비포화대 지연배수 효과를 고려한 지하수위 변동모델의 개선 및 적용

김성한,박은규,김용성,김남진,Kim, Seong-Han,Park, Eun-Gyu,Kim, Yong-Sung,Kim, Nam-Jin 한국지하수토양환경학회 2011 지하수토양환경 Vol.16 No.3

Recently, a physically based model of water-table fluctuation due to precipitation is developed based on aquifer water balance model. In the model, it was assumed that the water infiltration into ground surface is advection dominant and immediately reaches to water-table. The assumption may be suited for the sites where the water-table is shallow and/or the permeability of the unsaturated zone is high. However, there are more cases where the model is not directly applicable due to thick and low permeable unsaturated zone. For the low permeability unsaturated zone, the pattern of water flux passing through unsaturated zone is diffusive as well as advective. In this study, to improve the previously developed water-table fluctuation model, we combined the delayed drainage model, which has long been used in well hydraulics, to the water-table fluctuation model. To test the validity of the development, we apply the developed model to 5 different domestic sites. The model parameters are calibrated based on the groundwater hydrograph and the precipitation time series, and the correlation analyses among the parameters are pursued. The overall analyses on the delineated model parameters indicate that the delayed drainage parameters or delay index used in the developed model are able to reveal drainage information in the unsaturated zones.

「IMF 시대」대미 외교의 방향

김성한 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

Ⅰ Korea's economic crisis has begun to force potentially important changes in the peace-building process on the Korean peninsula. The inauguration of President Kim Dae-jung under the financial crisis has led to a more conciliatory South Korean policy toward North Korea, thereby broadening public support in South Korea for the 'engagement' policy to North Korea while dampening desires for near-term Korean reunification. Recent developments on the Korean peninsula will require closer policy coordination between the United States and Korea on a broad range of issues including the KEDO process. Tactical coordination on such issues as food aid. progress in the pace of North-South relations, how to apply or relieve political and economic sanctions on North Korea, and how to respond to sudden economic and political changes in North Korea is exceedingly difficult, but critical. In order to make the Korea-U.S. policy coordination more effective, first of all, the Korean government needs to convince the U.S. government that the U.S. remain South Korea's ally rather than playing the role of a mediator between the two Koreas. The Clinton Administration could attempt to mediate between the two Koreas in the four-party peace process. Thus, Korea needs to. emphasize to the U.S. for instance, that the past data on North Korea's nuclear program be preserved and that the issue of North Korean missiles be dealt with not only in terms of their export problem but also of their development and deployment on the peninsula. Second. Korea and the U.S. should make all efforts to make their alliance enter a consolidation stage in which they frequently consult each other on bilateral as well as regional issues and seek agenda-building on the basis of shared democratic values between the two countries. In order to make it possible. Korea needs to well manage. through the political leadership. its relationship with China and the increasing cynicism of the conservative middle class to the U.S. Finally. on the basis of the mutual security alliance between Korea and the U.S.. a collective security system for the Northeast Asian region needs to be created. While bilateral security arrangements will remain the backbone of Northeast Asian security for a considerable period of time. the emerging new order raises the need for such a multilateral setting as the NEASED that was proposed by the Korean government in 1994. Korea should try to make it feasible and also actively participate in the multilateral activities at the track-II level. Ⅱ One important area where the interests coincide between the U.S. and Korea is one in which Korea. for the purpose of survival. and the U.S.. in order to protect its leadership, need an equilibrium within the region where Korea is located. An hegemonic order in Northeast Asia would threaten the U.S. leadership position as well as the political independence of Korea. However. the convergence of interests does not always guarantee policy coordination, since Korea and the U.S. can have different policy priorities. The resolution for the priority divergence between Korea and the U.S. can be achieved through redefinition of the alliance that is to be focused on regional priorities. In other words, both countries need to put their first priority on the strategic interests in Northeast Asia including the Korean peninsula. This is the way by which the global interest of the U.S. and the peninsular interest of Korea can be converged at the regional level. Thus, both countries should emphasize that the Korea-U.S. alliance. that was created to deter North Korea's military threat, will ultimately contribute to stability in Northeast Asia. and that the alliance will continue even after the threat from North Korea disappears. In addition. Korea and the C.S. should start preparing for crisis management in the case of North Korea's sudden collapse. Ⅲ Korea and the U.S. will have to begin consulting each other concerning the necessary steps to transform the alliance into the regional one. A key issue that is to be put on the table will be the role and force structure of the U.S. forces in unified Korea. Korea and the U.S. will have three options. They have to decide whether they will actually terminate the alliance by completely withdrawing American troops from Korea or preserve a reconfigurated alliance only with U.S. naval and air presence. or redefine their relationship toward an alliance for stability and interdependence with a token presence of ground forces together with the current level of naval and air forces. The first option of a complete withdrawal of American troops runs the risk of precipitating a power vacuum which is most likely to be filled either by China or Japan. and to trigger Sino-Japanese rivalry and arms race. Should Korea be left alone in the wilderness without an ally, there will arise mounting pressure for developing nuclear weapons in Korea. which could lead to a ''balance of terror." The second option of a reconfigurated alliance with naval and air presence can provide deterrence and reassurance to Korea to a certain degree. However. an alliance without U.S. ground forces cannot guarantee automatic American involvement in the emergency situation that could happen in Korea. In this case. the very credibility of American security commitment will be severely questioned politically. The last option of the alliance with a token U.S. ground force and naval/air forces can be a basis for deterring the rise of hegemonism in Northeast Asia and for preventing Korea from seeking a nuclear option. A small size (3000-5000) of U.S. ground forces in the southern part of Korea. far from the Chinese border. can play an effective hedge against the destabilizing forces and the uncertainty they will bring in Korea. However. this option requires a precondition, which is the Korean people's conviction that the U.S. has contributed to Korea's unification. Otherwise. the revitalizing task of the Korea-U.S. alliance will face insurmountable obstacles.

웹 2.0과 IPTV 표준화 동향

김성한,이승윤,Kim, S.H.,Lee, S.Y. 한국전자통신연구원 2007 전자통신동향분석 Vol.22 No.6

웹 2.0의 등장과 함께 사용자 참여, 공유, 개방의 개념은 기존의 서비스 구조나 비즈니스 모델의 파괴(disruption)와 함께 인터넷 기반의 모든 서비스로 빠르게 확산되면서 새로운 경쟁력을 갖는 서비스로 다시 태어나고 있다. 또한, 웹 기술의 발전은 기존의 다른 서비스의 발전에 크게 영향을 끼치고 있는데, 이는 웹의 기본적신 속성인 표준에 기반한 개방형 구조를 기반으로 하여 다양한 융복합 서비스 제공을 가능하게 하기 때문이다. 인터넷 기반의 TV 서비스 분야에서도 예외는 아니며, 이미 TV 2.0, Broadcast 2.0이란 용어가 등장하고 있는 등 TV 서비스가 인터넷과 같은 개방된 네트워크를 기반으로 할 때 가질 수 있는 장점들이 새롭게 부각되고 있다. 본 고에서는 웹 2.0 기반의 기술이 IPTV와 같은 네트워크 기반의 TV 서비스와 연계될 경우 어떠한 특징과 장점을 갖는지를 알아보고, 웹 2.0 관점에서 제공해야 되는 요소기술의 특징과 표준화 현황에 대해서 언급하며, 나아가 웹 2.0 기반 IPTV 서비스의 발전 방향을 제시하고자 한다.

DFB 레이저의 통합된 설계 변수로서으 광자 분포 중심 I : 저 반사면-고 반사면 구조

김성한,김상배,Kim, Sung-Han,Kim, Sang-Bae 대한전자공학회 1999 電子工學會論文誌, D Vol.d36 No.12

저 반사면-고 반사면 DFB 레이저에서 발전 모드의 문턱이득과 축 방향 광자 분포 균일성을 동시에 나타내는 통합된 설계 변수로서 광자 분포 중심(CPM, conter of photon mass)을 제안하였다. 이러한 통합된 설계 변수가 필요한 것은 발진 모드의 문턱이득과 광자 밀도의 최대값과 최소값의 비, 즉 광자 밀도 비가 서로 독립적이지 않고 깊이 연관되어 있기 때문이다. 제안된 CPM은 발진 모드의 문턱이득과 반비례 관계에 있으며, 그 값이 0.5일 때 축 방향 광자 분포가 가장 균일하다. 또 문턱이득 차이는 주 모드의 CPM과 곁 모드의 CPM은 0.5로 맞추어 광자 분포를 균일하게 하고 곁 모드의 CPM은 최소화하여 주 모드와의 문턱이득 차이를 크게 해야 한다. 이를 위하여는 조절 가능한 회절격자 구조 변수가 더 필요한데 sampled grating이 그 수단으로 제시되었으며, 문턱이득 차이를 증가시키는 데에 사용될 수 있음을 보였다. Center of photon mass(CPM), defined as the center of axial photon distribution, is proposed as a unified design parameter, which contains information about both threshold gain and nonuniformity of axial photon distribution in DFB lasers with low and high-reflection facets. The CPM is inversely proportional to threshold gain and is 0.5 when axial photon distribution is the most uniform. Therefore, a general rule of single-frequency leser design is that main mode CPM should be around 0.5 for-uniform axial photon distribution and side mode CPM should be minimized to maximize the threshold gain difference.

병원의 감염관리 - 병원내 감염 경로와 대책

김성한,Kim, Seong-Han 한국공기청정협회 2018 空氣淸淨技術 Vol.31 No.2

웹2.0과 IPTV 서비스

김성한,이승윤,Kim, Seong-Han,Lee, Seng-Yun 한국정보통신기술협회 2007 TTA저널 Vol.111 No.-

웹2.0의 등장과 함께 사용자 참여, 공유, 개방의 개념은 기존의 서비스 구조나 비즈니스 모델의 파괴(Disruption)와 함께 인터넷 기반의 모든 서비스로 빠르게 확산되면서 새로운 경쟁력을 갖는 서비스로 다시 태어나고 있다. 또한, 웹 기술의 발전은 기존의 다른 서비스의 발전에 크게 영향을 끼치고 있는데 이는 웹의 기본적신 속성인 표준에 기반한 개방형 구조를 기반으로 하여 다양한 융복합 서비스 제공을 가능하게 하기 때문이다. 인터넷 기반의 TV 서비스 분야에서도 예외는 아니며, 이미 TV 2.0, Broadcast 2.0이란 용어가 등장하고 있는 등 TV 서비스가 인터넷과 같은 개방된 네트워크를 기반으로 할 때 가질 수 있는 장점들이 새롭게 부각되고 있다. 본 고에서는 웹 2.0기반의 기술이 IPTV와 같은 네트워크 기반의 TV 서비스와 연계될 경우 어떠한 특징과 장점을 갖는지를 알아보고 웹 2.0 관점에서 제공해야 되는 요소기술의 특징과 표준화 현황에 대해서 언급하며, 나아가 웹2.0 기반 IPTV 서비스의 발전방향에 대해서 살펴보고자 한다.

한미동맹체제와 주한미군 : 역할 변화의 모색

김성한 한국전략문제연구소 1999 전략연구 Vol.6 No.1

Ⅰ. In 1995, the U.S. Department of Defense published the United States Security Strategy for the East Asian Region, which spelled out the security details for the Clinton Administration's strategy of 'engagement' and 'enlargement' in the East Asian region. The U.S. security strategy for East Asia, enumerated in the EASR, aims at maintaining the leadership role of the U.S. in the region through the four specific measures: 1) revitalizing the alliance with Japan: 2) engaging China: 3) consolidating the alliance with South Korea: and 4) combining bilateralism with multilateralism. The primary means for this strategy is the forward-deployed U.S. forces of about 100,000 in the region. Under the strategic framework, it. is important whether the interests of the U.S. and of Korea converge with each other. One important area where the interests coincide is one in which Korea, for the purpose of survival and the U.S. in order to protect its leadership, need an equilibrium within the region where Korea is located. An hegemonic order in Northeast Asia would threaten the U.S. leadership position as well as the political independence of Korea. Since the equilibrium most conducive to Korea's political autonomy is based on continued U.S. participation in the East Asian security system, Korea will continue to prefer to manage the regional equilibrium in alliance with the U.S. However, the convergence of interests does not always guarantee policy coordination, since Korea and the U.S. can have different policy priorities. This is shown in their North Korea policy. The first priority of the Clinton Administration's North Korea policy lies at the global level where the U.S. deals with North Korea to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction to other regions. The second priority is based on the regional level in that the U.S. policy to North Korea is interconnected with its policy of' checking' China. At the level of the Korean peninsula, which is the last priority, the U.S. must reduce the tension between the two Koreas in order to prevent the outbreak of a war on the peninsula and must also seek the ways by which the sudden collapse of North Korea can be successfully managed. On the other hand, Korea's priorities in its North Korea policy are in the reverse order. The Korean government is more concerned with how to harmonize and speed up the progress of improving the relationship of Washington-Pyongyang with that of Seoul-Pyongyang. The problem has been that North Korea has yet to start restoring trust with South Korea, though it has been vigorous in carrying out negotiations with Washington. If the U.S.-North Korea negotiations proceed abreast with the improvement of relations between Seoul and Pyongyang, Korea - U.S. relations will remain smooth, but otherwise, their relations will face various complexities. In this respect, the importance of cooperation between Korea and the U.S. is emphasized. The resolution for the priority divergence between Korea and the U.S. can be achieved through redefinition of the alliance that is to be focused on regional priorities. In other words, both countries need to put their first priority on the strategic interests in Northeast Asia including the Korean peninsula. This is the way by which the global interest of the U.S. and the peninsular interest of Korea can be converged at the regional level. Thus, both countries should emphasize that the Korea-U.S. alliance, that was created to deter North Korea's military threat, will ultimately contribute to stability in Northeast Asia, and that the alliance will continue even after the threat from North Korea disappears. In addition, Korea and the U.S. should start preparing for crisis management in the case of North Korea's collapse. As a measure of redefining the Korea-U.S. alliance, both countries need to announce the "Joint Security Declaration" as soon as Korea's new administration is inaugurated in February 1998. The Declaration will contain the following ideas: 1) The Korea-U.S. alliance is still valid in tills post-Cold War period; 2) Korea and the U.S. will continue to cooperate to induce North Korea to, conduct a gradual reform; 3) The alliance will develop into the 'regional' alliance that will take the role of promoting regional peace and stability in Northeast Asia after Korea's unification. However, both countries should not miss pointing out that Northeast Asian security structure should advance toward multilateralism, since this kind of a joint action could provoke China. After the joint declaration is made, Korea and the U.S. will have to begin consulting each other concerning the necessary steps to transform the alliance into the regional one. A key issue that is to be put on the table will be the role and force structure of the U.S. forces in unified Korea. Ⅱ. Korea and the U.S. will have three options. They have to decide whether they will actually terminate the alliance by completely withdrawing American troops from Korea or preserve a reconfigurated alliance only with U.S. naval and air presence, or redefine their relationship toward an alliance for stability and interdependence with a token presence of ground forces together with the current level of naval and air forces. The first option of a complete withdrawal of American troops runs the risk of precipitating a power vacuum which is most likely to be filled either by China or Japan, and to trigger Sino-Japanese rivalry and arms race. Should Korea be left alone in the wilderness without an ally, there will arise mounting pressure for developing nuclear weapons in Korea, which could lead to a "balance of terror." The second option of a reconfigurated alliance with naval and air presence can provide deterrence and reassurance to Korea to a certain degree. However, an alliance without U.S. ground forces cannot guarantee automatic American involvement in the emergency situation that could happen in Korea. In this case, the very credibility of American security commitment will be severely questioned politically. The last option of the alliance with a token U.S. ground force and naval/air forces can be a basis for deterring the rise of hegemonism in Northeast Asia and for preventing Korea from seeking a nuclear option. A small size (3000-5000) of U.S. ground forces in the southern part of Korea, far from the Chinese border, can play an effective hedge against the destabilizing forces and the uncertainty they will bring in Korea. However, this option requires a precondition, which is the Korean people's conviction that the D.S. has contributed to Korea's unification. Otherwise, the revitalizing task of the Korea-U.S. alliance will face insurmountable obstacles.

ITU-T IPTV-GSI 회의

김성한,Kim, Seong-Han 한국정보통신기술협회 2010 TTA저널 Vol.132 No.-

전방 경추 유합술에서의 PCB System의 임상적 경험

김성한,김호진,강재규,도종웅,이춘대,Kim, Sung Han,Kim, Ho Jin,Kang, Jae Kyu,Doh, Jong Oung,Lee, Chun Dae 대한신경외과학회 2001 Journal of Korean neurosurgical society Vol.30 No.10

Objective : The purpose of the study was to evaluate the clinical and radiological results after discectomy and Lubboc bone graft in the surgical management of the cervical diseases with a new titanium interbody implant and integrated screw fixation(PCB) by anterior approach. Methods : The authors retrospectively analyzed 28 cases of anterior cervical fusion with PCB system and Lubboc bone(xeno graft) from september 1998 to december 2000. Twenty-eight patients with cervical diseases underwent decompression cervical lesion and followed from 5 to 27 months with a mean follow-up of 14 months. There patients were evaluated with clinically and radiologically at immediate postoperative period and at 3, 6, 9, and 12 months. Result : The authors investigated the pre- and postoperative intervertebral disc space, clinical outcomes, radiography fusion rate, and Cobb angle in the fixed segments by anterior approach. The lordotic angles and height of disc space were increased after the operation. The clinical outcome of patients follow-up was good or excellent result based on Odom's criteria with improvement of clinical symptom in about 92.9% of the cervical diseases. Two patients showed loosening of the lower and upper cervical screw of PCB instruments, and two patients showed swallowing difficulty and wound infection Conclusion : The PCB system is a new implant for anterior cervical interbody fusion in the degenerative cervical disease and disc herniations. It provides immediate stability and segment distraction. The results of this study indicate that the PCB system is safe, easy handling of hardware, less complications, high fusion rate, and has provide the keeping the intervertebral disc space height and lordotic angles.

피서차량, 휘발유 씀씀이 높아

김성한,Kim, Seong-Han 대한석유협회 1996 석유와 에너지 Vol.1996 No.8