동해 실시간 해양관측 부이로부터 관측한 태풍 매미에 대한 연안해양의 반응 고찰

남성현,윤재열,김구,Nam, Sung-Hyun,Yun, Jae-Yul,Kim, Kuh 한국해양학회 2004 바다 Vol.9 No.3

한국 동해시에서 약 10 km떨어진 수심 130 m해역에 실시간 동해 해양관측 부이를 계류하여 기상(기온, 기압, 풍속, 순간최대풍속, 풍향, 상대습도) 및 해양(파랑, 해수물성, 전층해류) 자료를 실시간으로 수집하였다. 2003년 9월 13일 03:00에 태풍 매미의 눈이 한국 울진시 부근을 통과할 때, 순간최대풍속은 25 m/s(10분 평균풍속은 최대 20 m/s) 그리고 최저기압은 980 hPa로 기록되었다. 파고는 이로부터 한 시간 뒤인 04:00에 최대가 되었으며 유의파고는 4 m 그리고 최대파고는 9 m에 이르렀다. 표층부근에서 측정된 유속은 태풍의 눈이 통과한 뒤 점차 증가하여 약10시간 뒤인 13:00에는 약 100 cm/s에 달하였고 그 방향은 남남동이었다. 강한 남남동향류를 동반한 표층혼합층은 고온저염의 특성을 유지하였으며, 그 두께는 같은 10시간동안 20 m에서 40 m로 서서히 증가하였다. 일정경사면의 해저지형을 가지는 해양에서 해안선방향의 순간 바람에 대한 이층유체의 반응을 알아보기 위해 Csanady(1984)가 제안한 간단한 해석모형을 적용하였다. 그 결과 실시간 해양관측부이의 계류 위치(x=8.15 km)에서 태풍의 눈 통과 후 10시간동안 전개된 해안선 방향과 이에 수직한 방향의 유속구조와 상하층의 경계에 대한 적절한 추정치를 얻을 수 있었고, 태풍 매미 통과 후 동해시 연안해양의 특징적인 반응을 부분적으로 설명할 수 있었다. An ocean buoy was deployed 10 km off Donghae city, Korea at a depth of 130 m to measure meteorological (air pressure, air temperature, wind speed, wind gust, wind direction, relative humidity) and oceanographic data (water properties and currents in the whole column) in real-time. The buoy recorded a maximum wind gust of 25 m/s (10 minutes' average speed of 20 m/s) and a minimum air pressure of 980 hPa when the eye of typhoon Maemi passed by near the Uljin city, Korea at 03:00 on 13 September 2003. The wave height reached maximum of 9 m with the significant wave height of 4 m at 04:00 (1 hour after the passage of Maemi). The currents measured near the surface reached up to about 100 cm/s at 13:00 (10 hours after the passage of Maemi). The mixed layer (high temperature and low salinity) thickness, which was accompanied by strong southward current, gradually increased from 20 m to 40 m during the 10 hours. A simple two layer model for the response to an impulsive alongshore wind over an uniformly sloping bottom developed by Csanady (1984) showed reasonable estimates of alongshore and offshore currents and interface displacement for the condition of typhoon Maemi at the buoy position (x=8.15 km) during the 10 hours.

LISREL모형을 활용한 산림자원 육성정책의 평가

남성현 ( Sung Hyun Nam ),김세빈 ( Se Bin Kim ),권기원 ( Ki Won Kwon ),전현선 ( Hyon Sun Jeon ) 한국산림과학회 2008 한국산림과학회지 Vol.97 No.3

특집논문 : 초기 비잔틴 제국과 기독교의 빈민을 위한 협력 모델 연구

남성현 ( Sung Hyun Nam ) 한국서양사학회 2013 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.118

New Christian leaders called ``Poor Euergetes`` came into existence in the 4th-6th century in the Byzantine World. The Poor Euergetes, monks or bishops who abandoned their property for Christ, were new heroes of the Christian period inaugurated by Constantine the Great in the 4th century. Nevertheless, they did not originate simply from Christian monastic spirituality. With the birth of the new leading class, the Poor Euergetes were also influenced by Hebrew-Jewish spirituality. This called for the care on the poor and the Greeko- Roman tradition of euergesia. It is worthwhile to pay attention to the imperial constitutions written since the 4th century. These influenced numerous Christian institutions. Constantine the Great offered to the church a right of inheritance. This right was not a problem until the 6th century. On the other hand, several Emperors like Leo, Anastasios and Justinianus aimed at the growth of numerous of Christian institutions with a policy called ``prohibitio alienandi.`` This policy helped them to engage in the establishment and operation of the hospitals of the Christian Euergetes for the poor. I presented a list of some hospitals administrated by monasteries and churches. The Poor Euergetes that Christian hagiography of the 4th-6th century described were not imaginary but a historical leading group which established these hospitals and cared for the poor. Consequently, the imperial policy and Christian institutions collaborated for the charitable care of the poor in Early Christian Civilization. (Hanyoung Theological University / strasseoul@hanmail.net)

4-5세기 기독교 성인전에 나타난 “가난한” “자선사업가”(euergetes)

남성현 ( Sung Hyun Nam ) 한국서양고대역사문화학회 2009 서양고대사연구 Vol.25 No.-

조림,육림정책에 대한 인식도 평가 연구

남성현 ( Sung Hyun Nam ),김세빈 ( Se Bin Kim ),권기원 ( Ki Won Kwon ),전현선 ( Hyon Sun Jeon ) 한국산림과학회 2008 한국산림과학회지 Vol.97 No.1

내진성능을 갖는 클립 체결방식 모듈러주택의 내진성능평가

남성현 ( Nam Sung-hyun ),조창근 ( Cho Chang-geun ) 한국구조물진단유지관리공학회 2019 한국구조물진단유지관리공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.23 No.1

In this paper, seismic performance evaluation using 3D modeling of structural analysis was carried out to confirm and enhance the seismic performance of modular houses through the seismic performance evaluation scheme. Based on the results, the performance of structural members and joints in the modular house was investigated.

파피루스에 나타난 초기 비잔틴 시대 이집트 교회와 수도원의 수입 구조

남성현 ( Sung Hyun Nam ) 한국서양고대역사문화학회 2010 서양고대사연구 Vol.26 No.-

영화 <아고라>(2009)에 관한 소고(小考) : 역사 텍스트와 텍스트의 영상화 관점에서

남성현 ( Nam Sung-hyun ) 한국서양고대역사문화학회 ( 구 한국서양고대사학회 ) 2016 서양고대사연구 Vol.45 No.-

이 글에서 필자는 2009년 개봉된 영화 <아고라>와 이 영화의 바탕이 되는 5세기 역사자료를 비교하여 설명하였다. <아고라>는 4세기에 탄생한 기독교 로마제국을 배경으로 한다. 영화의 플롯은 4세기 말 알렉산드리아의 세라페움 파괴를 5세기 초 키릴리오스의 유대인 박해 및 히파티아의 살해와 연결시키는 방식으로 구성되었다. <아고라>를 통해 영상화된 드라마와 역사 텍스트 안에 보존된 역사는 큰 틀에서도 많은 차이가 있다. 교회역사가 루피누스의 설명을 따르면 세라페움이 파괴되는 데에 근본적인 원인을 제공한 인물은 알렉산드리아 교회의 감독 테오필로스였다. 시네시오스가 390년대에 히파티아의 제자였다는 사실을 부인하는 학자들은 없지만 이 당시 그는 기독교 신자가 아니라 이교신자였다. 또 414-415년의 이집트 총독 오레스테스는 히파티아의 제자가 아니었다. 또 필자는 역사적인 차원에서 테오도시우스의 칙법에 세라피스 신전과 도서관의 파괴를 명시적으로 언급하는 문구가 들어가지 않았다는 것을 보여주었다. 아울러 고고학적 연구는 이 당시 도서관이 파괴되지 않았다는 쪽으로 기운다. 유대인 박해 및 히파티아의 살해를 영상화 하는 과정에서도 적지 않은 부분에 픽션이 가미된다. <아고라>는 알렉산드리아 교회가 운영하던 병원의 남자간호사들이자 수도자인 파라발라니가 극장에서 공연을 관람하던 유대인들을 향해 돌을 던진 사건을 유대인 박해의 발단으로 묘사했다. 이는 교회역사가 소크라테스의 설명과는 거리가 멀다. 또 키레네 교회의 감독이 된 시네시오스를 등장시켜 키릴리오스와 오레스테스의 중재역할을 부여한 것이나 히파티아에게 세례를 설득하는 장면을 삽입한 것 역시 허구에 속한다. 노예 다보스와 오레스테스가 히파티아에 대해 갖고 있던 사랑의 감정은 드라마의 전체적 구도에서 아주 중요한 요소이지만 전적으로 허구에 불과하다. 하지만 <아고라>는 역사에 상상력을 가미하여 사랑과 학문, 종교와 권력, 폭력과 성스러움 등 온갖 대립적인 개념들을 절묘하게 표현해 내는 데에 성공했다. In this study I tried to compare the film Agora(2009) with its historical sources from the 4th-5th centuries. The film used the Christian Roman Empire of the period as its background. Its plot was formulated so that the destruction of the Alexandrian Serapeum at the end of the 4th century was connected to the Jewish persecution and Hypatia's death in the early 5th century. The drama of Agora differs, in many aspects, from the history preserved in the texts. According to the Ecclesiastical History of Rufinus, it was Theophilus of Alexandria to whom was attributed the cause of the pagan riot of 391-392. It is accepted that Synesios studied under Hypatia in the 390's, but at that time he was not Christian but pagan. Orestes, Praefectus Augustalis of Egypt in 414-415, was not a disciple of Hypatia. Furthermore I tried to prove the fact that the Rescriptum of Theodosius did not state verbatim that both the demolition of the temple of Serapis and the destruction of the Library occurred. Nevertheless the temple was levelled to the ground, while it is more probable that the Library was saved even inspite of the fanatic religious violence. In the Jewish persecution and the death of Hypatia, fiction plays an important role. Agora described the instigating cause of the Jewish persecution as the stone throwing of the Parabalani, nurse-monks who cared for the sick in the hospital organized by the Alexandrian Church. This sort of intrigue is not what the church historian Socrates describes. It is also fictive rather than historic that Synesios mediates between Cyril and Orestes, and persuades Hypatia to receive baptism. The emotion of love that both the slave Davos and Orestes feel toward Hypatia is totally imaginary even though it has crucial importance in the plot of Agora. Nevertheless the film Agora succeeds in expressing superbly and beautifully all opposing notions such as religion and power, violence and sacredness, love and truth.

바실리우스(Basilius)의 4-5세기 공주수도원을 위한 편람(便覽)

남성현(Sung Hyun Nam) 한국기독교학회 2007 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.53 No.-

초기 비잔틴 시대(4-7세기)의 기독교적 빈민보호시설의 발전과 병원의 탄생

남성현(NAM Sung Hyun) 대한의사학회 2015 醫史學 Vol.24 No.1

This study aims to examine the beginning and the development of Christian Charities during the 4th-6th centuries which would eventually result in the birth of the hospital in modern sense in the first half of the 7th century. For this purpose, I looked carefully into various primary sources concerning the early Christian institutions for the poor and the sick. Above all, it’s proper to note that the first xenodocheion where hospitality was combined with a systematic caring, is concerned with the Trinitarian debate of the 4th century. In 356, Eustathios, one of the leaders of homoiousios group, established xenodocheion to care for the sick and the lepers in Sebaste of Armenia, whereas his opponent Aetios, doctor and leader of the heteroousios party, was reckoned to have combined the medical treatment with his clerical activities. Then, Basil of Caesarea, disciple of Eustathios of Sebaste, also founded in 372 a magnificent benevolent complex named ‘Basileias’ after its founder. I scrupulously analysed several contemporary materials mentioning the charitable institution of Caesarea which was called alternatively katagogia, ptochotropheion, xenodocheion. John Chrysostome also founded several nosokomeia in Constantinople at the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 5th century. Apparently, the contemporary sources mention that doctors existed for these Charities, but there is no sufficient proof that these ‘Christian Hospitals,’ Basileias or nosokomeia of Constantinople were hospitals in modern sense. Imperial constitutions began to mention ptochotropheion, xenodocheion and orphanotropheion since the second half of the 5th century and then some Justinian laws evoked nosokomium, brephotrophia, gerontocomia. These laws reveal that ‘Christian Hospitals’ were well clarified and deeply rooted in Byzantine society already in these periods. And then, new benevolent institutions emerged in the 6th century: nosokomeia for a specific class and lochokomeia for maternity. In addition, one of the important functions of Sampson Xenon was, according to Novel 59, to hold a funeral service for the people of Constantinople. Nevertheless, there is no sufficient literary material that could demonstrate the existence of a hospital in modern sense. The first hospital where outpatient service, hospitalization and surgery were confirmed was Sampson Xenon in the first half of the 7th century, figured in the tale of Stephanos of the The Miracles of St. Artemios. Why was the early Byzantine literary so reticent as to write the medical activities in the Christian Charities? It’s because Christian innovation didn’t rest on the medical treatment but caring for the poor and the sick, depending on the word of Mt. 25.35-36. In this meaning, I’d like to say that the Early Byzantine history of Christian Charities or ‘Christian Hospitals’ consists of only a footnote of the verse.