IT 기업의 구성주의 교수학습환경 기반 실시간 온라인 실습 교육 효과 분석

안슬기,이명근 한국공학교육학회 2024 공학교육연구 Vol.27 No.2

Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, it seems to have been impossible to run offline training courses. To overcome this situation, online training courses has been emerged. Just moving the educational environment from offline to online instead of re-designing the curriculum, however, is not effective for trainees. To maximize educational effectiveness, it is necessary to re-design the curriculum based on constructivist appoach which gives trainees experience on skills and knowledge about their job. As for re-designing the curriculum into real-time online practical learning based on constructivism, learning satisfaction and work efficacy of trainees may have been increased. From these results, HRD professionals in an IT company should need to consider how to structure the curriculum when they design the real-time online practical learnings.

쟤들 다 죽여 버릴까?

안슬기 우리교육 2015 우리교육 Vol.260 No.-

Ultrasound-guided pararadicular block using a paramedian sagittal oblique approach for managing low back pain in a pregnant woman -A case report-

안슬기,이지수,박휴정,김영훈 대한마취통증의학회 2016 Anesthesia and pain medicine Vol.11 No.3

Lumbar radicular pain is conventionally treated with transforaminal epidural injection under the guidance of fluoroscopy or computer tomography. However, fluoroscopic radiation can be hazardous in certain populations, including pregnant women. An adjustment of the amount of local anesthetic is required in this population. An alternative method of lumbar root block using ultrasound (US) guidance has recently been introduced. Here, we present the case of a pregnant woman with worsening lumbar radicular pain during her pregnancy and the management of her pain using US-guided pararadicular block.

시진핑(習近平) 시기 중국의 해군전략 특징 및 전략적 함의

안슬기,Ahn, Seul-Ki 한국해양전략연구소 2020 해양안보 Vol.1 No.1

본 논문은 중국의 시기별 해군전략의 전략운용 목표, 범위, 방식을 살펴보고, 시진핑 시기 해군전략의 목표와 특징, 전략적 함의를 분석해 보는 데 그 목적이 있다. 신(新)중국 성립 이후 해군은 현재까지 총 네 번에 걸쳐 전략변화를 구사하였다. 현재 시진핑 시기 중국의 해군전략은 근해적극방어전략이 결합된 원해호위전략이다. 현재 중국의 해군전략은 공격성 무기체계로 인해 공격적 전략으로 전환되고 있고, 최신식 함정의 비중이 높아지고 있으며, 운용범위는 연안과 근해를 벗어나 전 세계 해양이 대상이 되었다. 중국의 해군전략이 전환됨에 따라 중국 해군은 해양주도권 확보를 전략적 목표로 설정하고 외부 세력의 개입과 침입에 적극 대응하기 위한 공세적 전략을 실행할 것이다. 이에 중국 해군은 원거리 지역 해상 분쟁지역에서 분쟁당사국들을 더욱 압박하기 위해 억제전력과 기동전력을 향상시킬 것이다. 또한 중국의 해군전략은 '차단'에서 '신속대응'이라는 운용 방식으로 점차 전환될 것으로 전망한다. This paper attempts to examine the changes in China's naval strategy and to analyze the goal, range, and method of each strategy during the Xi Jinping's era. Since the founding of New China, the People's Liberation of Army Navy(PLAN) has made four changes in the naval strategy. Under Xi Jinping's administration, China's naval strategy is far seas operation combined with near seas active defense. Now, China's naval strateg y is shifting from a defensive to an aggressive one, increasing the proportion of offensive weapon systems and the number of state-of-the-art warships, and the scope of the naval strategy has been specified in the second island chain including the Indian Ocean. With the changes of naval strategy, the PLAN will set a new strategic goal to secure maritime dominance and implement an assertive strategy to actively respond to the intervention and intrusion of external forces. Moreover, the PLAN will also improve its sea-based deterrence force and the maneuver force to block other countries in the long-distance maritime conflict zones. The operation method of China's future naval strateg y will gradually shift from 'interdiction' to 'rapid-response.'

남중국해 중재소송 판결에 대한 중국의 입장과 국제정치적 함의

안슬기 사단법인 인문사회과학기술융합학회 2017 예술인문사회융합멀티미디어논문지 Vol.7 No.2

In this paper, it attempts to analyze China’s stance on the decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration(PCA) for the South China Sea territorial disputes between China and the Philippines. For this purpose, this study is to understand the South China Sea arbitration proceedings of the PCA. This paper also analyzes circumstances of occurrence and China’s negative stance on this issue. As a result, the Chinese government’s opposition to the South China Sea arbitration and its ruling is found to be summarized as follows: First, it was found that China has been opposed to the jurisdiction of the PCA under the Part XV of the United Nations Convention On the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS). Second, as the basis of China’s claim to historic rights within its nine-dash line, China has been opposed to the tribunal ruling that was in favor of the Philippines. In particular, China claims that there was direct U.S. involvement in the arbitration proceedings for supporting the Philippines. Chinese scholars emphasize that the United States not only provided legal and technical advisers to help the Philippine’s proceeding, but also actively supported the Philippine’s claim to the South China Sea by using domestic and international public opinion. Therefore, the decision of the PCA carries implications for international politics—mainly that the dynamics of the U.S.-China relations in the South China Sea will become increasingly sensitive. 본 논문은 중국과 필리핀 간의 남중국해 영유권 분쟁 관련 상설중재재판소(PCA)의 판결에 대한 중국의 입장을 분석해 보는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 상설중재재판소의 남중국해 중재소송 진행과정을 파악하여, 본 사안의 발생경위와 중국 정부의 부정적인 입장을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 중국 정부의 남중국해 중재소송과 그 판결에 대한 반대 입장은 다음과 같은 두 가지로 나타났다. 첫째, 중국은 유엔해양법협약(UN Convention On the Law of the Sea, UNCOLS) 제15부에 규정된 조항에 의거하여 상설중재재판소의 재판 관할권을 반대하였다. 둘째, 중국은 남해구단선의 역사적 권리를 근거로 하여 상설중재재판소의 필리핀 승소 판결을 반대하였다. 특히 중국은 중재소송 과정에서 필리핀 측을 지지하기 위한 미국의 직접적인 개입이 있었다고 주장한다. 중국학자들은 미국이 법률적·기술적 고문을 파견하여 필리핀의 소송 진행에 상당한 도움을 주었을 뿐만 아니라 국내외 여론을 이용하여 필리핀의 남중국해 영유권 주장을 적극적으로 지지해주었다고 강조한다. 따라서 이번 중재법정의 판결은 남중국해를 둘러싼 미중 간 역학관계가 더 민감한 방향으로 흐를 수 있다는 국제정치적 함의를 담고 있다.

조선 초기 文科관련 의식의 운영과 그 의미—文科殿試儀註와 放榜儀註로 살펴본 朝鮮 國王의 위치—

안슬기 고려대학교 역사연구소 2012 사총 Vol.75 No.-

Mungwa jeonsiui (文科殿試儀, Court Rites Pertaining to the Palace Examination) and Bangbangui (放榜儀, Court Rites Pertaining to Successful Civil Service Examiners) can be regarded as the epitome of the court rites conducted by Joseon to actualize ideological politics that were rooted in Neo-Confucian cultivation. The jeonsiui (殿試儀) were civil service examination related court rites that were carried out amidst the presence of the king. The entrenchment of the notions contained in the Orye (五禮, Five Rites), which included the placing of the king in a position of predominance, from the foundation of the Joseon dynasty onwards led to the holding of the jeonsiui as a means to highlight the king's central role. The bangbangui (放榜儀) were court rites used to announce those who had successfully passed the palace examination on the auspicious day when the exam results were announced and to grant gifts such as hongpae (紅牌, certificate of successful completion of the palace examination), flowers, congratulatory table (wine and fruits), and ilsan (日傘, parasol) to the successful applicants. However, the bangbangui was a ceremony to praise a king who produced outstanding royal subjects rather than for those who successfully passed the palace examination. Based on an analysis of the Mungwa jeonsi uiju (文科殿試儀註, Book of Court Rites Pertaining to the Palace Examination) and Bangbang uiju (放榜儀註, Book of Court Rites Pertaining to the Awards Ceremony for Successful Palace Examiners) during early Joseon, and in particular of the status of the Joseon king, this study showed how the designers of the uiju (book of court rites) sought to actualize goals and significances for the court rites that went beyond the framework of the five rites. As such, desipte the Jeonsiui (殿試儀) and bangbangui (放榜儀), those who applied or passed the palace examinations were regarded as being secondary elements that could be used to further upgrade the predominance of the Joseon king, rather than as the main subjects of such court rites.

메콩강 유역 메커니즘의 변화 : 중국 주도의 란창-메콩 협의체 (Lancang-Mekong Cooperation)를 중심으로

안슬기 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2020 중소연구 Vol.44 No.2

This paper attempts to examine the existing multilateral cooperation mechanisms among the Mekong River basin countries, and to analyze the background, purpose, and its strategic implications of the new China-led mechanism. As one of the Mekong River basin stakeholder, China has participated in various multilateral organizations such as the Greater Mekong Subregion(GMS) and the Mekong River Commission(MRC), even though China has been newly established the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation(LMC). After the formation of the China-led LMC, it is no longer possible to analyze the Mekong River Basin as an existing ‘cooperation’ or ‘competition’ mechanism. According to the hydrohegemony theory, China is a geographically upstream country in the Mekong River region and at the same time a regional hegemony that maintains a comparative advantage over its downstream countries. Thus, it is necessary to examine what roles China has played in the existing mechanisms as a dominant power in the region, and to analyze the background, purpose, and strategic intention of the LMC initiative. In addition, according to the hydro-hegemony theory, it is also necessary to predict the likelihood of a mechanism different from the existing mechanism in the Mekong River basin after the LMC was established. Since China had played a limited role in the GMS and MRC, China-led LMC mechanism is formed by a number of reasons for the strong leadership in the mechanism, strengthening economic exchanges with ASEAN countries, and an expand in the scope of cooperation projects with other stakeholders. China also has strategic intentions to create a China-led multilateral platform to exercise its political leadership, to obtain economic benefits from enhancing economic relations with neighboring countries, and build a national image suitable for its international status. For these, China intends to maintain its hegemony status in the Mekong River basin by using the LMC initiative, and the region has emerged as a ‘hegemonic compliance-producing mechanism’ rather than an existing ‘cooperation’ or ‘competition’ mechanism. 본 논문은 메콩강 유역 국가들 간 형성된 기존의 협력 메커니즘을 살펴보고, 중국주도의 새로운 메커니즘의 설립 배경, 목적, 전략적 함의를 분석하는 것을 목적으로한다. 중국은 메콩강 유역 이해당사국으로서 확대메콩유역(GMS: Greater Mekong Subregion), 메콩강위원회(MRC: Mekong Regional Cooperation) 등 다양한 다자간협의체에 참여하고 있었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 중국은 역내에서 좀 더 주도적인 역할을 하기 위해 ‘란창-메콩 협의체(LMC: Lancang-Mekong Cooperation)’을 새롭게 수립하였다. 중국 주도의 LMC 협의체가 출범하면서 더 이상 메콩강 유역을 기존의‘협력’ 혹은 ‘경쟁’ 메커니즘으로 분석할 수 없게 되었다. 하이드로 헤게모니(hydro-hegemony) 이론에 따르면, 중국은 지정학적으로 메콩강 상류지역 국가이자, 동시에 하류 국가들보다 상대적으로 힘의 우세를 유지하고 있는 역내 패권국이기 때문이다. 이에 중국이 기존의 협의체에서 어떠한 역할을 수행해 왔는지 살펴보아야하며, 이를 통해 LMC를 창설한 이유와 목적, 전략적 의도에 대해서도 파악할 필요가있다. 또한 하이드로 헤게모니 이론에 따라 LMC 출범 이후 메콩강 유역 내에서 기존메커니즘과는 다른 형태의 메커니즘이 나타날 가능성에 대한 예측도 필요하다. 분석결과, LMC는 중국이 기존의 메콩강 개발 협의체인 GMS, MRC의 한계점을 인지하고 이를 극복하려는 과정에서 등장하였으며, 협의체 내 중국의 강력한 리더십 형성, 이해당사국들과의 교류 강화 및 협력 범위 확대 등의 이유로 설립되었음을 알 수있었다. 중국은 LMC 협의체를 창설함으로써 자신의 정치적 리더십을 행사할 발판을 마련하고, 국제적 위상에 걸맞은 국가 이미지를 구축하려는 목적을 달성하기 위한전략적 의도가 있다는 사실도 확인할 수 있었다. 이를 위해, 중국은 LMC를 통해 메콩강 유역 내 헤게모니적 지위를 유지하고자 하며, 이에 역내는 기존의 ‘협력’ 혹은‘경쟁’ 메커니즘이 아닌 ‘지배적’ 메커니즘이 나타났음을 확인할 수 있었다.

중국의 남중국해 방공식별구역(ADIZ) 선포 가능성에 대한 고찰

안슬기 21세기정치학회 2021 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.31 No.1

This paper attempts to analyze the possibility of establishing an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the South China Sea and examine China’s its security implications in the Asia-Pacific region. The ADIZ over the South China Sea has been only claimed by the Chinese government, and China has been trying to fulfill its own argument, regardless of the approval from the international community. Thus, the possibility of another ADIZ in the South China Sea cannot be understated. As a result, China would proclaim ADIZ over the South China Sea for saving its face when the regional environment is more unfavorable to its own interests or when the US Navy’s freedom of navigation operations into the South China Sea became more frequent. Declaring an ADIZ over the South China Sea would be expected regardless of its any neighboring countries, like the ADIZ was declared over the East China Sea in 2013. China will strengthen its control over the interests of its regional waters and airspace based on its dominant military power by using the ADIZ declaration in the South China Sea and also by using its assertiveness to pressure the United States. In response, the US government has already announced ‘complete strike’ in the South China Sea region. However, the strategic competition between US and China is expected to continue as China is in the situation that has not established a strategic advantage that can be overwhelming neighboring countries in the South China Sea, while the United States has intervened.

중국의 공세적 남중국해 정책 : 시진핑의 해양사상을 중심으로

안슬기 동아시아국제정치학회 2019 국제정치연구 Vol.22 No.1

This study is to analyze how Xi Jinping - top policy maker in China - influences on the implementation of foreign policy with his personal variables such as ideas, ideology and perception and to verify China’s South Sea policy, Xi Jinping’s most displayed assertive maritime idea, initially created to fulfill the national’s objective in ‘constructing a maritime power’. In order to analyze the correlation between the ideas, ideology and perception of a leader with his foreign policy, this study applies the psychological/cognitive approach in political psychology and assumes Xi Jinping’s maritime ideology will have a large impact on the implementation of the policy due to China’s exceptional political system and ‘Xi Jinping Thought’ which was inserted as a guiding ideology into the Party Constitution of the Communist Party of China. This study is to supplement the previous studies that have analyzed the internal(resource deficiency, high self-confidence) and external(U.S. containment policy) factors on the cause of China’s aggressive South China Sea policy practice. This study is also distinguished by analyzing on an individual perspective looking into a leader’s maritime ideology whereas in previous studies it was analyzed in a national perspective looking into the internal factors. In conclusion, it has been found that Xi’s maritime ideology was very different from the previous leaders in the importance and understanding of the sea as well as the scope of the activities, major projects and the ultimate goal. It has been also discovered that maritime interests, maritime economy, maritime ecology and maritime science are highly assertive. In addition, it has been verified that China’s South Sea policy practice showed assertiveness because of Xi’s assertive maritime ideology. As Xi’s dominance in the party strengthens and long term seizure of power becomes a reality, China’s South China Sea policy will continue to be assertive. 본 논문은 시진핑(習近平)이라는 최고 정책결정자의 사상과 이념, 인식 등 개인적 변수가 외교정책 실행에 어떠한 영향을 미치는 지를 분석하고,‘해양강국 건설’이라는 국가적 차원의 목표 실현을 위해 창안된 시진핑의 공세적인 해양사상이 가장 잘 표출된 남중국해 정책에서의 공세성(assertiveness)을 확인하는 것을 그 목적으로 한다. 한 국가의 지도자 개인이 갖고 있는 사상과 이념, 인식 등과 외교정책과의 상관관계를 분석하기 위해 본 논문은 정치심리학 중 심리/인지학적 연구방법을 적용하고, 중국의 특수한 정치체제와‘시진핑 사상’의 당정 총강 삽입으로 인해 시진핑의 해양사상이 정책 실행에 큰 영향력을 미친다는 점을 전제로 하였다. 이는 중국의 공세적 남중국해 정책 실행의 원인을 대내적 요인(자원 부족, 자신감 상승)과 대외적 요인(미국에 대한 견제)으로 분석했던 기존 연구들을 보완하는 차원에서 의의를 가지며, 기존의 대내적 요인이 국가적 차원에서 분석했던 반면 지도자의 사상(해양사상)이라는 개인적 차원에서 분석하였다는 점에서 구별된다. 분석결과, 시진핑의 해양사상은 해양의 중요성, 해양에 대한 인식, 활동범위, 주요사업, 최종목표 등 부분에서 이전 지도자들과는 매우 상이하였다. 시진핑의 해양사상을 해양전략, 해양권익, 해양경제, 해양생태문명, 해양과학사상 등 다섯 가지로 나누고 이들이 반영된 해양 전략을 세부적으로 분석한 결과 공세적 성질을 내포하고 있음을 확인하였다. 또한, 시진핑의 공세적인 해양사상이 반영되어 실행되고 있는 중국의 남중국해 정책의 공세성을 확인하였다. 시진핑의 당 내 지배력이 강화되면서 장기집권이 현실화됨에 따라 향후 중국의 남중국해 정책은 변함없이 공세적인 성격을 보일 것으로 전망한다.

타이로신키나아제 억제제의 임상적으로 유의한 약물상호작용 정보 일관성 분석

안슬기,이주연,아영미 한국임상약학회 2020 한국임상약학회지 Vol.30 No.1

Background: Drug-drug interactions (DDIs) in patients using oral anticancer treatment are more common than in those using injectable anticancer agents. In addition, DDIs related to anticancer treatment are known to cause clinically significant outcomes, such as treatment failure and severe toxicity. To prevent these negative outcomes, significant DDIs are monitored and managed using the information provided in drug databases. We aimed to evaluate the consistency of information on clinically significant DDIs for tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs) between representative drug databases. Methods: We selected clinically significant DDIs involving medications that are co-prescribed with TKIs and met the following criteria: the severity level of DDIs was equal or greater than “D” in Lexicomp® or “major” in Micromedex®. We then analyzed the consistency of the severity classification and evidence level between the drug databases. Spearman’s correlation coefficient was used to identify the relationship between DDI information in the drug databases. Results: In total, 627 DDI pairs were identified as clinically significant; information on these was provided by Lexicomp® and Micromedex® for 571 and 438 pairs, respectively, and both drug databases provided information on 382 DDI pairs. There was no correlation between the severity and evidence level of DDIs provided in the two databases; Spearman’s correlation coefficient for Lexicomp® and Micromedex® was -0.009 (p=0.861) and -0.064 (p=0.209), respectively. Conclusion: To judge the significance of DDIs, healthcare providers should consider that the information on DDIs may be different between drug information databases; hence, clinical factors must be considered concurrently.