보행자보호시스템

정호기(Ho Gi Jung) 한국자동차공학회 2010 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2010 No.11

This paper divides pedestrian protection methods into three categories ? infrastructure enhancement, passive safety system, and active safety system ? then summarizes recent research trends and activities. Based on the survey and analysis, this paper proposes two problems, which are not researched but required for our country, as future works. The first topic is acquiring compatibility between traffic calming and recognition systems of intelligent vehicle. As current recognition systems of intelligent vehicle are tuned to the appearance of existing road structures, they could be confused and degraded by roads modified by traffic calming. Therefore, development of recognition systems considering traffic calming and addition of traffic signs to assist automatic recognition systems seem to be required. The second topic is development of communication-based pedestrian detection. The most challenging situation to sensor fusion-based pedestrian detection is when a pedestrian runs into the road from a hidden area. Even in the situation, communication-based can detect the pedestrian. Furthermore, it can provide additional information about the communication module holder. Therefore, core technologies should be developed before related standardization procedures start.

HandSpan-EX 성과: 고속도로용 저가형 센서융합 기반 정밀측위

정호기(Ho Gi Jung),최경택(Kyoungtaek Choi),최미진(Mi Jin Choi),서재규(Jae Kyu Suhr) 한국자동차공학회 2019 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2019 No.11

천주교회의 ‘5월운동’과 사회참여

정호기(Jung, Ho Gi) 광주가톨릭대학교 신학연구소 2013 神學展望 Vol.- No.182

한국의 민주화와 인권 신장에 관한 연구에서 종교계의 역할은 중요한 상수이다. 종교계의 사회참여는 다양한 분야와 영역에서 이루어졌는데, 천주교회가 특히 주목을 받는 것은 5·18민중항쟁과 5월운동이다. 천주교회는 5·18과 5월운동에 조직적으로 대응했고, 전국의 연결망을 적극 활용했다. 본고는 5월운동에서 천주교회의 사회참여와 연결망을 파악하고, 그 의미와 특성을 재조명하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이 연구에서 주목하는 지점들은 사면운동과 연대, 직접행동, 집단기억의 재구성을 위한 활동이다. 연구의 주요 연구범위는 시간적으로는 1980년대이고, 공간적으로는 활동이 가장 활발했던 전남지역이다. 천주교회가 구명과 사면운동에 큰 비중을 둔 것은 인적 피해의 확산을 방지하여 인간 존엄성을 보장하고 사회정의를 구현하기 위함이었다. 천주교회는 사제와 신자의 인맥을 활용하여 전두환을 수차례 면담하고, 구명과 사면을 요구했다. 그리고 피해자들의 생활을 지원하고, 이들이 구명운동과 진상규명운동을 전개할 수 있도록 인력, 공간, 비용을 제공했다. 천주교회는 국가를 상대로 직접행동에 나서기도 했다. 종교의례를 활용해 진상규명운동을 전개한 것이 대표적인데, 이는 정부와 갈등으로 표출되었다. 신자들은 격렬한 저항 투쟁을 통해 신군부에 항거했다. 천주교회는 국가에 의해 왜곡되고 폄하된 5·18의 진상을 바로 세우기 위해 유인물의 제작과 배포, 다양한 자료집의 발간과 사진전시회 개최, 사진집 및 영상물의 제작과 유통 등의 활동을 전개했다. 이와 같은 천주교회의 사회참여는 5·18에 대한 집단기억의 재구성과 5월운동에 큰 영향을 주었다. The role of religious communities is an important constant in the study of South Korea’s democracy and human rights’ history. The social participation of religious communities was done in various ways and means, with the Korean Catholic Church receiving particular attention during the 5·18 democratic uprising and the May movement. The Korean Catholic Church during the 5?18 democratic uprising and the May movement responded organizationally, and took full advantage of a nationwide network. This study was conducted to identify the social participation and networks of the Korean Catholic Church in the May movement, and to review its meaning and characteristics. This study notes the solidarity of the Catholic Church with those events, and attempts to reconstruct the collective memory of those days. The scope of time in this study was in the 1980’s, and the place was Jonnam which was the most active area. The Korean Catholic Church was motivated to be a participant in those events by the desire to prevent further human suffering. While the immediate concern was the prevention of further human suffering, ultimately the commitment was to guarantee human dignity and to implement social justice. The Korean Catholic Church intervened with dictator Chun doo-hwan several times by utilizing the acquaintances of priests and believers, with a view to obtaining clemency and pardon. The Korean Catholic Church supported the victims of the crackdown, and provided staff, housing and expenses for them while investigating and identifying the truth of the events. The Korean Catholic Church was also involved in direct actions against the government. The investigation and identification of the truth of the events utilized religious rites which placed it in conflict with the government. Believers protested against the new military government with fierce resistance. The Korean Catholic Church was involved in various ways to establish the truth of the 5?18 democratic uprising, which had been disparaged by the government. This included the distribution of handouts, publishing of various collections of photos and exhibiting them, along with various audio-visual materials. Such social participation of the Korean Catholic Church had a great influence on reconstructing the collective memory of the 5?18 democratic uprising and the May movement.

전쟁 기억의 매개체와 담론의 변화

정호기 ( Ho Gi Jung ) 한국사회사학회 2005 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.68

The Korean War served as the decisive event leading to the division of the Korean Peninsula, and brought about the possibility of recurrent war. The people of Korea suffered from fear of indiscriminate killing during the wartime situation at the end of Japanese colonial rule and the war-torn decade following Korea``s liberation from the Japanese. Memories of the war became embedded in the minds of the people. Over time, monuments have functioned as an important medium for making permanent and official the recollections of the Korean War, reinforced by anti-communist beliefs. The rationale for the sizable number of Korean War monuments among all historic monuments established since Korea``s liberation from the Japanese can be understood in this context. Accordingly, this study analyzed changes to the political system brought about by the war monuments erected in the Mt. Jirisan region, which has been called the "second front line" of the Korean War; the features and regional characteristics of these monuments; types of combat; persons responsible for their construction; ensuing debate, and more. The war monuments of the Mt. Jirisan region were used by the political sector as a means of maintaining stability through the collective memory of the Korean War. It clearly demonstrates that the establishment of such war monuments is clearly demonstrates that the establishment of such war monuments is closely related to political and social circumstances. Staring about a decabe ago, the number of installations paying tribute to the massacred civilians of Gurye began to rise, along with claims differing from existing official reports on the Korean War. Military combat around Mt. Jirisan took place among the South Korean Army, the police, civilian combat units and guerrilla forces; most of the war monuments have relevance to a specific region or incident. These monuments were built by individuals, local residents or veterans of war, either during or immediately after the war. Starting in the late 1970s, the Korean government took the lead in erecting such monuments. The discourse on war monuments has not changed much despite the changing perception of the Korean War and truth investigations of previous governments. Regarding the history of these monuments, with but a few exceptions the dominant recollections to date still carry considerable weight.

농민 정체성의 형성과 운동조직의 전환 -1970~80년대 전라남도 강진군을 중심으로-

정호기(Jung, HO-Gi) 역사문화학회 2021 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.24 No.1

민간인 희생자 유족회의 결성과 진상규명운동

정호기(Jung Ho-Gi) 역사문화학회 2006 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.9 No.2

Entering the 2000s, South Korea has witnessed the launch of various organizations and associations to honor the memory of the civilian victims who passed away during, or immediately before or after the Korean War. Besides, these organizations further serve to find the causes of death for the deceased. Among those groups, associations embarked on by the bereaved have the most direct bearing on such civilian victims. Most of the associations of bereaved families were formed five to six years ago, but have grown rapidly to gain large memberships and wield a tremendous influence on society. In particular, more survivors' associations have been set up in Southern Jeolla Province or Jeollanam-do than in any other region of the country. Furthermore, the large quantity of activity performed by the associations has been remarkably noticeable. In addressing this phenomenon, this research examines the structural and process-related aspects of the formation of such associations as social movement organizations. It also analyzes the way they recruit their members and develop their own identity. The research further reviews the position the associations have secured in the context of so-called fact-finding movements. Finally, the research attempts to define and categorize characteristics of the relationships the associations have with a range of organizations and groups engaged in fact-discovery initiatives. The reason the province has seen the formation of more associations of the bereaved than the other parts of the country is related to the fact that it has opportunity structures that assist the issue of civilian victims to emerge as a point of social contention. Moreover, the area has historical incidents or regional traits that facilitate those opportunity structures to function effectively. The number of victims dwarfs the memberships of the bereaved associations. However, becoming a member of such an organization is anticipated to involve potential losses and persecution and thus, calls for unusual courage. In addition, in order to become a member of such an association, one has to be fully committed and ready to bear any possible financial costs that are required to carry out activities as a member. The procedures and documentation requirements for one to be a member is simple, but the way such associations substantiate the death of a victim is apparently controversial. While the associations' activities to proceed with fact-finding movements and promote 'mutual fellowship' serve to strengthen their identity, their behavior to divide and differentiate the activities of the victims and direct causes of death undermines their identity. Fact-finding movements, more specifically, comprises fact investigations, memorial events and memorial projects. In many cases, associations do not play a leading role in the fact-finding research, but are able to press ahead with their fact-discovery endeavor only with support and assistance from other related organizations and groups. However, notwithstanding their limited roles, the symbolic significance of those associations tend to place them at the heart of the fact-finding movements.

일반논문 : 국민국가의 신성성과 “죽은 자 모시기” -국립묘지의 조성과 유지를 중심으로-

정호기 ( Jung Ho Gi ) 전남대학교 호남학연구원 2005 호남학 Vol.36 No.-

시민사회의 사회운동 기념물 건립과 표상

정호기(Ho-Gi, Jung) 비판사회학회 2012 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.94

사회운동은 정치·사회의 변화에 중대한 견인차이다. 이에 대한 기억과 기념의 일부가 ‘기념물’로 표상되었다. 이 글은 1980년 이후 한국의 사회운동에서 높은 위상과 의미가 부여되었던 5·18과 5월운동을 기념물에 의거해 분류하고, 그 표상을 분석하는 것이다. 연구 대상은 시민사회가 주체가 되어 건립했던 기념물이다. 이 글은 정치체제의 변동을 주목하여 시대성, 공간성, 조형성의 측면에서 고찰하고, 기념물이 표상하는 의미를 규명한다. 기념물은 5·18에 관한 것과 5월운동에 관한 것으로 분류되었다. 시대성에서 보면, 5·18에 대한 국가의 재평가가 기념물 건립과 건립 주체의 성격 변화에 영향을 주었다. 5월운동 기념물의 건립은 노태우·김영삼 정부시기에 집중되었고, 이후는 급감했다. 공간성에서 보면, 지역에 따라 건립 여부가 뚜렷한 편차를 나타냈다. 기념물의 건립 장소는 지속성과 안정성이 중요시되었다. 조형성에서 보면, 석재의 장례 기념비가 여전히 주류를 이루고 있지만, 여러 재질의 조형물과 시설로 점차 다양화되었다. 기념물의 표상 변화는 5·18에 대한 정의와 정명에서 확인되었다. 기념물의 서사는 추모와 계승으로 양분되었는데, 주제와 대상 그리고 시기에 따라 달랐고, 혼합된 경우도 있었다. Social movements were major driving forces, leading political and social changes in Korea. Some parts of remembrance and commemoration of social movements are represented by the term ‘memorial.’ This article was intended to classify and analyze 5·18 and May-Movement by memorials, which were significant in social movements from the 1980s. Research subjects were focused on the timing, spatiality and plasticity of memorials constructed by civil society, with changes in the political system. They also identified the symbolism of memorials. Memorials were classified relative to 5·18 and May-Movement. In terms of timing, the national assessment on 5·18 was influenced towards constructing memorials and changes in the fundamental construction of memorials. Construction of May-Movement memorials reached most during the administrations of Kim Young-Sam and Noh Tae-Woo, but thereafter subsequently decreased. In terms of spatiality, memorial location varied significantly depend on the region. Continuity and stability of memorial construction sites were and are highly respected. In terms of construction resources, stone tombstones were a mainstay, but have gradually diversified in the form of sculptures and by various other materials. Changes in the representation of memorials were identified by definition and nomenclature. Memorial narrative has been divided into two categories mourning and succession. These are different, depending on the subject, target and time period. There were also many mixed cases.

박정희시대의 '공안사건'들과 진상규명

정호기(Jung Ho-Gi) 역사비평사 2007 역사비평 Vol.- No.80

기념관 건립운동의 변화와 동학

정호기(Jung Ho-Gi) 비판사회학회 2005 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.65

기념관 건립은 정치ㆍ사회적 입장이나 이데올로기에 관계없이 과거의 기억을 유지ㆍ전승하기 위해 선호되는 기념방법들 가운데 하나이다. 본 연구는 1980년대 중반에 처음 공론화되어 현재에도 계속되고 있는 한국에서의 민주화운동 기념관 건립운동들과 이 기념관들의 변화 및 동학을 밝히고자 했다. 기념관 건립운동은 1980~1990년대에는 ‘사건별’로 진행되었으나, 2000년대에는 ‘포괄적’ 방식으로 전개되고 있다. 정부의 성격과 민주화운동에 대한 평가, 그리고 민주화의 진전 등이 다양한 기념관 건립운동의 등장에 영향을 주는 요인들이었다.<br/> 사건별 기념관은 기념공간 내의 구성요소로 건립된 기념관, 독립성이 보장된 기념관, 전시와 기타 기능의 분리형 등 세 가지 형태를 보여주고 있다. 기념관별로 약간의 차별성은 있으나, 사건별 기념관 건립운동이 저항적 기억투쟁 및 사회운동적 성격을 띠었던 반면, 포괄적 기념관 건립운동은 국가에 대한 청원운동적 성격이 강하다. 포괄적 기념관 건립운동을 추진한 단체들의 결성과 해체 과정에서는 정치인의 참여문제, 여러 관련 단체의 참여와 주도권 등이 갈등의 핵심이었다. 그리고 이 글에서는 포괄적 기념관 건립이 본격화될 때 제기될 가능성이 높은 쟁점과 과제들로 ① 기념 대상의 규정과 정의, ② 추진 주체, ③ 경제적 비용, ④ 건립 형태와 장소, ⑤ 기념관의 역할과 기능 그리고 운영과 활용 계획 등을 살펴보았다. One of the most popular ways to commemorate and continue the memory of a past event, regardless of the political or social positions and ideologies involved, is to establish a memorial hall. This article has as its aim to investigate the changes and dynamics in the campaigns to establish memorial halls for the democratization movements, and of the memorial halls themselves, since the mid-1980s in South Korea. In the 1980s and 1990s, the memorial hall establishment campaigns were carried out case by case, while in the 2000s they have moved into a more comprehensive phase. As for the factors that have given birth to various campaigns to establish memorial halls, the following can be mentioned: the differences that occurred within the government itself, changes in governmental evaluation of democratization movements, and the progress made during the democratization of South Korea.<br/> Those memorial halls established to commemorate democratization movements have assumed three distinct forms: a memorial hall built as a component of a memorial space, an independent hall, and a hall with separate functions. Though each memorial hall has its own characteristics, it can be said that the campaigns to establish a memorial hall for a specific democratization movement took the form of a social movement and a resistive struggle of memory. In the case of the comprehensive memorial halls, the establishment campaigns occurred in the form of petition campaigns. In many cases the organizations behind the establishment campaigns experienced internal conflicts over matters such as various politicians participation in the organizations, the participation of different relevant organizations, and matters of leadership. This article also examines the possible issues which can be raised as the establishment of a comprehensive memorial hall is actualized, as well as some of the actual tasks that need to be accomplished, to include the following: ① prescribing and defining the object to commemorate, ② the subjects who will lead the establishment, ③ the costs and expenses, ④ the site and the actual form of the memorial hall, and ⑤ the roles and functions of the memorial hall, as well as its management and utilization.