, but idealistic socialists who wanted to reform the ‘realexistierende Sozialismus’. The fourth factor is Protestant pacifism. The Protestant Church in East Germany was the birthplace and training ground of the East German Revolution. As the church-learned culture of nonviolent pacifism led the street protests, protesters were able to exclude violent acts and adhere to the ‘nonviolent’ principle. Germany's peaceful reunification of nonviolence is giving more special meanings to the Korean Peninsula, where the war crisis is rapidly escalating today. First, it is necessary to actively cope with changes in the international situation. East German citizens quickly captured the spirit of Perestroika's new era and opened the door to nonviolent, peaceful unification. Second, rapid unification was possible after the fall of the Berlin Wall because of the trust that East and West Germany had built during the division period. The two Koreas should also make more serious efforts to build trust for the unified Korean Peninsula by approaching and interacting more actively. Third, the main players in the East German revolution were idealistic socialists and progressive Protestants. The historical fact indicates that those who live in a divided system but are not obsessed with ideological prejudices pave the way for peaceful unification. 이 논문은 독일통일 과정에서 일어난 ‘기적 속의 기적’, 즉 동독에서 비폭력 평화혁명이 성공한 배경과 원인을 추적하려는 시도이다. 어떻게 이런 ‘기적 속의 기적’이 가능했는가. ‘동서 냉전의 최전선’이라고 불리는 동독과 서독 두 적대적인 체제가 통일을 이루는 과정에서 총성 한방 울리지 않을 수 있었던 말인가. 40년을 지배해온 강고한 스탈린주의 정권이 붕괴하는데 어떻게 피 한 방울 흘리지 않을 수 있었단 말인가. 이 논문은 이 물음에 대한 답을 구하고자 하는 시도이다. 동독에서 비폭력 혁명이 성공하고, 이것이 민주적 선거를 거쳐 독일통일로 이어지게 된 데에는 네 가지 요인이 작용했다. 첫째, 고르바초프의 페레스트로이카이다. 동유럽 국가들에 대한 무력 개입을 포기하고, 국민주권을 인정한 페레스트로이카가 없었다면 동독의 비폭력 혁명은 존재할 수 없었다. 둘째, 동독 사회주의통일당(SED)의 카오스이다. 동독의 집권당은 동독의 ‘가을 혁명’ 시기에 깊은 혼란에 빠졌으며, 이때 온건 개혁파가 스탈린주의 강경파를 제압하면서 시위에 대한 폭력적 진압을 저지할 수 있었다. 셋째는 동독 재야 시민운동의 이상주의이다. 동독혁명의 주역들이 반사회주의적 체제 전복자가 아니라, ‘현실사회주의’를 개혁하고자 하는 이상사회주의자들이었기 때문에 동독 정권은 폭력적 진압을 자제한 것이다. 넷째는 개신교의 평화주의이다. 동독 개신교회는 동독혁명의 산실이자 훈련장이었다. 교회에서 익힌 비폭력 평화주의의 저항문화가 거리의 시위를 주도하면서 시위자들은 폭력행위를 극도로 배제하고 ‘비폭력’ 원칙을 고수할 수 있었다. 독일의 비폭력 평화통일은 오늘날 전쟁 위기가 고조되고 있는 한반도에 더욱 각별한 의미를 던지고 있다. 첫째, 국제정세의 변화에 능동적으로 대처해야만 한다는 것이다. 페레스트로이카의 새로운 시대정신을 빠르게 포착한 동독 시민들이 비폭력 평화통일의 문을 열었다는 사실에 주목해야 한다. 둘째, 베를린장벽 붕괴 이후 급속도로 빠른 통일이 가능했던 것은 동서독이 분단 시대에 쌓아놓은 신뢰가 있었기 때문이라는 것이다. 남북한도 보다 적극적으로 접근하고 교류함으로써 통일 한반도를 대비한 신뢰 쌓기에 진지한 노력을 기울여야 한다. 셋째, 동독혁명의 주역이 이상사회주의자와 진보적 개신교도였다는 사실에도 주목해야 한다. 분단 체제에서 살면서도 이데올로기적 편견에 사로잡히지 않은 자들이 평화로운 통일의 길을 열어낸다는 역사적 사실에서 배우는 바가 있어야 한다.

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        동ㆍ서독 간 교역의 법적 근거

        신용호(Shin Yong Ho) 국제법평론회 2015 국제법평론 Vol.0 No.41

        Exchange is absolutely necessary for a divided country to achieve peaceful reunification. To examine the exchange of the East-West Germany Trade, which is a successful model for the exchange, is accordingly valuable. Black marketeering between military occupied areas is the starting point of the East-West Germany trade. Understandably, economic exchange is needed since the one nation, one economic unit is suddenly separated by artificial means. Since the two German governments has become established, they leaded the trade and the amount of trade increased so that by 1989, the last year of the trade, it was 15,309 million VE(DM), which was the 20 times growth of that of the 1950s. This volume could be in Korean currency approximately more than 5 trillion won. East-West Germany Trade was many small businesses from broad range of fields joined, mostly with daily products. Therefore it was politically less affected and was a great help to protect and sustain the national unity. A consistent and determined stance of the German Federal Republic(West Germany) on the East-West Germany trade is that East Germany and West Germany is in legally still existing the whole country(German Empire), so that they are not in a mutually foreign relationship, rather in a special relationship, and all the state institutions have the legal obligations to protect and sustain the nationality and national unity of this whole country and struggle to integrate the government power that is separately exercised in real. Therefore the German Federal Republic struggled to carry out this regardless of economic interests. According to this position, West Germany strived to extend trade between East and West Germany and did not impose tariffs. Furthermore, they explained their position actively to friendly nations (especially EC and GATT member countries) and achieved their understanding. In consequence of the effort of West Germany`s government, 1989/90, when the East-European bloc collapsed, surrounding nations could easily understand the unifications policy of Germany. By the trade between East and West Germany, the Military Government Law (Militärregierungsgesetz) number 53, proclaimed during the Military Occupations Era, has been applied until the reunification of Germany. Although the Western Allies gave German Republic the right of change, German Federal Parliament kept the name and regulations of the Military Government Law number 53. Even when the Law of Foreign Economic was enacted by the German Federal Parliament, it was not applied to the trade between East and West Germany. It is seen as an action to maintain the uniqueness of the trade between East and West Germany. In regards to the unconstitutionality controversy of the Military Government Law number 53, the German Federal Constitutional Court judged that it is hard to apply the Fundamental Law principles to the `general permission and exceptional prohibition` and discretion problem of intendance of permission of rights to freedom. Moreover, Constitutional Court also decided that with the trade between East and West Germany, national agencies should keep the direction of liberalization and an arbitrary regression is not acceptable here. This also has many implications for Korea. Berlin Convention is the international legal convention that becomes the basis of the trade between East and West Germany. This convention includes a broad range of the annex, memoranda, etc through 130 days of conference. It is not always a good treaty when the period of negotiation is long and contents are lot, however, there is no doubt that this convention is formed extremely carefully. Besides, after the convention became effective, both governments have been strived to perform, complement and develop the convention by crossing east and west Berlin every 2 weeks. It is easy to figure out their efforts on the trade between two states. One characteristic of Berlin Convention is the way of payment s

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        20세기의 동양평화론과 21세기의 동아시아 공동체론

        이재봉 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2011 평화학연구 Vol.12 No.1

        An Jung-Geun sought peace in the East and the independence of Korea in the beginning of the 20th Century. Peace in the East that he sought through his essay “On Peace in the East" was similar to an East Asian Community which has been discussed in the beginning of the 21st Century. In East Asia, however, the vestiges of the Cold War has remained, because conflicts and tension between Capitalist bloc and Socialist bloc are still exist. Particularly around the Korean Peninsula, South Korea, the United States, and Japan form a league like a triple alliance on the one side, and North Korea, China, and Russia do a similar one on the other. Conflict and tension brought by the division of the Korean Peninsula have become a key factor which blocks cooperation and peace in East Asia. Thus, first of all, inter-Korean relations should be advanced for cooperation and peace in East Asia. And then economic cooperation should be promoted. Economic cooperation may be achieved easier than cooperation in the fields of politics and military among states with different ideologies and systems. It is desirable for Korea to contribute to form a free trade zone in Northeast Asia playing the role of a balancer between Japan and China. The free trade zone can link with ASEAN to be developed to an East Asian common market, and further to an East Asian Community. Then peace in the East which An Jung-Geun sought 100 years ago will be realized. 안중근은 20세기 초 조선의 독립을 추구하며 동양의 평화를 구상했다. 그가 ‘동양평화론’을 통해 이루고자 했던 동양의 평화는 21세기 초에 논의되고 있는 ‘동아시아공동체’의 모습과 비슷했다. 그러나 동아시아 지역에는 아직도 냉전의 잔재가 완전히 가시지 않고 있다. 냉전시대 자본주의권과 사회주의권 사이의 갈등이나 대립 또는 긴장이 유지되고 있기 때문이다. 특히 한반도를 둘러싸고 2011년 현재까지도 남쪽으로는 남한, 미국, 일본이 동맹과 같은 관계를 맺고 있고, 북쪽으로는 북한, 중국, 러시아가 비슷한 관계를 맺고 있다. 한반도의 분단에 따른 갈등과 대립 그리고 긴장이 동아시아의 협력과 평화를 막고 있는 핵심 요인인 것이다. 따라서 동아시아의 협력과 평화를 추구하기 위해서는 가장 먼저 남북관계가 진전되어야 한다. 이를 바탕으로 우선 경제협력을 추진하는 게 바람직하다. 이념이나 체제가 다른 나라들끼리 정치외교나 군사안보 문제 등을 합의하기는 어렵지만, 경제협력은 상대적으로 큰 어려움이나 갈등 없이 추진할 수 있다. 이 과정에서 중국과 일본 사이의 패권경쟁을 유념하여 한국이 균형자 역할을 하며 먼저 동북아시아 자유무역지대를 만드는 게 바람직하다. 나아가 이를 ‘동남아시아국가연합’과 연결하여 동아시아공동시장을 이룩한 뒤, 궁극적으로 정치경제 연합체인 ‘동아시아공동체’로 발전시키면, 100년 전 안중근이 추구했던 ‘동양의 평화’를 마침내 이룰 수 있을 것이다.

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