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유은혜 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2014 Asian Women Vol.30 No.3
Previous research on infant mortality rate (IMR) and neonatal mortality rate (NMR) in less developed countries (LDCs) has emphasized various socio-economic factors explaining an increase or decrease in IMR and NMR. Among those factors, neoliberal restructuring through structural adjustment programs, foreign direct investment, and trade liberalization have an ambiguous effect on IMR and NMR, while transnational network also plays an important role in improving global health conditions. The present paper classifies LDCs into low-income countries and lower-middle-income countries and shows how the socio-economic factors have different effects in these two country-income groups. By conducting a cross-national time-series analysis on IMR and NMR in 63 less developed countries during the periods 1971-2011 (IMR) and 1990-2011 (NMR), this study finds that international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) are effective in promoting IMR and NMR in low-income countries. Both IMF structural adjustment programs and foreign direct investment have harmful effects on IMR and NMR. These findings suggest that women and children’s health in LDCs suffers more from neoliberal restructuring than it benefits from the transnational health network comprised of INGOs. In sum, the findings indicate that the variables affecting IMR and NMR work differently in the low-income and lower-middle-income country-groups.
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Eunhye Yoo 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2014 Asian Women Vol.30 No.3
Previous research on infant mortality rate (IMR) and neonatal mortality rate (NMR) in less developed countries (LDCs) has emphasized various socio-economic factors explaining an increase or decrease in IMR and NMR. Among those factors, neoliberal restructuring through structural adjustment programs, foreign direct investment, and trade liberalization have an ambiguous effect on IMR and NMR, while transnational network also plays an important role in improving global health conditions. The present paper classifies LDCs into low-income countries and lower-middle-income countries and shows how the socio-economic factors have different effects in these two country-income groups. By conducting a cross-national time-series analysis on IMR and NMR in 63 less developed countries during the periods 1971-2011 (IMR) and 1990-2011 (NMR), this study finds that international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) are effective in promoting IMR and NMR in low-income countries. Both IMF structural adjustment programs and foreign direct investment have harmful effects on IMR and NMR. These findings suggest that women and children’s health in LDCs suffers more from neoliberal restructuring than it benefits from the transnational health network comprised of INGOs. In sum, the findings indicate that the variables affecting IMR and NMR work differently in the low-income and lower-middle-income country-groups.
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하대청(Ha, Daecheong) 비판사회학회 2013 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.97
2008년 미국산 쇠고기 수입반대 촛불집회는 생활정치로의 전환을 의미할까? 이 논문은 BSE(일명 광우병) 질병 위험 관리를 ‘지구적 생명정치’의 관점에서 접근하면서 쇠고기 안전을 생활정치 이슈로 보는 관점의 한계를 지적하고자 한다. 저자는 지구적 생명정치의 관점과 과학기술학(Science and Technology Studies)의 접근법을 이용해 쇠고기 안전 표준을 제정하는 국제기구인 OIE를 구체적으로 분석할 것이다. 초국적 기구라는 국지적 현장에서 위험정의와 평가가 실천되는 양식을 조명하면서 어떤 진리 담론과 절차, 방법 등이 어떻게 사용되는지 살펴볼 것이다. 또한 이 결과가 WTO와 연계된 특정한 정치적 합리성 아래에서 구성된 것이라는 점을 보여줄 것이다. 결국, 이런 권력장치들과 정치적 합리성의 결과는 불확실하고 잠재적인 위험을 개인적 책임이나 시민사회의 자율적 규제로 만든다는 점에서 ‘위험의 개인화’를 가져온다. 이 연구는 BSE 위험의 정의와 평가는 단지 먹거리 안전의 문제가 아니라 초국적 수준에서 정치적 합리성과 권력 장치들이 결합해 나온 결과를 점을 보여주면서 지구적 생명정치에의 관심을 요청할 것이다. This paper investigates the risk assessment and management surrounding a disease called BSE(Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy) in the perspective of ‘global biopolitics.’ I analyze a transnational non-governmental organization, OIE, which has set the international science-based standards such as BSE-free beef parts. By exploring how the BSE risk was assessed and countries were classified by degree of risk in practice, I show that the “truth discourse”, ‘scientific method,’ and institutional procedures used in that process were closely intertwined with a ‘political rationality’, which WTO, an another international body has promoted since 1995. Next I show that this ‘global biopower’ would give rise to “the individualization of risk” if the state facing this global biopower did not try to resist it. Finally, I argue that this case illuminates the new meanings of the memorable mass candlelight demonstrations against US beef import in 2008.
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구양모 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2014 Pacific Focus Vol.29 No.2
How and to what extent did both transnational activist networks and Japanese conservative forces affect Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy during the period of 1995–2010? Addressing this question, this article first establishes the concepts of Type I and II transnational activism regarding history textbooks. The article argues that starting in the late 1990s, a positive trend of Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy was reversed by a systematic conservative campaign, despite the presence of strong Type I and II transnational activism. Nevertheless, Type I transnational activism – pushing for a perpetrator state to change its policy – played a pivotal role in lowering the adoption rate of Japan’s nationalistic history textbooks at the local level, although not reversing the conservative direction of Japan’s historical narrative and textbook policy at the state level. In the long run, with vibrant Type I transnational activism it would be necessary to strengthen Type II transnational activism – textbook cooperation and historians’ dialogue – in order to resolve the issue of biased Japanese historical textbooks.
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