3‧1운동 전후 러시아 한인사회의 민족정체성 형성과 변화

반병률 한국근현대사학회 2009 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.50 No.-

Koreans experienced big changes in their national identity as a result of the complex political situation during the period of the Russian Revolution from February 1917 through to the end of the Siberian Intervention in October, 1922. In particular, the occurrence of the March First Movement, had significant lasting effects on the national identity of Koreans within Russia. A result being that relative to the time of Tsarist or Soviet Russia, Koreans during this time were outspokenly vocal of their political opinions during the period of the Russian Revolution. In this regard, it is informative in dealing with the issue of the national identity to compare and consider the political announcements made by Koreans in Russia before and after the March First Movement. In this paper, the author will analyze the political announcements and positions expressed at the conferences and meetings of Koreans in Russia and relate it to the context of the political, economic and cultural realities faced by Korean Russians. Particular attention will be paid to the main actors who organized and controlled the conferences or meetings and what political positions were adopted by these leaders. These analyses will examine the diverse and occasionally conflicting national identities of Koreans in Russia which trace back to the long and diverse background of emigration from Korea. The Koreans who had leading roles in the early organization of Korean society after the Russian Revolution were old settlers (starozhil in Russian and wonhoin in Korean) who had close political affiliations with the (Russian) Socialist Revolutionary Party. They sought to improve their political, social and economic status and generally had less interest in anti-Japanese activities relative to other political émigrés. At the Conference of All Koreans in Russia (Jeollo Hanjok Daepyoja Daehoe) held in June, 1917, these leaders supported the policy of continued support of the war [the First World War] and collaboration with the Western Allies. They also organized the “Central Committee of Koreans in Russia (Goryeojok Jungang Chonghoe) which excluded the new settlers (novosyol in Russian yeohoin in Korean). After the October Revolution, they held reservations about supporting the Bolshevik regime and declared political neutrality. After the Czech revolts against the Bolsheviks in June 1918 and the Allies’ intervention in August 1918, they openly expressed their support for the anti-Bolshevik regimes in Siberia and the Russian Far East. The wonhoin Koreans initiated the March First Movement in the Russian Maritime Province where the anti-Bolsheviks were in power. They organized the Korean National Council (Daehan Gungmin Euihoe) and competed over the leadership of the Korean national anti-Japanese movement with the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai, China. At this time, the yeohoin Koreans joined in and participated in the March First Movement in Russia. Until the fourth anniversary of the March First Movement in March, 1920, Koreans still had a strong sense of ethnic national identity. They concurrently held a new identity of the working class proletariat. In 1923, Korean leaders would often display both the Red (jeokki) and Korean national flags (taegeuggi) together in front of their houses. They believed that the national and social revolutions could be realized together and a united front of national and social revolutionary forces would be possible. As the role and responsibility of Soviet Koreans to their ethnic nationalism and socialism diverged and came to be stressed, however, the national identity of Koreans was destined to weaken. When Stalin adopted the “policy of the socialism in one country,” the coexistence of national and class identities of Koreans in Russia became less and less possible. Accordingly, a higher priority was placed by the Korean leaders on obligations towards the Soviet Union rather than that of the Korean national rev... Koreans experienced big changes in their national identity as a result of the complex political situation during the period of the Russian Revolution from February 1917 through to the end of the Siberian Intervention in October, 1922. In particular, the occurrence of the March First Movement, had significant lasting effects on the national identity of Koreans within Russia. A result being that relative to the time of Tsarist or Soviet Russia, Koreans during this time were outspokenly vocal of their political opinions during the period of the Russian Revolution. In this regard, it is informative in dealing with the issue of the national identity to compare and consider the political announcements made by Koreans in Russia before and after the March First Movement. In this paper, the author will analyze the political announcements and positions expressed at the conferences and meetings of Koreans in Russia and relate it to the context of the political, economic and cultural realities faced by Korean Russians. Particular attention will be paid to the main actors who organized and controlled the conferences or meetings and what political positions were adopted by these leaders. These analyses will examine the diverse and occasionally conflicting national identities of Koreans in Russia which trace back to the long and diverse background of emigration from Korea. The Koreans who had leading roles in the early organization of Korean society after the Russian Revolution were old settlers (starozhil in Russian and wonhoin in Korean) who had close political affiliations with the (Russian) Socialist Revolutionary Party. They sought to improve their political, social and economic status and generally had less interest in anti-Japanese activities relative to other political émigrés. At the Conference of All Koreans in Russia (Jeollo Hanjok Daepyoja Daehoe) held in June, 1917, these leaders supported the policy of continued support of the war [the First World War] and collaboration with the Western Allies. They also organized the “Central Committee of Koreans in Russia (Goryeojok Jungang Chonghoe) which excluded the new settlers (novosyol in Russian yeohoin in Korean). After the October Revolution, they held reservations about supporting the Bolshevik regime and declared political neutrality. After the Czech revolts against the Bolsheviks in June 1918 and the Allies’ intervention in August 1918, they openly expressed their support for the anti-Bolshevik regimes in Siberia and the Russian Far East. The wonhoin Koreans initiated the March First Movement in the Russian Maritime Province where the anti-Bolsheviks were in power. They organized the Korean National Council (Daehan Gungmin Euihoe) and competed over the leadership of the Korean national anti-Japanese movement with the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai, China. At this time, the yeohoin Koreans joined in and participated in the March First Movement in Russia. Until the fourth anniversary of the March First Movement in March, 1920, Koreans still had a strong sense of ethnic national identity. They concurrently held a new identity of the working class proletariat. In 1923, Korean leaders would often display both the Red (jeokki) and Korean national flags (taegeuggi) together in front of their houses. They believed that the national and social revolutions could be realized together and a united front of national and social revolutionary forces would be possible. As the role and responsibility of Soviet Koreans to their ethnic nationalism and socialism diverged and came to be stressed, however, the national identity of Koreans was destined to weaken. When Stalin adopted the “policy of the socialism in one country,” the coexistence of national and class identities of Koreans in Russia became less and less possible. Accordingly, a higher priority was placed by the Korean leaders on obligations towards the Soviet Union rather than that of the Korean national revoluti...

재 우즈베키스탄 고려인 민족정체성의 현실과 과제

성동기 사단법인 한국민족연구원 2013 민족연구 Vol.0 No.56

The Uzbek-Korean who lives in Uzbekistan have undergone the change of ethnic identity since 1991. The main cause that has brought about the change in their ethnic identity is the period of transformation. It made three changes in the Uzbek-Korea society: the emergence of the Independent Generation, the gap between the rich and poor, the exchange with Korea. The Independent Generation of the Uzbek-Korean was inexperienced in Soviet Regime and they brought up in the circumstances of democracy and capitalism. So they are quite different from the Soviet Generation. Now they have the problems of ethnic identity. The Uzbek-Korean society also has been changed from the economic growth of Uzbekistan since 1991. The gap between the rich and poor in the Uzbek-Korean society is worse. It affects the Uzbek-Korean's ethnic identity. The Uzbek-Korean's exchange with Korea has become very active by H-2 visa. Through the process, their ethnic identity has been changed. We should recognize 3 challenges to develop the Uzbek-Korean's ethnic identity: they have to learn the Uzbek language to establish nation identity, they have to stay away from the Korea language education to establish ethnic identity, they have to learn Korean-style ethnic identity. The Uzbek-Korean who lives in Uzbekistan have undergone the change of ethnic identity since 1991. The main cause that has brought about the change in their ethnic identity is the period of transformation. It made three changes in the Uzbek-Korea society: the emergence of the Independent Generation, the gap between the rich and poor, the exchange with Korea. The Independent Generation of the Uzbek-Korean was inexperienced in Soviet Regime and they brought up in the circumstances of democracy and capitalism. So they are quite different from the Soviet Generation. Now they have the problems of ethnic identity. The Uzbek-Korean society also has been changed from the economic growth of Uzbekistan since 1991. The gap between the rich and poor in the Uzbek-Korean society is worse. It affects the Uzbek-Korean's ethnic identity. The Uzbek-Korean's exchange with Korea has become very active by H-2 visa. Through the process, their ethnic identity has been changed. We should recognize 3 challenges to develop the Uzbek-Korean's ethnic identity: they have to learn the Uzbek language to establish nation identity, they have to stay away from the Korea language education to establish ethnic identity, they have to learn Korean-style ethnic identity.

북한이탈주민의 국가정체성 영향 요인

김희진 ( Hee Jin Kim ),유호열 ( Ho Yeol Yoo ) 아시아.유럽미래학회 2014 유라시아연구 Vol.11 No.3

본 연구의 목적은 남한에 살고 있는 북한이탈주민의 국가정체성에 미치는 영향요인을 탐색하는 것이다. 본 연구를 위해 서울시와 경기도, 인천 지역에 거주하는 20~69세의 북한이탈주민 중 성인남녀를 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하고 405명의 응답을 최종분석에 사용하였다. 북한이탈주민의 특성상 확률표집이 불가능하므로 편의 표집 중 눈덩이 표집을 사용하였다. 본 연구는 국가정체성의 개념을 한국의 국민으로서의 소속감으로 규정하고, 위계적 회귀분석 방법을 활용하여 세 단계로 변수들을 투입하였다. 첫 단계인 Model 1에서는 인구사회학적 변수로서 성별, 연령, 북한학력, 남한학력, 월수입, 결혼여부, 규칙적 종교활동여부를 투입하였고, Model 2에서는 인구사회학적 변수와 함께 개인 인식변수로서 주관적 건강수준과 남한 영구정착 의향을 투입하였으며 Full Model인 Model 3에서는 인구사회학적 변수, 개인 인식변수와 함께, 남한에서의 경험변수인, 공공복지서비스 이용경험과 사회적 관계에서의 신뢰도, 그리고 남한에서의 차별 경험을 투입하였다. 분석결과, Model 1에서는 국가정체성에 정적으로 영향을 미치는 변인으로 연령(β=.171, p<.05)과 규칙적 종교활동(β=.117, p<.01)이 확인되었다. Model 2에서는 Model 1에서와 같이 연령(β=.137, p<.05)과 규칙적 종교활동(β=.107, p<.05)이 모두 정적으로 영향을 미쳤으며, 2단계 주요변수로서 추가로 투입된 주관적 건강수준(β=.130, p<.01)과 남한 영구정착 의향(β=.292, p<.001) 역시 정적인 영향을 미치고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 고려한 모든 변수가 투입된 Full Model인 Model 3을 살펴보면, 인구사회학적 변수에서는 연령, 개인 인식변수에서는 남한 영구정착 의향, 그리고 남한에서의 경험변수에서는 복지서비스 이용정도, 사회적관계에서의 신뢰도, 그리고 차별 경험이 국가정체성에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 연령은β=.145(p<.05), 남한 영구정착 의향은 β=.286(p<.001), 복지서비스 이용정도는 β=.114(p<.05), 사회적관계에서의 신뢰도 β=.171(p<.001)로 나타나서 국가정체성에 정적 영향을 주는 것으로 확인되었고 차별 경험은 β=-.177(p<.001)로서 국가정체성에 부적 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. Full Model의 분석결과는, 연령이 높을수록, 남한 영구정착 의향이 있는 사람일수록, 보다 다양하게 복지서비스를 이용했을수록, 사회적 관계에서의 신뢰도가 높을수록 남한사회에의 소속감, 국가정체성이 강해지고 남한에서의 차별경험이 많다고 느낄수록 국가정체성은 약화되는 것으로 나타났다. 아울러 β 절대값을 기준으로 국가정체성에 미치는 영향력의 상대적 크기를 비교해 보면, 남한 영구정착 의향이 가장크고 다음이 남한에서의 차별경험, 그리고 사회적 관계에서의 신뢰도, 연령, 공공복지서비스 이용정도의 순으로 확인되었다. 북한이탈주민들은 다른 어떤 민족 집단보다도 국가에 대한 생각에 있어 예민할 수 있으며 사회적 환경의 변화에 따라 심각한 국가정체성의 혼란을 느낄 수 있을 것으로 예상된다. 어릴 적부터 경험한 반복적이고 주입적인 사상교육으로 인해 자율적인 고민과 충분한 질문 및 비판의 과정 없이 맹목적인 국가관, 당이 만들어준 국가정체성이 내면에 자리잡았기 때문에 급변하게 돌아가는 사회적 상황 속에서 새로운 정체감을 획득하기 어려웠을 것이다. 더구나 국가 간을 이동하면서 그들에게 생소하고 불리한 환경에 반복적으로 노출되다 보면 어느 나라가 내 울타리인지 혼란스럽고 어느 곳에서도 안심하지 못했을 것이다. 이러한 북한이탈주민이 안정된 국가정체성을 형성하도록 개입하는 일은 이들의 남한사회 적응을 돕는 일이 될 것이다. 이에 본 연구결과를 바탕으로, 북한이탈주민이 남한으로 들어와 이 나라 국민으로서의 소속감과 안정감을 가지고 정착하는 데에 남한 정부가, 지원 단체가 그리고 남한 국민이 무엇을 해야할지에 대한 실천적 함의를 제시하였다. The purpose of this study was to examine influential factors for the national identity of North Korean refugees living in South Korea. The subjects in this study were the selected male and female North Korean adult refugees who resided in Seoul, Gyeonggi Province and Incheon and were aged between 20 and 69. After a survey was conducted, the answer sheets from 405 respondents were analyzed. Since probability sampling was impossible to do due to the characteristics of North Korean refugees, snowball sampling was utilized, which is convenience sampling. A sense of belonging as a Korean was defined as national identity in this study, and the selected variables were inputted in three stages by using a hierarchical regression analysis. In the first stage of Model 1, gender, age, education level in the North, education level in the South, monthly income, marital status and regular participation or non-participation in religious practices were inputted as socio-demographic variables. In Model 2, self-rated global health level and an intention of permanent settlement in the South were inputted as personal awareness variables along with the socio-demographic variables. In Model 3, which was the full model, experience of public welfare service usage, trust in social relationships and perceived discrimination experience in the South were inputted as experience variables in the South along with the socio-demographic variables and the personal awareness variables. As a result of analyzing the collected data, age(β=.171, p<.05) and regular religious practices(β=.117, p<.01) were identified in Model 1 as the variables to have a positive impact on national identity. Like in Model 1, age(β=.137, p<.05) and regular religious practices(β=.107, p<.05) exerted a positive influence on that in Model 2, and self-rated global health level and an intention of permanent settlement in the South that were additionally inputted as the major variables in stage 2 affected it in a positive way as well. In Model 3, which was the full model that every selected variable was inputted into, national identity was under the influence of age(β=.145, p<.05) out of the socio-demographic variables, of an intention of permanent settlement in the South(β=.286, p<.001) out of the personal awareness variables, and of welfare service usage (β=.114, p<.05), trust in social relationships (β=.171, p<.001) and discrimination experience( β=-.177, p<.001) which were all the experience variables in the South. Age, an intention of permanent settlement in South, welfare service usage and trust in social relationships had a positive impact on national identity, and perceived discrimination experience exercised a negative influence on that. Finally, a stronger sense of belonging to the South were found in the respondents who were older, who had a more intention to settle down permanently in the South, who made more diverse use of welfare services and who had more trust in their social relationships. Their national identity weakened when they felt they had more discrimination experience in the South. As a result of comparing the relative influence of the variables on national identity based on β values, an intention of permanent settlement in the South was most influential, followed by discrimination experience in the South, trust in social relationships, age and public welfare service usage. When it comes to the way of looking at the nation, North Korean refugees may be more sensitive than any other racial group, and the shifts of social environments are likely to throw them into confusion in regard to national identity. They kept receiving cramming ideological education from their childhood, and they were consequently bound to take a blind view of state without carefully thinking over it, asking any questions or having any critical mind about it, and their national identity was built just as the North Korean government intended. So it seemed hard for them to build new identity under fast-changing social circumstances. Furthermore, they were repeatedly exposed to strange and disadvantageous environments as they moved from country to country, and they might have been confused about their own national identity nor felt relieved at any place. Helping North Korean refugees to build a firm national identity will be conducive to their adaptation to South Korean society. Given the findings of the study, what the South Korean government, South Korean people and supporting organizations should do to facilitate the resettlement of North Korean refugees as South Korean nationals with a sense of belonging was suggested.

국내 거주 북미한인의 민족 정체성 및 국가 정체성 형성과 변화 연구

김영술 한국국제문화교류학회 2021 문화교류와 다문화교육 Vol.10 No.3

This study is on the formation and change of ethnic identity and national identity of Korean Americans/Canadians living in Korea. To this end, this study analyzed the identity of Korean Americans/Canadians by approaching political, social, cultural contexts, and the contents are as follows. The identity of Korean Americans/Canadians mainly has a dual identity or a hybrid identity in a political context. Specifically, Korean Americans/Canadians live with ethnic identity based on race and cultural identity of the country of residence in Korean society. However, the lives of Korean Americans/Canadians existed in a very complex spectrum. In the social context, the social instability of Korean Americans/Canadians according to their domestic migration experience affects their identity. In particular, negative perceptions such as differences, isolation, and prejudice in Korea became the cause and background of the social context in which Korean Americans/Canadians attempt to self-identify. In a cultural context, Korean Americans/Canadians leave the country in which they were born and raised and experience various cultural differences in a new cultural environment, showing a change of identity. Specifically, Korean Americans/Canadians were affected by changes in their identities due to cultural differences and adaptation, use of Korean, English, and use of bilingual language, Koreans’ personality and appearance, attitudes and behaviors In the end, the identities of Korean Americans/Canadians showed a variety of cultural identities according to relationship, environment, situation or social value difference, and cultural difference rather than ethnic identity based on descent. Therefore, the identity of Korean Americans/Canadians living in Korea seems to require an integrated perspective on ethnic to accept and understand of Korean society even though they show differences, different attitudes and behaviors from those of us in the process of adapting to domestic migration. 이 연구는 한국 거주 북미한인의 민족 정체성과 문화 정체성으로 거주국 국가정체성형성과 변화에 대한 것이다. 이를 위해, 이 연구는 북미한인의 정체성을 정치적, 사회적, 문화적 맥락에 접근해서 분석하였으며, 그 내용은 다음과 같다. 첫째는 정치적 맥락에서 민족 정체성과 거주국 국가의 정체성에 대해서다. 북미한인의 정체성은 주로 이중 정체성이나 혼종 정체성을 가지고 있다. 구체적으로는 북미한인은 한국 사회 내에서 인종에 기반 한 민족 정체성과 거주국의 문화 정체성을 가지고살아가는 존재이다. 하지만 북미한인들의 삶은 매우 복잡한 스펙트럼 속에 존재하고있었다. 둘째는 사회적 맥락에서 북미한인이 보는 한국 내에서의 사회적 가치 차이에 대해서다. 국내 이주 경험에 따른 사회 부적응이 북미한인들의 정체성에 영향을 주고 있다. 특히 한국 내에서 차이, 소외, 편견 등 부정적인 인식이 북미한인들의 자기 정체화를 시도하는 사회적 맥락의 원인과 배경이 되기도 했다. 셋째는 문화적 맥락에서 문화 차이와 한국어와 영어 사용에 따른 한인의 태도와 행동의 차이에 대해서다. 북미한인은 자신이 태어나고 자란 나라를 떠나 새로운 문화 환경에서 다양한 문화적 차이를 경험하면서 정체성의 변화 모습을 보인다. 구체적으로는북미한인은 문화차이와 적응, 한국어 사용, 영어 사용, 이중 언어 사용, 한인들의 성격및 외모, 태도와 행동 등으로 인해 자신들의 정체성 변화에 영향을 받고 있었다. 이처럼 북미한인의 정체성은 혈통에 의한 민족 정체성보다는 관계, 환경, 상황이나사회적 가치 차이, 그리고 문화적 차이에 따른 다양한 문화 정체성을 모습을 보였다. 하지만 국내 거주 북미한인의 정체성 문제는 국내 이주 적응과정에서 우리와는 다른차이와 방식, 태도와 행동을 보이더라도 한국 사회가 이들을 수용하며 이해하는 민족통합적 시각이 필요해 보인다.

재외 이주민 정체성의 불확정성과 이중성의 의미 -재일동포와 중국 조선족의 한국어 시를 중심으로-

윤의섭 한중인문학회 2009 한중인문학연구 Vol.27 No.-

본고는 재외 이주민의 한국어 시를 통해 그들의 정체성의 특성을 살펴보았다. 민족 언어에는 민족에 대한 정체성을 드러내는 표지가 함유되어 있기 때문이다. 재외 이주민의 정체성에 대한 문제는 그들이 거주하는 국가의 여러 요인에 의해 순일한 정체성을 유지하지 않고 복잡한 양상을 보인다는 데 있다. 즉 대개의 재외 이주민의 정체성은 이중적 성격을 갖고 있는 것이다. 이러한 재외 이주민의 정체성은 ‘불확정성 원리’의 특징에 따라 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 재외 이주민의 정체성은 어느 한쪽의 정체성적 양상만을 파악하고자 할 경우 다른 한쪽의 정체성에 대한 특징은 파악하기 힘들기 때문이다. 본고는 재일동포의 한국어 시와 중국 조선족의 한국어 시를 통해 이들 정체성이 갖는 특징을 파악하고자 했다. 재일동포의 시와 중국 조선족의 시에 나타난 정체성은 국가 정체성과 민족 정체성으로 대변할 수 있는 이중적 양상을 동시에 보이고 있다. 그런데 우리가 만약 그들의 민족적 성격을 염두에 두고 민족 정체성의 양상만을 강조할 경우에는 그들의 국가 정체성이나 다른 성격의 정체성에 대해선 제대로 파악하기 힘든 것이다. 그만큼 재외 이주민의 정체성은 다양한 양상을 함께 갖고 있다. 이러한 정체성의 이중적 양상은 모순적으로 보이지만, 오히려 그들 정체성의 현재적 위상을 보여주는 현상으로 보아야 한다. 재외 이주민의 정체성은 복합적이면서도 이질적인 정체성이 함께 결합하면서 또 다른 개념의 이주민 주체로서의 정체성으로 생성되어 가는 과정을 거친다고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 재외 이주민의 한국어 시에 나타난 그들 정체성의 특성은 결국 민족이나 국가와 같은 기존의 정체성 요인만이 아니라 그것을 포함하는 다양한 정체성 형성의 요인을 동시에, 그리고 서로를 배제하지 않는 상태에서 바라보아야 분명하게 파악되는 것이다. This study examines the characteristics of identity of Korean emigrants through their poetry in Korean. It is because national language shows the sign that reveals national identity. Identity issue among Korean emigrants lies in the complexity without a fixed, single identity because of various factors and situations in the countries in which they reside. Identity of Korean emigrants, in most cases, is characterized by its duality. Such identity among Korean emigrants should be examined by ‘uncertainty principle’. When one aspect of identity examined, the other aspect of identity of Korean emigrants can be hardly verified. This study attempts to understand characteristics of the identity through poetry in Korean by Korean Japanese and Korean Chinese. Identity in poetry by Korean Japanese and Korean Chinese demonstrates duality that represents identity of a country and a nation. When national identity emphasized with national characteristics in mind, it is hard to grasp their identity of a country or other aspects. Identity of Korean emigrants has various aspects to that extent. Although such duality in identity seems contradictory, it should be considered as a present state of their identity. Identity of Korean emigrants is complex, combined with heterogeneous identities and experiences the process to become another identity of emigrants with another concept. Therefore, identity of Korean emigrants shown in poetry in Korean can be understood clearly by simultaneous awareness of various factors of identity without any exclusion in any way.

조선족의 한국 경험과 다중적 정체성 - 30-40대 여성 조선족에 대한 설문조사 및 심층인터뷰를 기반 하여-

이가영 중국인문학회 2020 中國人文科學 Vol.0 No.74

This study has examined the correlation between their experience in Korea and ethnic and national identity through the surveys and in-depth interviews with female Korean-Chinese People in their 30s and 40s. The survey has conducted on 96 subjects examining their language recognition, cultural awareness, historical awareness, sense of belonging, and experience of discrimination, and conducted interview with 9 of the selected respondents who gave meaningful responses. Surveys and interviews revealed that most of the respondents showed a strong sense of belongings to China as Chinese nationals. At the same time, as overseas Koreans who collectively share the language and daily culture of Korea, it was found that they felt a considerable sense of homogeneity with the Korean people. However, the perception of history, which should be underlying national identity and ethnic identity, were shown to be weaker in younger demographics. The national identity and ethnic identity of the Korean-Chinese people are shown to become more multiple through the experience in Korea. According to the survey, Korean Chinese People who became naturalized in Korea due to marriage and other reasons tend to perceive themselves as "Korean" or "Chinese half, Korean half." There are also cases where people who want to be recognized as “Chinese” or “Korean-Chinse” to Chinese people, and as ”Korean” to Korean People. As such, Korean Chinese People change their identity more diversely through Korean experiences. On the other hand, the negative experience in Korea results in strengthening their original national identity. People who experienced discrimination in Korea felt inferior, and people who immagrated for marriege were forced to understand and adopt to Korean culture. In their daily lives. In order to improve their experience in Korea to be more positive, tit seems that Korean society not only needs to develop sense of respect and understanding to the culture and identity of Korean-Chinese people, but also legal mechanisms to prevent discrimination against Korean-Chinese people.

다문화시대 한류의 정체성과 방향

서은숙(Seo Eun-Suk) 인문콘텐츠학회 2009 인문콘텐츠 Vol.0 No.14

본고는 현대 다문화, 다 가치 사회에서 한류의 정체성과 그 방향을 모색하였다. 한류는 지금으로부터 약 10 여 년 전 시작되었고, 한류에 대한 많은 연구에서 한류는 주로 경제적 가치로 이해되었다. 본고에서는 한류에 대한 연구들에서 한류의 실태와 그 구체적 내용을 정리하였고, 한류를 문화의 관점에서 접근하여 이를 바탕으로 한류의 정체성과 방향을 논하였다. 이러한 다문화사회에서 문제가 되는 것은 한국 문화의 정체성 확립 문제이며, 한국 문화 정체성의 기반에는 다시 인문학을 들 수 있을 것이다. 본고는 이 점에서 한류를 현재 한국의 다문화사회에 대한 대안과 인문학 위기에 대한 문제 해결이라는 관점에서, 한국의 문화정체성, 아시아 문화공동체 네트워크 형성 이라는 관점에서 이해하여, 한류의 전개, 한류의 정체성-유교 문화, 풍류정신, 한류의 발전 방향-문화콘텐츠 개발 등을 논의하였다. 문화보편성으로서의 한류의 정체성에는 仁과 和 그리고 風流精神(대조화) 등으로 볼 수 있고, 이를 현대 사회에도 응용할 수 있을 것이다. 한류 발전의 방향에는, 첫째, 인문학이 한국 문화의 기반이 되는 철학, 윤리, 문학, 역사 등을 다루며, 한국 문화 정체성을 확립하는 데는 이러한 인문학적인 배경에 대한 올바른 인식과 그것을 발전시키는데 있을 것이라는 의미에서 인문학 부흥의 필요성, 둘째, 인문학과 문화콘텐츠의 연계 연구, 셋째, 열려있는 한국문화콘텐츠의 개발, 넷째, 문화콘텐츠 교과목의 개설, 다섯째, 문화 원형으로서의 다양한 한류 콘텐츠 개발 - 유교 사상, 학자 및 선비의 일대기, 향교, 서원 등의 유교문화재, 복식, 건축, 음식 등의 생활 문화, 음악, 미술 등의 예술 분야 등의 디지털 복원- 등이다. I studied on the direction and identity of Korean-Wave(韓流, Hallu) in a multi-cultural society. Korean-Wave arose about 10 years ago and researches interpreted it as a economic value. Based on many studies and researches of Korean-Wave, I summarized thoroughly about actual condition and concrete contents of Korean-Wave. And I discussed the direction and identity of Korean-Wave(韓流, Hallu) from a cultural point of view. I understood Korean-Wave as a alternation in the multi-cultural society, a solution to establish Korean cultural identity and a formation of network between Korean culture's identity and Asian community. Based on my understanding, I discussed about Korean-Wave's development, identity(Confucian culture, and Pungnew), and direction, as well as cultivation of cultural contents. As a cultural universality, Korean-Wave's identity includes benevolence(仁), harmony(和) and elegance(風流精神, the great harmony) and these can be applied to the modern society. Firstly, direction of Korean culture contents lise in development of Humanities. Relating to the crisis of Humanities since 2006, I think problems of multi-cultural society are also problems to the Korean culture's establishment of its identity. Because the base of Korean culture is Humanities which studies philosophy, ethics, literature and history. In order to establish Korean culture's identity, the understanding of Humanities' background and its development is needed. Secondly, to develop Hallu, we cultivate Hallu as a Korean cultual archetype. Korean-Wave should be not only understood as a economic value but also interpreted as a cultural concept. As one of cultural archetypes, Korean culture, especially Confucian thoughts and Pungnew, should be studied and developed much more in the fields of development of culture contents.

일본의 보수화와 재일한인의 국적문제: 디아스포라 정체성의 동학

전형권 한국동북아학회 2007 한국동북아논총 Vol.12 No.2

This article explores the historical change of nationality and identity of Korean diaspora in Japan. With close examination to Japanese governmental widespread conservative discourse such as 'unitary Japanese' 'ultra Japan' for national integration, the author reveal how the Japanese conservative projects to suppress and change Korean diaspora's ethnic-national identity. From diaspora perspective, I also inquire what does the growing Korean diaspora's naturalization as a Japanese citizen means? and what is its implications to 'identity politics'? Korean residents in Japan as victims of Japan's colonialism, in essential, have been very weaken in that they have been forced and faced the tense alternatives in choosing “nationality or ethnic identity” because of the strong ethnic-nation atmosphere in both their homeland and host country, while live across transnational border. In this context, borders across South and North Korea, Korean and Japanese, and inter-Korean diaspora community could be describe the special place that symbolically shows transnational life of Koreans residents in Japan. Today, the Korean diaspora society begin to be diverged by the axises of generation, ideology, gender as well as nationality and their positions and identities are complex in line with the axises. It is noteworthy that, there have emerged new social movements for 'commensalism' based on new identities influenced by post-modern discourses such as 'difference', 'minorities' and 'other-ness' among young Korean generation since 1980s. Though there rise some critics on post-modernism projects, it help us to enlarge new fields on diaspora studies against biased national and ideological perspectives. Moreover, it implies the possibility of diaspora's identity politics as a counter-mean of nation-state leaded 'identity politics'. 이 연구는 일본의 근대적 국민국가담론이 재일한인들의 법적 지위에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지, 그리고 정체성을 어떻게 분화시키는지를 디아스포라의 관점에서 살피고 있다. 또한 점차 증가하고 있는 재일한인들의 일본인으로의 귀화, 혹은 ‘재일’을 향한 선택이 ‘정체성 정치’에 어떠한 함의를 갖는지 규명한다. 연구자는 특히 극우 보수화로 치닫는 일본의 ‘정체성 정치’에 내장된 이방인 억압기제를 분석하고, 지구화 시대와 양립하기 힘든 이러한 기획 속에서 재일한인들의 대응기제라 할 수 있는 정체성의 분화와 새로운 운동의 등장에 주목한다. 일제의 식민지배 역사에서 박해도피형 디아스포라로 태동한 재일한인은 초국가적 경계에 걸쳐 살면서도 모국이나 거주국의 강한 ‘국민국가적’ 정서로 인해 국적과 정체성 사이의 양자택일의 협간에 놓여 있는 취약한 존재들이다. 이들 앞에 놓여 있는 ‘남북’의 경계, ‘일본인’과의 경계, 그리고 재일한인 ‘내부’의 경계는 초국가적 환경 속에서 살아온 디아스포라적 삶을 상징적으로 보여주는 지점이기도 하다. 오늘날 재일한인 사이에는 세대, 이념, 국적 등의 축에 따른 내적 분화가 그 어느 때보다 두드러지며 법적 지위와 정체성은 실제로 모국인 남북한 및 일본이라는 세 나라의 틈 안에서 꽤 복잡한 양상을 띠고 있다. 특히 1980년대 들어 젊은 층을 중심으로 새로운 정체성에 기반하여 ‘공생’을 위한 사회운동이 등장하고 있는데, 이는 근대적 민족과 이념의 경계를 넘어 초국가적인 디아스포라의 지평을 확장해 가는 탈근대적 전략이라는 측면에서 주목되는 양상이다. 비록 탈근대주의 담론에 대한 일각의 비판이 제기되지만, 이는 국민국가가 주도하고 있는 근대적 기획에 대항하는 새로운 디아스포라의 ‘정체성 정치’의 가능성을 보여준다는 점에서 시사점이 크다.

Identity and Ethnicity: Issues Facing Second-Generation Korean American Adolescents and Implications for Ministry

박정식 한국기독교교육학회 2010 기독교교육논총 Vol.25 No.-

Identity and ethnicity are the critical issues that second-generation Korean American adolescents are facing today. This paper intends to examine the critical issues surrounding identity and ethnicity among second-generation Korean American adolescents as well as draw valuable implications for Korean immigrant church ministry. For this purpose, first, the writer reflects on identity and ethnicity from a biblical point of view. Second, he briefly presents an overview and discussion of a theoretical basis related to the issues of identity, ethnicity, and ethnic identity. Third, he describes the experiences that second-generation Korean American adolescents may share in common in relation to both issues. Second-generation Korean American adolescents tend to have a more difficult time developing a positive sense of identity, compared to their white peers, largely because of the issues surrounding their ethnicity. Finally, the writer draws several implications for second-generation Korean American ministry in light of the discussion. He suggests two important directions, along with some specific ideas and activities, which Korean immigrant churches should consider for ministry to second generation Korean American adolescents. First, Korean immigrant churches need to help their youth appreciate their bicultural identity, encouraging these young people to develop a more integrative identity, while forming their Christian identity. Second, Korean immigrant churches need to help their youth to broaden their understanding of cultural differences and improve their multicultural competency through exercising proper attitudes and utilizing cross-cultural training programs or methods.

재독한인 2세대의 한국방문과 정체성 재구성 양상

윤서옥 동서대학교 일본연구센터 2018 次世代 人文社會硏究 Vol.14 No.-

The previous studies on the second-generation Koreans in Germany were focused on the socialization problem and identity issue. Discussions about their identity were centered on the discrepancy between Korean and German culture learned through education from their korean parent(s) and everyday life in German society. However, the identities of them are reconstructed not only within German society but also through the Korea, the homeland of their parent(s), visits. And this aspect was slightly dealt with only a few studies. But as the development of information and communication and the expansion of the social networks of Korean diaspora in Germany have led to the transnational connection of Koreans in Germany and Korean society, it seems that Korean visit has become an essential element in reconstructing their identity. Therefore, this paper examines Korea visits of the second-generation Korean in Germany in detail via the second-generation of Hamburg, Germany and identifies the aspect of identity reconstitution. They visit Korea with a variety of purposes as individuals, but in their visits the ties of kinship in Korea of their parent(s), i.e, the family among the migrant networks of the first-generation or 1.5-generation, plays a central role commonly. On the other hand, the experience of exclusion by members of Korean society leads to re-understand the meaning of ‘Korean’ that they used to assume and know the constitutional attributes of their identity by moving away from the dichotomous identity choice of ‘Korean’ or ‘German’ respectively. Also they form not a limited identity as the second-generation in Korean diaspora in Germany but an expanded identity by belonging to the second-generation group members sharing the different life experiences with members in Korea and German society. 재독한인 2세대에 대한 기존 연구는 성장기의 사회화 문제와 정체성에 대한 논의가 중심이 되었다. 이들 정체성 논의는 한국 출신 부모님의 가정교육과 독일 사회의 일상생활을 통해 학습한 한국과 독일 문화의 격차에 따른 불일치가 중심이 되었다. 그러나 2세대의 정체성은 독일 사회 내부뿐 아니라 부모의 고국인 한국 사회의 방문을 통해 재구성되는데, 일부 연구에서는 이를 간략하게 설명하였다. 그러나 정보・통신의 발달과 한인 사회 네트워크의 외연 확대로 재외한인과 한국 사회가 초국가적으로 연결되면서 한국방문은 재외한인의 정체성 재구성에 있어 필수적인 요소로 자리한 것으로 보인다. 그에 따라 본 연구는 재독한인 2세대의 한국방문의 사례를 독일 함부르크 지역 2세대를 통해 구체적으로 살펴보고, 정체성이 재구성되는 양상을 파악하였다. 재독한인 2세대는 개인으로 다양한 목적을 가지고 한국을 방문하지만, 이들의 방문 과정에는 부모의 혈연, 즉 1세대 또는 1.5세대의 이주자 네트워크 중 가족이 중심적인 역할을 했다. 한편 한국 사회의 구성원들에 의한 배제의 경험은 2세대들이 상정해온 ‘한국인’의 의미를 재인식하게 하고 ‘한국인’ 또는 ‘독일인’이라는 이분법적인 정체성 귀속에서 벗어나 자신들의 정체성이 가지는 구성적인 속성을 이해하도록 하였다. 또한 독일 한인 디아스포라 내 한인 2세대로서 국한된 정체성이 아닌 독일과 한국 사회 구성원들과는 다른 생애 경험을 공유하는 확장된 의미의 재독한인 2세대의 정체성이라는 특수한 정체성을 형성하게 하였다.