六~七世紀新羅書法硏究 : A study on the calligraphy of the Silla age in the 6th∼7th century

고광의 延邊大學 2002 해외박사

Silla was one of tile Korean ancient nations with a thousand-year history and brilliant culture. The creation of such a long history and great culture in Silla was owing to its ability to cope with internal and external situations based on stable life using character. From such a viewpoint, the research on history of character in Silla will be a part of research on the Korean history and a central part of research on the history of Silla. However, so far researches have been focused on the content of characters and morphological researches of character itself are insufficient. Therefore, this study focuses on the morphological side of character with famous relics of Silla in the 6th∼7th century and tries to approach the history of calligraphy. To examine the calligraphy of the Silla age, when character was used first in the Korean peninsula should be examined. For this, it can be guessed that a kind of primitive character was used before the Silla age through the characters In rock painting scattered centering around the southern area of the Korean peninsula. But, such a primitive character could not be developed to more advanced character system because developed Chinese character was adopted. Chinese character was introduced into the Korean peninsula in the 4th Century B.C and as exchanges with China were frequent, it was extended to more regions and settled there. When the Silla was established, Chinese character was extended and used in the southern region of the Korean Peninsula. Chinese character was used early in the Silla age and to some degree, it was recognized by the people and some people were appointed to government official according to their ability to use Chinese character Chinese character in the Silla was rapidly developed since the 6th century and it was closely related to the reform politics and diplomacy with China in those days. In particular, accommodation of Buddhism had a direct influence on improving the level of Chinese character and sentence system of Chinese character was changed gradually into pure Chinese character from Silla styled character. Analysis of concrete situation of inscribed relics with characters of the Silla age before the 7th century was tried. For this, characters were divided into inscribed character and transcribed character according to the influence of expression methods of characters on style and personality. This study tries to analyze inscriptions on a stone monument, reveals the researcher's opinions of controversial characters and examines form of character and structure, composition and style of writing extensively from the morphological view of calligraphy. Then it summarizes the contents of research and examines some features shown in the history of calligraphy of the Silla age through a comparison with surrounding nations. First, it compares the calligraphy of the Silla with that of the Goguryo and Baekje in general. And it examines the establishment of transcription bureaucracy and monument erection system as it phenomenon related to calligraphy. While the transcription bureaucracy was not shown in the literature and historical document, its existence can be guessed from the various official titles related to transcription on the inscriptions on stone monuments in the 6th century and it seemed that there were divisions of labors or status within government officials related to transcription. And so many people were mobilized to erect monuments and monument erection system was established in the early 6th century. From the fact that the form of stone monument was mainly natural stone monument style, it seems that it had a similarity to the stone monument style of the Goguryo and such an influence can be understood in its political relationship with the Goguryo since the 4th century. Stone monument styles in the Silla age were changed into a typical style of stone monument with cover stone and pedestal since the mid-6th century from natural stone monument style with the aboriginality of the Silla in the early 6th century and it showed the stone monument style of the Tang style in the mid-7th century. These changes of stone monument styles were interlocked with the changes of writing style and composition (Zhangfa) and especially, change of stone monument style shown in the monument in commemoration of King Jinheung's tour is an important sign in change and development of style of handwriting of the Silla in the 6th century. According to the change and development of style of handwriting of the Silla by the 7th century, Zhuanshu and Ilshu were continuously used, Xlngshu and Caoshu were commonly used and Kaishu was in the process of maturity. Change and development of Zhuanshu and Llshu are not understood because their relics were few, but it seemed that they were used regularly in the process of settlement of Chinese character in the early period of the Silla. Zhuanshu and Llshu were mainly used in inscribed characters and though their forms of characters were changed a little, they were continuously used till the age of Unified Silla. But, common styles of handwriting were Xlngshu and Caoshu. In particular, characters of Xlngshu and Caoshu shown in Mujian or earthenwares written by lower transcription officials or craftsmen were very skilled style of writing and it means that Xlngshu and Caoshu were widely used in those days. Simple and unadorned style of calligraphy with a strong aboriginality showing Xinliti styled writing was prevailed in the Silla in early 6th century, but the style of Nanbeichao age in China was introduced and a unique Kaishu style of the Silla named 'Choksongbi style' was formed. And then a trend to approach the style of calligraphy of Nanchao in China was shown with the appearance of a typical stone monument style and Kaishu of Caotang in stone monument style and style of calligraphy in a close political relationship with the Tang since the 7th century and Kaishu was completed in the Silla.

唐·新羅戰爭史 研究

조릉 동국대학교 2019 국내박사

In August 660, after the destruction of Baekje(百濟) by the alliance of Tang Dynasty and Silla(新羅), the Tang Dynasty set up five Commandery(都督府) in Baekje homeland ,and Silla as the Gyerim Commandery(雞林都督府), trying to bring the whole Korean Peninsula into its own rule system. This has triggered Silla’s dissatisfaction who is ambitious with Baiji's homeland. However, the alliance between Tang Dynasty and Silla was still maintained because of the existence of Goguryeo(高句麗), a powerful enemy in the Northeast. In September 668, the Tang Army invaded Pyongyang(平壤) and Goguryeo died out. Without the common enemy, the collapse of the alliance between Tang and Silla was unavoidable. While the Tang Dynasty focused on the Korean Peninsula, the Goguryeo(吐蕃) in the northwest began to expand, and in May 663, destroyed Tuyuhun(吐谷渾),the dependent state of the Tang Dynasty. However, the strategic focus of the Tang Dynasty at this moment was still on the eastern front, so it only took relatively negative countermeasures against Goguryeo. After the fall of Goguryeo in 668, the Tang Dynasty, having a profound understanding about the threat of Goguryeo, began to shift its strategic focus. However, due to years of war in Northeast China and other reasons, the Tang Dynasty was still unable to launch an attack on Goguryeo. In April 670, Goguryeo launched a large-scale attack on the northeast and Hexi areas of the Tang Dynasty. So, the Tang Dynasty appointed Xue Rengui as the marching troop leader of Luosuo(邏娑) Road, launching an attack against Goguryeo. While the Tang Dynasty launched attack on Goguryeo on the western line, the situation on the eastern line of the Tang Dynasty was also unstable. In order to cope with the Goguryeo Rehabilitation Movement, the Tang Dynasty tried to organize the marching troop on Dongzhou Road(東州道) and Yanshan(燕山道) Road in April 670 to suppress the rebellion of Goguryeo adherents, but due to the war with Goguryeo, the two marching troops did not immediately devote to the repression of the Goguryeo Rehabilitation Movement。 The Goguryeo and Goguryeo Rehabilitation Movement occupied a great deal of energy of the Tang Dynasty, but Tang was unwilling to give up the control over the land of the Korean Peninsula, including Ungjin Commandery(熊津都督府), which caused Silla’s serious dissatisfaction. In April 670, Silla united the Goguryeo adherents' Army to launch an attack on Tang's dependent state Mohe(靺鞨), trying to set up a buffer zone between itself and Tang. In July 670, the Silla diplomatic envoys returned from the Tang Dynasty, bringing back the decree of Emperor Gaozong of Tang(唐高宗), which is requesting Silla to give back the Baiji's homeland. In order to maintain their own interests, Silla began a large-scale attack on the Ungjin Commandery. It is noteworthy that at this time, Silla still avoided positive confrontation with the Tang Army, while still trying to send diplomatic envoys into the Tang Dynasty, hoping to resolve the dispute between the two countries by diplomatic means. However, due to weather factors, the trip was eventually unsuccessful. The Tang Dynasty, in August 670, was defeated by Goguryeo in the battle of Dafeichuan(大非川), and more than 100,000 Tang troops were destroyed. In the case of having to abandon the Western area temporarily, it is extremely unacceptable to lose control of the Korean Peninsula at the same time. Therefore, on the premise that foreign exchanges were interrupted, the Tang Dynasty chose to maintain its interests on the Korean Peninsula by the way of war. At the end of 670, Tang appointed Xue Rengui(薛仁貴) as the marching troop leader of Gyerim Road(雞林道行軍), ready to launch a war against Silla. It can be said that during this period, the war between Tang Dynasty and Silla was unavoidable. Under such circumstances, in order to seize the initiative of the war, Silla took the initiative to attack Tang troop in Ungjin Commandery in June 671, and won a great victory. Its strategic purpose is to eliminate the Tang Dynasty's vitality before Xue Rengui arrived at Baekje's homeland. Seen from the development of the war after Xue Rengui arrived at the Ungjin Commandery, it can be said that Silla has achieved its expected goal. It is noteworthy that although the Tang Dynasty was at war with Silla at that time, its strategic goal was not to destroy Silla. From the analysis of the contents of Xue Rengui's letters to the King of Silla, Munmu(文武王), it can be seen that the strategic goal of Tang Dynasty in the eastern line at that time was mainly to suppress the Goguryeo Rehabilitation Movement and recover the Ungjin Commandery’s rule over Baiji's homeland. For Silla, its goal is mainly for punishment. Gyerim Road marching troop,due to various reasons, such as the loss of troops, the difficulty of replenishment etc. during the war in Ungjin Commandery could not meet the expectation of Tang Dynasty. The Tang Dynasty was forced to revise its strategic plan,which is to make Dongzhou Road(東州道) troop and Yanshan(燕山道) Road troop resist the joint forces of the Silla and Goguryeo adherent army. As a result, in August 672, during the 石门Campaign, the Tang Army broke through the alliance army of Silla and Goguryeo, and Silla was forced to dispatch the diplomatic envoys to offer an apology to Tang, but was still unwilling to give up the Baiji homeland that had been occupied. Under the condition of grasping the initiative in the war, The Tang Dynasty maintained a truce with Silla for nearly a year because of the limitation of military power and the first target of the war was still to suppress the remaining forces of the Goguryeo Restoration Movement(复国运动). In September 673, the Tang army invaded the northern border of Silla again. In January 674, when the Goguryeo Rehabilitation Movement was suppressed, the Tang Dynasty appointed Liu Rengui(劉仁軌) as the chief marching troop leader of Gyerim Road and attacked Silla. Compared with the first Gyerim Road troop in 670, the strategy of the Korean Peninsula of Tang Dynasty had changed. From the original war aimed at regaining the rule over Ungjin Commandery and punishing Silla, to the war of subverting the existing regime of Silla and establishing a puppet government, it can be said that the nature of The Tang-Silla War has changed fundamentally. During the following year, there was no war between Tang Dynasty and Silla, and the two sides maintained a truce for another year. The reasons can be divided into internal and external parts. Externally, the Western areas began to return to the rule of the Tang Dynasty at the end of 673. The continuing small-scale conflicts with Goguryeo also consumed considerable energy of the Tang Dynasty. Internally, Emperor Gaozong's physical condition became worse and worse in 674, and Wu Zetian(武則天), as the representative of the Doves(主和派), had largely controlled the power of the court. This lead to Tang’s using of Silla troop tending to be conservative or relaxed. With the improvement of the situation on the western line and the occasional improvement of Emperor Gaozong's health in Tang Dynasty, the Tang’s preparations for the war against Silla were gradually on the right track. In February 675, the Tang army under Liu Rengui captured the QiZhong City(七重城) in the north of Silla, which meant that the Han River(漢江)defense line of Silla had been broken through. However, Liu Rengui led the army back to China after the end of the campaign, probably in order to stabilize the power disputes within the Tang Dynasty. After Liu Rengui returned to China, the Tang Dynasty did not end its attack onSilla. Li Jinxing(李謹行), Liu Rengui's successor as well as the general of Tang's Mohe people(靺鞨族), defeated the Silla Army three times. From the comprehensive historical data, it can be seen that the three victories should be the capture of ADa City(阿達城), ChiMu City(赤目城)and ShiXian Ctiy(石峴城)by the Tang Army respectively. Silla dispatched envoys to apologize to Tang's again under the circumstances of repeated defeats. The Tang Dynasty finally pardoned the King of Silla, Munmu. The main reason is that with the death of 李弘, the prince of Tang Dynasty, the power struggle within the Tang Dynasty has become fervorization and there is no surplus energy for external expansion. With the pardon of the King of Silla, Munmu by the Tang Dynasty, the war was nominally over, but the Tang Dynasty did not give up the idea of occupying the territory. This made the war between Tang Dynasty and Silla still last for a long time. In September 675, the Tang army was defeated in the Battle of Maeso(買肖城戰役), but its losses were probably not as great as those recorded in the history books about Silla. In February 676, the Tang Dynasty moved Zhisuo(治所) of Protectorate General to Pacify the East(安東都護府) Capital from Pyongyang to LiaoDong(遼東), which did not mean that the Tang Dynasty abandoned its management over the Korean Peninsula and the Northeast area. But in March of the same year, Goguryeo attacked the Tang Dynasty again, and the Tang Dynasty was forced to shift its strategic focus to the northwest area. Silla also took advantage of this opportunity to expel the Tang Dynasty from the Korean Peninsula in November 676 by the battle of Kibulpo(伎伐浦). It is worth noting that although the possibility of the campaign of Kibulpo can not be denied, it is unlikely that Xue Rengui, the leader of Tang army, appeared on the Korean Peninsula at that time. Focusing on battling with Goguryeo made the Tang Dynasty's rule over the northeast area of the Korean Peninsula tend to collapse. In February 677, although the Tang Dynasty dispatched former Goguryeo king,GaoZang(高藏), who had been assisted by Baekje Prince, Buyeo Yong(扶餘隆), to appease Gaogouli's homeland, with the GaoZang plotting to recover the country,Dynasty's rule over the Northeast area was increasingly shaken and had to continue to retreat. During this period, Emperor Gaozong had the idea of fighting against Silla again, but with the battle between Qinghai and the Goguryeo army in 678, the Tang Army was defeated again, and the Tang Dynasty had no spare energy to manage the Korean Peninsula. The Tang-Silla War ended with the complete withdrawal of the Tang Dynasty from the Korean Peninsula. 公元660年8月,唐與新羅的聯軍滅亡百濟以後,唐朝在百濟故土設立5個都督府,同時以新羅為雞林道大都督府,試圖將整個韓半島納入自己的統治體系之內。這引發了對百濟故土素有野心的新羅的不滿。但由於東北地區的勁敵高句麗尚存,唐朝與新羅的同盟關係仍然得以維持。668年9月唐軍攻入平壤,高句麗滅亡;失去共同敵人的情況下,唐新同盟的瓦解已經無法避免。 唐朝集中力量攻略韓半島的同時,其西北地區的吐蕃,勢力開始擴張,于663年5月滅亡了唐朝的附屬國吐谷渾。但由於唐朝此時的戰略重心仍然在東部戰線,因此對吐蕃只能採取比較消極的對策。668年高句麗滅亡以後,對吐蕃的威脅有著深刻認識的唐朝,其戰略重心開始轉向。但由於在東北地區連年征戰及其他各種原因,唐朝仍然無力展開對吐蕃的進攻。670年4月,吐蕃對唐朝西域及河西地區展開大規模進攻,唐朝任命薛仁貴為邏娑道行軍大總管,對吐蕃發動反擊。 但唐朝在西線展開對吐蕃進攻的同時,唐朝東線的形勢同樣并不安定。為了應對高句麗復國運動,唐朝儘管在670年4月組織東州道行軍與燕山道行軍,試圖鎮壓高句麗遺民的叛亂,但因為與吐蕃交戰的原因,這兩隻行軍并沒有馬上投入到對高句麗復國運動的鎮壓中。 儘管吐蕃、高句麗復國運動牽扯住了唐朝大量的精力,但唐並不願意放棄對包括熊津都督府在內的韓半島土地的支配,這引發了新羅的嚴重不滿。670年4月,新羅聯合高句麗遺民軍對唐屬靺鞨發動進攻,試圖在自身與安東都護府之間設置一個緩衝地帶。而670年7月,新羅使節從唐朝歸來,帶回了唐高宗要求新羅歸還百濟故土的敕令。為了維護自身利益的情況下,新羅開始大規模進攻熊津都督府。值得注意的是,新羅此時仍然避免與唐軍進行正面對決,同時仍然試圖派遣使節入唐,希望以外交手段解決兩國紛爭。但因為天氣因素,最終未能成行。 對於唐朝來說,670年8月,在大非川戰役中敗于吐蕃,十余萬唐軍覆滅。在不得不暫時放棄西域的情況下,根本無法接受同時丟失對韓半島的支配權。因此在外交往來中斷的前提下,唐朝選擇了以戰爭手段維護自身在韓半島的利益。670年末,唐朝以薛仁貴為雞林道行軍總管,準備發動對新羅的戰爭。可以說在這個時期,唐朝與新羅的戰爭已經無法避免。 在這樣的情況下,新羅為了搶佔戰爭主動權,于671年6月主動進攻熊津都督府留守唐軍,并取得大勝。其戰略目的在於搶在薛仁貴到達百濟故土之前,消滅唐朝的有生力量。從薛仁貴到達熊津都督府后,戰事的發展情況來看,可以說新羅達到了自己設想的目標。值得注意的是,此時唐朝雖然與新羅處於戰爭狀態,但其戰略目標并不是滅亡新羅。從薛仁貴寫給新羅文武王的書信內容上分析,可以看出此時唐朝在東線的戰略目標主要是以鎮壓高句麗遺民復國運動以及恢復熊津都督府在百濟故土的統治,對於新羅而言,更多是以懲戒為目的。 雞林道行軍在熊津都督府的作戰因為兵力損耗、補給困難等各種原因,無法達到唐朝的預期。唐朝被迫修改戰略計劃,以東州道行軍及燕山道行軍,應對新羅與高句麗遺民軍的聯合部隊。結果在672年8月,石門戰役中,唐軍大破新羅與高句麗遺民的聯軍,新羅被迫遣使入唐謝罪,但仍然不願意放棄已經佔領的百濟故地。唐朝在掌握戰爭主動權的情況下,因為兵力限制,且第一作戰目標仍然是鎮壓殘餘的高句麗復國運動勢力,因此與新羅維持了將近一年的休戰。 673年9月,唐軍再次侵入新羅北境,在高句麗復國運動被鎮壓的情況下,674年正月,唐朝以劉仁軌為雞林道行軍總管,出兵攻打新羅。此次雞林道行軍與670年第一次雞林道行軍對比可以看出,此時唐朝的韓半島戰略已經發生轉變。從最初的以恢復熊津都督府統治、懲戒新羅為目的的戰爭,轉變為顛覆新羅現存政權,樹立傀儡政府的戰爭;可以說,唐新戰爭的性質有了根本性的轉變。 但此後的一年時間內,唐朝與新羅之間並沒有發生戰事,雙方再次維持了一年的休戰。其原因可以分為內外兩點。從外部來看,673年底開始西域地區開始重新回到唐朝的統治之下。而與吐蕃持續不斷的小規模衝突,亦牽扯到了唐朝相當的經歷。從內部來看,674年唐高宗的身體狀態日漸不佳,作為主和派代表的武則天更多掌握了朝廷的權力。這也使得唐朝對新羅的用兵趨向于保守或緩和。而隨著西線局勢日益好轉以及唐高宗身體偶有好轉,唐朝對新羅的備戰也逐漸走上正軌。 675年2月劉仁軌麾下的唐軍攻陷新羅北方重鎮七重城,這意味著新羅的漢江防線已經被突破。但劉仁軌卻在戰役結束后領軍回國,其目的可能是為了穩定唐朝內部的權力紛爭。劉仁軌歸國后,唐朝並沒有結束對新羅的進攻。劉仁軌的繼任者、唐靺鞨族將領李謹行先後三次擊敗新羅軍。綜合史料可以看出,這三次勝利應該是唐軍分別攻陷阿達城·赤木城·石峴城。新羅在屢戰不勝的情況下再次派遣使節入唐謝罪。唐朝最終赦免了新羅文武王,其主要原因是隨著唐太子李弘的死亡,唐朝內部的權力鬥爭已經白熱化,沒有多餘的精力去進行對外擴張。 隨著唐朝赦免文武王,戰爭名義上已經結束,但唐朝並沒有放棄所佔領土的想法。這也使得唐朝與新羅的戰事仍然持續了很長時間。675年9月買肖城戰役中唐軍敗北,但其損失恐怕並沒有新羅史書上記載的那麼大。 676年2月,唐朝將安東都護府的治所從平壤移動到遼東,這并不意味著唐朝放棄對韓半島及東北地區的經營。但同年3月,吐蕃再次對唐朝展開進攻,唐朝被迫將戰略重心轉移到西北地區。而新羅亦利用這個機會,于676年11月伎伐浦將唐朝勢力徹底逐出韓半島。值得注意的是,雖然不能否認伎伐浦戰役的可能性,但史書中記載唐軍的領軍將領薛仁貴彼時出現在韓半島的可能性卻不大。 集中力量應對吐蕃,使得唐朝在韓半島已經東北地區的統治趨向于瓦解,677年2月儘管唐朝派遣前高句麗王高藏已經百濟王子扶餘隆去安撫高句麗故地,但隨著高藏的圖謀復國,唐朝在東北地區的統治日益動搖,不得不持續後退。期間唐高宗雖有再次討伐新羅的念頭,但隨著678年在青海地區與吐蕃軍的會戰中,唐軍再次大敗;唐朝再也沒有餘力去經營韓半島。唐新戰爭最終以唐朝勢力完全退出韓半島而告終。

전북지역 통일신라시대 분묘 출토 토기의 성격과 의미

이경희 전북대학교 일반대학원 2021 국내석사

This research aims to study the periodic and spatial development process of pottery excavated from graves or tombs of the Unified Silla in Jeollabuk-do. The time span is approximately 240 years from 660, when Baekje fell, until 900, when Hubaekje (Later Baekje) capital was established in Wansanju. The subject of research analysis was 80 pieces of pottery excavated from 55 graves or tombs in the Unified Silla period. Chapter Ⅱ reviewed the current research status and suggested the research direction. Chapter III divided the Jeonbuk region into western and eastern regions, and then set the scope of the region, and carefully reviewed 25 sites in this area. Chapter IV analyzed the distribution pattern and structure of graves or tombs, and confirmed the tomb style of Unified Silla including stone foundation tombs (stone chamber tombs, stone-lined chamber tombs), pit burial, tile burial, crematory urns. Specifically, we reviewed the location of the tomb, the floor facilities of the tomb, and the location of the artifacts found together. Chapter V analyzed the pottery excavated from graves or tombs, conducted typology, established the stage, identified the correlation between the properties of the relics, and identified the types of relics, the shape and pattern of relics with time flows and relics excavated together, and reviewed and cross-analyzed them. The main attributes of the mounted bowl are the mouth part of the pottery and the body part of the pottery, the pattern. The main attributes of the lid were the durimtuk shape (the shape of the part where the lid of the pottery was joined to the plate), the gaesin shape (the pattern of the pottery lid), and the pattern. And each attribute was analyzed to reflect the time flow. As a result, we concluded that the Jeonbuk region of Unified Silla existed through the process of change of stages Ⅰ~Ⅲ. Stage I (mid 7th to early 8th centuries) is the period when Silla began to occupy Baekje for territorial expansion. As relics of this period, a set of upright guyeon (a shape with a straight end of the mouth part) and a hemispherical (semicircle) mounted bowl and a set of '卜' shaped lids deteriorated by durimtuk were found. On the other hand, with the gradual inflow of stamping pottery, a series of maje type jongjang patterns (a horseshoe-shaped stamp successively taken in a vertical direction) and pearl rounded motif patterns began to appear. Stage II (mid-late 8th century) is the period when stamping pottery reaches its peak with the prosperity of Silla's mid-age culture. In this period, the mouth part of the mounted bowl began to open and bend little by little, and the durimtuk of the lid changed from a combined form to a covered form. Basic patterns such as circle pattern and maje shape pattern (a pattern in which a horseshoe shape was stamped continuously in the vertical direction) decreased, and free and decorative patterns began to increase. From the pearl rounded motif shape where only one pattern is stamped with a single stamp, the jongjang continuous pattern (a pattern that was taken continuously with dot-shaped stamps in the vertical direction) was used. Stage III (late 8th century to late 9th century) is the period when the second half of Silla was replaced by Goryeo. Stage III (late 8th century to late 9th century) is the period when the second half of Silla was replaced by Goryeo. The plate-shaped lid increased, and the mounted bowl began to grow in size. The Wanggyeong showed a trend of none-pattern, but Jeonbuk region had many complex patterns at that time and showed a tendency of none-pattern at the end of the period. Regarding tomb structures, the sisangdae (the place where the body was placed in the tomb) was no longer used. In addition, a burial method using a coffin emerged based on the philosophical idea. Chapter VI reviewed the pattern of Unified Silla's domination in the Jeonbuk region based on research results. In the process, we found a tendency to bury artifacts symbolizing kwanwi (position), such as regulation of graves or tombs and tang-style belt ornaments. The analysis results so far are as follows. First, the pottery excavated from the graves or tombs of the Unified Silla in Jeollabuk-do were generally produced after the Unified Silla. Second, the results of reviewing and analyzing the properties of the relics showed that the body part of the pottery and the mouth part of the pottery of the mounted bowl, and the gaesin shape of the lid (the shape of the pottery lid) and the drumtuk shape (the part where the pottery lid is combined with the dish) reflect temporal and spatial factors. Also, we found that tang-style belt ornaments were buried together only when an official at least in the lower position of the central office died. Third, the construction patterns of graves or tombs revealed by relics excavated together showed a difference of about half a century, compared to Wanggyeong, Gyeongju. Although the Wanggyeong factor appeared in the Unified Silla, the point that the time difference appears needs to be studied in the future. Fourth, we found that the characteristics of relics identified in the Jeonbuk region followed the national trend of Unified Silla after stage II even if it's a little late.

新羅 傳統信仰의 政治.社會的 機能 硏究

강영경 淑明女子大學校 1992 국내박사

韓民族은 新石器時代에 농경, 정착생활을 하면서 신앙생활도 함께 영위하였다. 祭政一致의 사회에서 信仰은 중요한 역할을 하였는데 이를 체계적으로 알려주는 문헌기록은 없다. 本稿는 문헌에 散見되는 新羅 傳統信仰에 대한 史料를 山神, 龍王, 天神, 및 鬼神信仰의 체계로 정리하여 당시의 사회속에서 어떠한 기능을 하고 있었는지에 대하여 살펴본 것이다. 山神은 萬物을 生長하게 해주는 豊饒神으로서, 또 부락을 지켜주는 수호신으로서의 기능을 지니고 있었다. 新羅 上代社會에서 山神이 되는 것은 王母, 王妃, 王女로서 王室의 女性이었다. 山神信仰 내부의 위계구조는 未分化 상태이며 산신이 활동하는 시간은 주로 밤이었다. 山神信仰은 특별히 어느계급을 옹호하지 않고 豊農, 守護의 기능으로서 공동제의 이익을 옹호하였다. 이는 中期 新石器時代의 농경, 정착사회단계의 모습을 지닌 신앙으로 생각된다. 그러나 신앙이 체계적으로 성립되는 것은 사회가 그 다음의 단계로 발전되면서 相對的인 신앙이 출현하였을 때, 이에 대하여 결속하기 위해 신앙체계가 강화된다고 생각한다. 新羅에서 山神信仰이 체계적으로 성립된 것은 山城을 중심으로 한 여러 小國(城邑國家)段階라고 생각된다. 이와같이 新羅의 山神信仰은 中期 新石器時代의 농경, 정착사회의 모습을 반영하며, 山을 중심으로한 地緣的 共同體의 結束機能을 지닌 것임을 말해준다. 龍은 능력을 지닌 정치적 지배자로서의 王을 상징하고 있다. 그러면서도 衆意를 두려워한다는 한계를 지니고 있다. 그리고 龍은 경제력을 지니고 있으며 男性神이다. 龍王信仰 내부의 위계구조는 王, 王子, 侍從, 多數의 眷屬 등으로 분화되어 있으며 주로 낮에 활동한다. 이는 後期 新石器時代의 모습을 반영하고 있다. 즉, 용왕신앙은 水邊지역과 관련된 地緣的 결속기능을 지닌 신앙이며, 교통이 편리한 지리적 위치로 인하여 정치적, 경제적으로 분화된 사회단계를 반영하고 있다. 天神의 神體는 開國의 始祖이며, 國家의 興起存亡은 天命에 의한 것이라고 관념하였다. 天神은 子孫을 主管하며 安樂長壽의 福을 주기도 하며 解怨의 기능도 지니고 있었다. 天神信仰 내부의 위계는 天神 밑에 天使, 天師, 天仙, 侍從 등으로 분화되어 있으며 주로 낮에 활동한다. 이는 新羅의 聯盟王國 사회단계의 政治的 結束機能을 지닌 신앙이라 할 수 있다. 鬼神信仰은 死者의 精魂을 믿고 숭배하는 신앙으로서 문헌기록에서 귀신의 神體가 熊으로 나타나있다. 熊신앙은 Totemism과 관련된 신앙으로서, 狩獵文化段階의 조상신 숭배신앙이다. 鬼類는 주로 밤에 무리지어 交流하며 協同이 잘된다. 따라서 鬼神信仰은 狩獵文化 段階의 血緣的 結束機能을 지닌 신앙이라 할 수 있다. 그런데 山神, 龍王, 天神이 王神의 女性, 王者, 開國의 始祖 등 모두 人格神임으로해서 鬼神信仰의 범주에 포용될 수 있었다. 그러므로 鬼神信仰은 新羅에 佛敎가 들어오기 전까지 血緣的, 地緣的 共同體를 結束시키는 신앙원리로서, 新羅 傳統信仰의 커다란 脈이었다. 고대문헌에 나타난 노구는 司祭로서의 기능을 지니며 王妃, 王母, 女王, 村長으로 나타난다. 그리하여 왕의 諮問에 응하기도 하고 誡王하기도 하면서 民本的 이념과 地母神의 전통을 지닌 위치에 있었다. 日官은 豫言, 占卜을 하는 司祭로서의 기능을 지니고 있는데 왕의 곁에서, 왕을 위하여, 異變現狀을 해석하고 그의 해결방법을 제시하는 위치에 있다. 新羅 傳統信仰의 脈은 祖上崇拜의 鬼神信仰이라 할 수 있으며 이는 共同體를 結束시키는 機能을 지니고 있었다. 新羅 中古時期에 中央集權的 貴族國家의 이념으로 佛敎가 유입되었을 때, 鬼神信仰과 佛敎가 강한 대립을 보였던 것은 이때문이었다. 中古王室의 고민이 여기에 있었으며 이를 완화시키기 위해 眞興王은 花郎을 제도권 내로 편입시켜 護國精神을 지닌 武士로 발전시켰던 것이다. In the New Stone Age Korean people led a settled and farming life. In the society of theocracy faith must have played an important role, but historical record about it are very rare. In this work I intended to survey what a role the traditional faith played in the society in Silla Dynasty and how it function-ed among the people of Silla by pursuing rare literature of history on the old native faith of Silla. The main streams of native faith of Silla were Mountain God worship (山神神仰), King Dragon worship(龍王信仰), Heavenly God worship(天神信仰) and Soul worship(鬼神信仰). Mountain God was believed to be a creator of all nature and a guardian god of the community and it was also a god of richness. In the early society of Silla those who can play a role of Mountain God were: the queen mother, the empress and princess - the females in the royal family. The hierarchy within the Mountain God worship was unspecialized and the Mountain God were active mainly at night. The extent of the god's activity as guardian guard was not limited on any special class but on the whole of the community for its rich harvest and protection. Such a type of faith seems to be the one that was resulted fro-m the settled, farming society in the Middlr Stone Age. The systematic format-ion of a faith is likely to be accerlerated when a new faith began to appear an-d the old one has to face against it along with the development of an old society. In Silla the faith of Mountain God worship prevailed in hill-tort states formed inside the walls on a hill. In the stage of the league of states, The faith of Mountain God worship developed into three guardian god of the state(三護國山神) and after the middle age, it developed the cult oh five mountains, which, in latter period, changed into the cult of Koosanmoon Buddhistic Mountain God worship underwent the changes in its substance following the development of society. All those facts tells us that the faith of Mountain God worship played role of solidifing the regional unity. The symbolic animal to represent the Mountain God was tiger. King Dragon worship which prevailed in the seaside and riverside districts not only played a part in strengthning regional solidarity but also helped political and economical prosperity of the community making use of regional advantage of convenient communication. Dragon symbolizes the King who is a mighty political ruler. Dragon possesses economic power and a male deity that is concerned about the majority opinion of the people. The hierarchy in the faith of King Dragon worship is as follows: King, prince chamberlain and a number of dependants. They are all active on their duty in the daytime. This is a faith made up in the chiefdom society in the latter period of New Ston Age and it is a faith to rule the territorial society. Its symbolic animals are fish, turtle and tortoise. Heavenly God worship is rooted in a notion of a holy family and is a faith in favor of rulling class. The founder of a dynasty or the progenitor of a royal family professes himself that the fate of a monarchy is under the control of God`s will. Heavenly God was believed to take care of the royal desendants, of their comforts, of their longevity and of their reward and punishment. Heavenly God(天神) is called otherwise: Heavenly emperor(天帝), Supreme Emperor(上帝), Emperor Heave(皇帝), Superb Emperor(上皇) etc. Sometimes it is also called as multi heaven god(諸天神) or numberless heaven god(無數天神), while 33 Heaven(33天) or 28 Heaven(28天) are their names which are used in Buddhism. Thus Heavenly God contains contents of startfied construction in it. The ranks contained in Heavenly God worship ace as followed: Heavenly God, Herald God(天使), Heavenly Mentor(天師), Heavenly Fairly(天仙) and Chamberlain(侍從, etc, and they are all active on their duty in the day time. This faith can be regarded as the one that played a rol of strengthening the political unity off Silla dynasty in its stage league of Kingdom's society. The symbolic animal of Heavenly God is feathered animal. Soul worship(귀신신앙)is a faith of the Soul of the dead worship and the symbolic animal of the Souls is represented in bear. Bear worship was stemed from totemism and it is a form of an ancestor god worship. Souls of the dead are supposed to hover around in crowd mainly at night and to be very cooperative with one another. Soul worship shows us that it has a function of strengthening the unity of the family of the society in the stage of hunting period which is called as Band Society. Soul worship can be regarded as another form of ancestor worship and it can be regarded in the same light as Bear Totemism which was appeared in the stage hunting period. Mountain God worship which was rooted in the notion of the spirit of terrain, King Dragon worship prevailed in the ri-ver and seaside region and Heavenly God worship based on the idea of holy family are all to be contained in the faith of ancestor. The ritual of Heavenly God worship in May and October, the ritual of Heavenly God worship in the capital town and soul worship performed by the second King Namhae as a spiritualist were all performed as an another form of soul worship - that is ancestor worship. Thus Soul worship had been the main stream of the traditional faith, and it was very helpful to solidity the unity of family ties and regional ties in Silla until Buddhism found its way to Silla. Buddhism does not preches ancestor worship but preches only on Buddha worship, and Buddhist ritual consist only of saying Buddhist prayer with no dancing or liquor and it is performed not by spiritualist but by a monk. Accordingly when Buddhism was introduced into Silla the faith of Soul worship and Buddhism keenly opposed to each other. King Chinheung was so troubled with the conflict that he tried to calm it down with the help of Wharang by training them for woriors with faithful patriotism and winning them over to the army. Old woman who appears in the records of ancient history served as a woman priest. Empress, Queen mother, Queen and princess and village chief played the role. They may be consultant of the King, admonish the King for his faults in a democratic way, and she hold the position of the spirits of terrain. This fact has much in common with the faith of Mountain God worship. Official weather-man (日官) was a prophet and a fortune teller at the same time. He also interpreted the unusual phenomenon in the sky and suggested to the King how to deal with it. It may be also presumed to have something to do with Heavenly God worship. In brief, the main substance of the traditional faith of the people of Silla may be concluded as the faith of Soul worship that is originated from Ancestor worship, and it played the role of the pivot of social community that is a solid unit of family connections. This fact may be the answer to the question that why they had to go through a hot conflict when Buddhism found its way to Silla in middle ages.

발해의 종족구성과 신라의 발해관

이동휘 釜山大學校 2004 국내박사

Baekje and Koguryo had fallen by the coalition troops of Silla and Dang. In 698 Balhae was founded on the territory of Koguryo and existed till 926. Balhae expanded its territory down to the south deep into the Korean Peninsula. That time Silla also began to look towards the north, especially after the unification war of three nations. As a result, Balhae and Silla came to share the border in the peninsula between the beginning of the 8th and of the 9th centuries. Korean historians define this period as an era of the South-North, and regard it as a part of the Korean history. Chinese historians, on the other hand, include Balhae within the northern eastern Chinese history and see Balhae as a local government of Dang dynasty or a minor polity of China. The Russians also see Balhae as a part of their local history. In order to clarify the identity of Balhae, I undertook a research on the racial composition of Balhae, and analysed Balhae's relations with Silla as will as Silla's understanding of Balhae. I paid a particular attention to the complexity of the racial composition of Balhae. For there were several different races within the country, such as the Koguryoes, the Malglas etc. The ruling class of Balhae is the Daes (the mornachy), and the Goes who were previously from Koguryo. Therefore, the culture of Balhae has an element of that of Dang, of Malgal, as well as of Koguryo. The thesis also undertakes an analysis of Malgal. Malgal existed in north Silla, before Silla united Baekge and Koguryo. Malgal in Samkuk sagi, which is not the same country as that mentioned in the official history of China, appears to be a minority in the area of southern Koguryo, rather than the one migrated from the north-eastern part of China or from the maritime provinces of Siberia. It is important to find out about the peoples around the northern border of Silla. Silla was contemptuous of these minorities, and thus never regarded them as having the same status as those three countries. This racial contemp among the Sillarians towards the northern races might have affected Silla's recognition of Balhae, later though Silla expanded her territory towards the north, especially after the unification war, and ended up occupying Malgal area. Under Sinmun King's reign, the Malgals in Silla formed Heukuemseodang(흑금서당), a special troops. Therefore, I suggest with a caution that silla's territorial expansion to the north should be understood as a part of the national scheme of unity. The relationship between Silla and Balhae was political based on power relations between two nation. They were hostile towards each other and also competitors within the international order led by Dang. Both countries often fought for more land and the shape of the border changed as the result. They also competed in the Royal Court of Dang for more prestiges. Silla built walls and gates in Deukwon and along Daedong river in order to defend the norther border, while Balhae had tight rules for the towns near the border. however, it is not certain who directly ruled the land beyond Daedong river. Though Balhae temporarily occupied the area, that rule did not last long. These two counties were not always the enemies. During the reign of Wonsung and Heunduk King, Silla sent special envoys to Balhae to inform the accessions of the throne. On the other hand, there were times Silla sent military expeditions to Balhae. The military actions were to obtain Dang's permission for Silla's ownership of the land below Pe river. Likewise Balhae also sent envoys in two different occasions―one was immediately after the founding of the country and the other on the verge of collapse― for the recognition and help. In short, their relationship was antagonistic yet political in accordance with one's own interest. At the same time Balhae kept open roads to Silla, and Silla had gates on the northern border with an access to Balhae. These roads and gates connected them. Both also sent envoys on a regular base. Therefore, it is correct to say that their relationship had something beyond hostility, though they were inexplicably hostile to each other. It seems that their animosity had a historical root. Though it is not fair to say that for certain, because while Balhae did not leave enough evidence for us to analyse their feelings towards Silla, Silla has. The writings in Samkuk sagi calls Balhae with various names such as Malgal, Balhae Malgal, Balhae, Northern Country, whereas Samkuk yusa explains Daejoyoung as a general of old Gokuryo. Nevertheless the writers of these two books tend to see Balhae as Malgal. Some studies have been undertaken in this thesis on Choe Chi-Won as a way to find out Silla's understanding of Balhae. Chae in his memoir to Dang described Balhae as having been founded by the survivors of Gokuryo. He at the same time professed balhae as the descendent of Gokuryo. Still he saw the origin of Balhae as Sokmail Malgal which was in fact supposed to be inferior to Gokuryo. His understanding of Balhae is directly related to the pride of Silla having united the three hans, that is to say Samhan. Samhan is first mentioned in a Chinese history book in a section about China's military expeditions to Korea during Su and Dang. These dynasties sent troops to Gokuryo pretending to assist with resolving conflicts in the middle south of the Peninsula. The real aim of the expeditions was to stabilize five counties(Gun) for China's sake. Silla, in fact. began to develop the idea of unifying Samhan during the unification war. This idea of uniting Samhan changed to a pride and confidence within Silla for they had united Samhan. The confidence was up high especially during the reign of Sinmun King during which time Silla was establishing herself as a great nation under the well-formed absolute monarchy. The pride with Silla's achievement then develops into a new aim of uniting Mahan, Jinhan and Byeonhan, for they believed that Gokuryo succeeded to Mahan, Silla to Jinhan, and Baekje to Byeonhan. On the base of this new idea were Silla's understanding of racial differences, of their territorial ambitions as well as their desire for unification. Silla's confidence built by their achievements, the unifacation made them believe the inferiority of the northern race, Malgala. Balhae was a country founded by Sokmail Malgal on the very land of old Gokuryo. As Silla conquered Gokuryo, and the latter's spirit being already absorbed in Silla, she did not regard highly of Balhae. After all Balhae was founded by the refugees of Gokuryo, whose origin was Sokmail Malgal. Moreover the nation was formed by some other minorities, such as Malagal and Mulgil, Silla believed that she had the culture, whereas Balhae did not. After all, Balhae did not have a solid foundation. Silla, on the contrary, was highly advanced and civilized. The feeling of this comparative superiority among the people in Silla might have been an inevitable result since these two countries shared the border. This thesis focused on the relations between Silla and Balhae, and draws a conclusion that these two countries never regarded themselves as being one nation, but more likey the competitors. The animosity existed between the two was somehow worsened by the fact that they shared the same border, and that they competed in the international arena. Though hostile, they also communicated when necessary. Their relationship was based on interest rather than mutual cordiality. And this explains the reason why Silla denied Balhae's legitimacy and regarded it as the one established by Malgal in old Gokuryo. Gudangso also describes Balhae as a hybrid of Goduryo. While the writers of the book saw Gokuryo as a nation, Gokmail Malgal was one of the tribes in it. To Silla, Balhae was crudely established after Gokuryo had been conquered by Silla, by the seemingly barbarians, Malagal, on the very own land of Goduryo.

7세기 신라의 외교·군사 활동과 삼국통일

오경아 연세대학교 교육대학원 2021 국내석사

7세기 중반의 신라는 대외적으로 큰 위기 상황에 직면해 있었다. 북쪽에서는 고구려가, 서쪽에서는 백제가 신라를 압박해 왔던 것이다. 특히 백제의 압박은 신라의 본거지를 위협하는 형세였는데, 642년 대야성을 비롯한 40여 성이 함락됨에 따라 백제가 낙동강 본류 지역으로 진출할 수 있게 되었기 때문이다. 이러한 위기 상황 속에서 신라는 ‘외교적 타개책’을 모색하기 시작했고, 이는 삼국통일 전쟁의 서막이 올랐음을 의미하는 일이기도 했다. 지금까지 삼국통일과 관련한 논의는 다방면에서 이루어졌다. 그러나 삼국통일의 주체는 백제도, 고구려도 아닌 ‘신라’였다. 삼국통일 전쟁 이후 백제와 고구려는 역사 속으로 사라졌지만, 이후에도 신라는 약 300년의 세월 동안 역사 속에 그 행적을 남겼기 때문이다. 물론, 여전히 신라의 삼국통일을 부정하거나 저평가하는 주장도 존재한다. 이러한 모습은 우리 주변에서 쉽게 찾아볼 수 있는데, 교과서 서술이 가장 대표적인 예라 할 수 있다. 대부분의 교과서가 신라의 삼국통일이 영토적 불완전성과 비자주적이라는 측면에서 문제가 있었음을 지적하고 있다. 물론, 신라가 자주 의식을 보였다거나, 통일 후 민족 융합 정책을 실시하였다는 추가 서술을 통해 신라의 삼국통일에 대한 의의도 함께 설명하는 모습을 보이기도 한다. 그러나 교과서 속 서술만으론 삼국통일의 과정에서 신라가 구체적으로 어떠한 노력과 역할을 했는지 제대로 알 수 없다. 이는 물론 교수학습에 반드시 필요한 내용만을 선정해 한정된 지면에 담아내야 한다는 ‘교과서’ 자체의 한계에서 비롯된 문제일 수 있다. 그럼에도 영토적 불완전성과 비자주성을 강조한 듯 한 교과서 서술과 ‘나당연합의 결성-백제 멸망-고구려 멸망-나당전쟁-삼국통일’로 공식화되어 버린 신라의 삼국통일 과정에 아쉬움이 남는 이유는 삼국통일의 모든 과정에 신라가 얼마나 많은 공을 들였는지 알고 있기 때문일 것이다. 국제정세를 기민하게 파악하고, 이를 활용하여 적절한 ‘대외 전략’을 수립한 것은 신라가 삼국을 통일하는 데 결정적인 역할을 하였다. 특히나 삼국통일 과정기 신라의 대외 전략은 외교·군사 활동의 측면에서 두각을 나타내었는데, 이 글에서는 이러한 점에 주목하여 7세기 신라의 외교·군사 활동과 삼국통일 과정에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. In the mid-7th century, Silla faced a major external crisis. Goguryeo and Baekje had pressured Silla from the North side and the West side. Particularly the Baekje's formation of pressuring Silla had been targeting the main headquarters of the country. It was due to the take over of Daeya Castle (A.D. 642) and other 40 castles by Baekje. In this crisis, Silla began to seek a ‘diplomatic breakthrough’ which also meant the beginning of the Three Kingdoms Unification War. So far, discussions on the unification of the Three Kingdoms have been made in many ways. However, the main body of the unification of the Three Kingdoms was Silla, not Baekje or Goguryeo. After the Three Kingdoms War, Baekje and Goguryeo disappeared into history, but Silla remained in history for about 300 years. Of course, there are still arguments that deny or underestimate the Silla’s unification of the Three Kingdoms. This figure can be easily found around us, and the textbook is the most representative example. Most textbooks point out that Silla's unification of the Three Kingdoms was problematic in terms of territorial imperfection and non-maintenance. Further mentioning that Silla had shown the sense of self-reliance and the fact that after the unification Silla had proceeded the policy for the union of races, it shows the explanation of the significance of the unification. However, it is not clear what efforts and roles Silla played in the process of the unification of the Three Kingdoms. This, of course, may be due to the limitation of the ‘textbook’ itself, which requires selecting only what is essential for teaching and putting it on a limited page. Since being conscious of how much Silla had put its effort into every single procedure of the unification. it is quite a shame that the text book had in-directly intended to emphasize the territorial incompletion of unification and the lack of self-reliance spirit of Silla. Also analyzing from the same perspective above, the fact that the process of unification is formalized into the form of ‘Alliance between Silla and Dang - Collapse of Baekje - Collapse of Goguryeo - War between Silla and Dang - Completion of Unification’ needs to be looked over. Silla's effort of understanding international relations promptly and applying it into diplomatic strategy gave a crucial strength for the unification. In particular, Silla's foreign strategy during the process of unification of the Three Kingdoms stood out in terms of diplomatic and military activities. This paper aims to examine Silla's diplomatic and military activities and the process of unification of the Three Kingdoms in the 7th century.

9세기 중반 淸海鎭 勢力의 分裂과 日本의 對新羅政策 變化

나건주 경희대학교 대학원 2021 국내석사

This article aimed to look at the impact of the exile group, which occurred during the division of Cheonghae garrison forces in the mid 9th century, on the expression of hostility against Silla in Japan and the change in policy against Silla of Japan. As Jang Bo-go revolted and died, the Cheonghae garrison forces were divided. In the process, a group left Cheonghae garrison and defected to Japan. Japan began to reject the Silla people as the possibility of defecting to Japan was suggested after the Cheonghae garrison forces split. As exchanges with Silla became active, Japan established a response system against Silla people in Tsushima Island and Iki Island in the first half of the 9th century. At that time, cooperation between Silla and Silla people was essential in the foreign exchange of Japan. Therefore, Japan wanted to deploy interpreters and troops to prevent possible disturbances in exchange with the Silla. However, as Cheonghae garrison forces split and defected to Japan, the policy against Silla has become exclusive.  Japan’s Dazaihu and the ruling class banned the naturalization of the Silla people and allowed merchants to trade only. In addition, the military system of Tsushima Island, which was the entrance to Japan, was reformed to strengthen military defense against Silla. The policy of ostracizing the Silla people and the military defense of Tsushima Island mean that Japan was increasingly hostile toward the Silla. The change in policy against Silla was attributed to the vigilance against the Cheonghae garrison exile group. Since the Cheonghae garrison forces had the characteristics of a military group, their exile was likely to cause political and military confusion in Japan. There are three possible problems with the influx of exile group. First, there was a possibility that the Cheonghae garrison forces, which became military refugees, might invade the coastal areas of Japan and plunder them. Second, as Cheonghae garrison forces with military and trade capabilities joined forces with Japan's local gentry or powerful families, Japan's existing governance order was likely to disrupt. Third, there was a possibility that as Cheonghae garrison forces, a military group, settled inside Japan, political and military disputes such as rebellion occurred.

4~6세기 加耶 諸國의 동향과 국제관계

신가영 연세대학교 대학원 2020 국내박사

이 글에서는 한반도 남부 지역 정치체의 다양성에 주목하여, 가야라고 불렸던 정치체들이 서로 어떠한 관계였는지를 살펴보면서 시기별 이합집산 과정을 복원해 보고자 하였다. 국제정세에 따라 가야 각국이 자신의 처한 상황과 이해관계에 따라 주변 세력과 다양한 관계를 맺고 있었음을 확인하였다. ‘가야’라는 명칭으로 인하여 가야 제국을 ‘운명공동체’처럼 간주해 왔지만, 오늘날 우리가 일컫는 바와 같이 여러 나라를 함께 아울러 부르는 ‘가야’가 당시에 사용되고 있었는지는 확실하지 않다. 기존의 ‘연맹’ 관점에서 벗어나 주요국인 금관가야, 대가야, 아라가야가 신라, 백제, 고구려, 왜와 시간의 흐름에 따라 펼친 대외교섭은 상호 어떻게 달랐는지를 면밀히 검토함으로써 가야 각국의 독자적 이해관계를 주목하였고 가야 諸國이 하나의 정치체로 통합되지 않았던 이유를 규명하고자 하였다. 금관가야는 철 집산지와 거점 기항지로서의 역할을 통해 이른 시기부터 발전하였지만, 자국을 중심으로 한 단일한 네트워크는 구축하지 못했다. 4세기 초 낙랑·대방군이 고구려에 흡수된 이후 금관가야는 고구려와 신라를 중심으로 전개된 새로운 교역체계 속에서 신라보다 뒤처지게 되었다. 400년 고구려군의 남정은 신라의 낙동강 유역 진출 과정과 밀접한 관련이 있었다. 400년 고구려군의 남정은 가야사에 가장 큰 외부 충격을 준 사건으로 평가되었다. 하지만, 엄밀히 따지면 금관가야에 한해 직접 피해를 입었고 아라가야를 비롯한 다른 가야 세력들은 그 영향권 밖에 있었다. 가야 제국은 이미 400년 이전부터 변화하고 있었으며, 그 변화는 낙동강 하구로 진출하려는 신라와 이에 제대로 대처하지 못해 쇠퇴해 가는 금관가야에서 비롯되었다. 고구려를 등에 업은 신라가 낙동강 하구 교역권에서의 주도권을 장악하였기에 가야 각국은 새로운 진로 모색을 고민할 수밖에 없었다. 400년 이후 가야 제국의 동향은 크게 두 가지 흐름으로 나타난다. 먼저 신라와 밀접한 관계를 유지하며 신라에 편입되거나 신라가 주도하는 낙동강 하구 교역권에 복속되었다. 또는 신라와 전면적으로 대립하지 않는 가운데 왜와 독자적으로 교섭하거나 백제와 긴밀한 관계를 가지고자 했다. 대가야의 경우 섬진강 유역으로 영역을 확장하는 과정이 확인된다. ‘고대국가’로 진전되었는지에 대해 논쟁이 있지만, 관점을 달리해보면 대가야양식 토기와 묘제의 확산 과정은 대가야가 지역에 따라 지배방식을 달리하고 있었음을 보여준다. 대가야에는 多羅와 己汶과 같이 느슨한 복속관계였던 지역이 있었으며, ‘縣’이라고 기록될 만큼 중앙의 지배력이 미치고 있었던 지역이 있었다. 대가야는 가야 제국 중에서 가장 넓은 지역을 차지했지만 금관가야·아라가야·소가야까지 아우를 수 있는 구심점이 되지 못했다. 대가야가 섬진강 유역으로 진출하는 과정이나 백제와 기문·대사를 두고 다투는 과정에서 금관가야와 아라가야는 대가야에 협조하지 않았다. 대가야와 아라가야는 서로 경쟁하였던 관계로 각각 대외교섭을 추진했다. 한편 중국 南齊로부터 받은 ‘輔國將軍 本國王’과 우륵의 12곡을 통해 대가야의 발전된 양상을 파악할 수 있으나 대가야를 중심으로 한 단일한 ‘네트워크’는 존재하지 않았던 것을 알 수 있다. 6세기 이전까지 백제와 신라 어느 나라도 압도적 군사력으로 가야 제국을 소멸시킬 수 없었던 상황이었기에 가야 제국은 서로 힘을 합쳐 백제와 신라에 공동 대응하지 않았다. 가야 제국은 각자의 방식대로 백제와 신라의 세력 균형 속에 기민하게 국제정세에 대응하며 진로를 모색했다. 그런데 고구려가 백제 한성을 함락한 이후 고구려, 백제, 신라의 각축은 심화되었다. 6세기에 들어서면서 가야 제국은 백제와 신라의 침략에 직면하여 가야 지역 전체가 위태로운 상황에 처하게 되었다. 백제는 섬진강 유역으로 진출하여 대가야의 영역을 일부 차지하였고, 신라는 낙동강 서쪽으로 진출하여 금관가야, 탁기탄, 탁순을 소멸시켰다. 이후 사비회의에서 신라의 가야 진출을 저지하기 위한 방안이 논의되기도 하였지만, 오히려 가야 제국은 신라 쪽으로 기울어지기 시작하였다. 가야 제국은 554년 관산성 전투를 거치면서 백제와 신라의 세력 균형이 붕괴되는 중대한 변화를 맞이했다. 신라는 한강 유역을 차지하고, 가야 지역 진출에서도 백제보다 더 우위에 서게 되었다. 신라는 주변 세력에 대해 군사적인 압박뿐만 아니라 위세품을 수여하는 등의 회유책도 실시했다. 가장 먼저 신라에 항복한 금관가야의 사례는 다른 가야 세력들에게 적지 않은 영향을 미쳤다. 반면 백제는 가야를 군사적으로 지원할 여력이 없었다. 가야 제국은 서로 힘을 합쳐 외부의 적을 대응해 본 역사적 경험이 부족했고, 대가야나 아라가야는 가야 제국의 ‘구심’ 역할을 하지 못했다. 결국 가야 제국은 백제가 아닌 신라를 선택할 수밖에 없었던 상황에 놓이게 되었고 신라의 압박·회유책에 의해 결국 대가야를 제외하고는 별다른 저항을 하지 못하고 소멸하였다. 가야 제국에 있어서 대외교섭은 하나의 생존전략이었다. 가야 제국은 어떤 방식이든 힘을 합치는 과정을 가져본 역사적 경험이 적었고, 압도적 주도권을 쥔 나라가 없었기에 각국은 각자의 이해관계에 따라 대외활동을 하였다. 이러한 대응 방식을 통해 가야 제국이 백제와 신라라는 강대국 사이에서 상당히 오랜 시간 동안 어느 한쪽으로 치우치지 않고 독자 세력으로서 존재할 수 있었다. 각국의 대외교섭력이 백제와 신라가 쉽사리 가야 지역을 공략할 수 없는 저력이 되었다. 이처럼 ‘연맹’이나 ‘연합’ 방식이 아니더라도 가야 각국의 역량대로 나름의 전략과 진로 모색을 통해 존립이 가능하였음을 알 수 있다. This article focuses on the diversity of political bodies in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, and aims at restoring the process of changes in the alignment by time period by figuring out the relationship between the political bodies called “Gaya”. It is confirmed that each state had various relationships with the surrounding forces according to their situation and interests depending on the international situation. The Gaya countries has been regarded as “groups sharing a common destiny” due to the common name “Gaya”, however, it is unclear if “Gaya” which today refers a name that embraces various states was being used at that time. This article, departing from the existing “confederacy” perspective, gives attention to each state’s own interests by closely reviewing how the major states, Geumgwangaya(金官加耶), Daegaya(大加耶), and Aragaya(阿羅加耶), were different from each other in the negotiations between Silla, Baekje, Goguryeo, and Wa(倭) over the course of time, and tries to find the reason why Gaya countries were not integrated into a single political body. Geumgwangaya developed from the early stages through its role as an iron distributing center and a base port of call, but failed to build a single network centered on its own state. After Nangnanggun(樂浪郡) and Daebanggun(帶方郡) were absorbed by Goguryeo in the early 4th century, Geumgwangaya was behind Silla in the new trading system developed around Goguryeo and Silla. The Goguryeo’s southward conquest in 400 was closely related to the process of Silla’s advance on the Nakdong River basin. It is considered to be the biggest external impact in the history of Gaya, but technically, it directly affected only Geumgwangaya, and other Gaya forces including Aragaya were outside of its influence. Gaya countries had already been changing before 400, and the reason of change was because of Silla that was trying to expand to the Nakdong River estuary and the decline of Geumgwangaya that failed to respond properly to this situation. As Silla took the initiative in the trading right of Nakdong River estuary by having Goguryeo in the back, each state was forced to seek new paths. After 400, the trend of the Gaya countries appears in two main flows. First, they remained closely related to Silla and were either incorporated into Silla or subjugated to the trading right of the Nakdong River estuary led by Silla. Otherwise, they tried to negotiate independently with Wa or have a close relationship with Baekje without confronting directly with Silla. In the case of Daegaya, the process of expanding its area to the Seomjin River basin is confirmed. Although there is debate as to whether Daegaya progressed as an “ancient state” or not, but from a different point of view, the process of spreading Daegaya style earthenware and burial system shows that the state had different ways of governing depending on the region. There were areas in Daegaya, such as Dara(多羅) and Gimun(己汶), that had loose subjugation, and areas where central control was strong enough to be recorded as "Hyeon (縣)". Daegaya occupied the largest area of the Gaya countries, but did not become a pivot which binds Geumgwangaya, Aragaya, and Sogaya(小加耶) together. In the process of Dagaya’s advance on the Seomjin River basin or the process of fighting over Gimun(己汶) and Daesa(帶沙) with Baekje, Geumgwan Gaya and Ara Gaya did not cooperate with Daegaya. Since Daegaya was in competition with Ara Gaya, the two states carried out foreign negotiation, respectively. Through the title “Bogukjanggun Bongukwang(輔國將軍 本國王)” received from Southern Qi(南齊) and the Twelve Songs of Ureuk(于勒), it is possible to grasp the develop aspect of Daegaya, but it is confirmed that there was no single “network” centered on Daegaya. Before the 6th century, neither Baekje nor Silla had overwhelming military power to destroy the Gaya countries, so the confederacy did not join forces and jointly respond to Baekje and Silla. In the balance of power between Baekje and Silla, the Gaya countries promptly responded to the international situation in their own way and sought their paths. However, after Goguryeo captured Hanseong(漢城) of Baekje, the competition between Goguryeo, Baekje and Silla intensified. In the 6th century, the Gaya countries faced the invasion of Baekje and Silla, and the entire Gaya region was in a perilous situation. Baekje advanced towards the Seomjin River basin and occupied some areas of Daegaya, and Silla advanced towards west of the Nakdong River to destroy Geumgwangaya, Takgitan(㖨己呑), and Taksun(卓淳). At Sabi conference, measures to stop Silla's advance towards Gaya were discussed, but instead, Gaya confederacy began to turn toward Silla. The Gaya countries faced a major change as the power balance between Baekje and Silla collapsed through the battle of Gwansan Fortress. Silla occupied the Han River basin, and attained superiority over Baekje in advance on the Gaya region. Silla not only put military pressure on the surrounding forces, but also carried out conciliatory measures, such as awarding prestige goods(威勢品). The case of Geumgwangaya, which surrendered to Silla first, had a considerable impact on other Gaya forces. However, Baekje could not afford the military support for Gaya. The Gaya countries had no historical experience working together to counter external enemies, and the Daegaya or Aragaya did not play the role as the “pivot” of the Gaya countries. Eventually, the Gaya countries were forced to choose Silla rather than Baekje. Due to the pressure and conciliatory measures of Silla, the rest of the states were unable to resist and disappeared except Daegaya. For the Gaya countries, foreign negotiation was a survival strategy. Gaya countries were less experienced in the process of cooperating in any way, and no state took the overwhelming initiative, therefore, each state engaged in international activities according to their own interests. Through this way of response, the Gaya countries were able to exist as an independent power without being biased to either side for quite a long time between the great powers of Baekje and Silla. The foreign negotiating powers of each state became the power that made it impossible for Baekje and Silla to easily attack the Gaya region. Through this, it can be confirmed that it was possible to survive through their own strategies and seeking paths according to the capabilities of each state without the “confederacy” or “alliance” way.

新羅 官等制 硏究

김희만 동국대학교 대학원 2000 국내박사

본 연구는 新羅 全 시기의 史料에 보이는 官等制 문제를 그 成立과 展開 그리고 變化를 중심으로 밝혀보는 것을 목적으로 한 것이다. 이는 신라의 骨品制와 官職制 연구의 前提가 되며, 제도를 통하여 당시 사회의 구조와 그 안에서 살다간 인간들의 모습을 더듬어보려는 것이다. 이를 위해 王京人을 주 대상으로 한 17等 京位制와 地方民을 대상으로 한 11等 外位制 그리고 官職制의 원활한 운영을 위한 4等 重位制 등을 검토해 보았다. 古代國家가 형성되면서 비록 미약한 王權이지만 그 나름의 지배구조가 편제되고, 이를 중심으로 한 個別 官等이 찾아지는 바, 이는 新羅 官等制 가운데 初期 京位制의 기본 골격이 되는 8개의 官等이었다. 이들 관등은 그 자체 階序的 성격과 官職的 성격의 複合性을 지니면서 고대국가의 운영체제로 자리잡아 가게 된다. 이러한 기본 구조가 신라사회의 발전과정과 부합되면서 智證·法興王代에는 보다 體系的이고 확대된 官等制의 필요성이 提起되었다. 그러한 사정을 반영한 것이 冷水碑·鳳坪碑의 金石文이며, 이를 통하여 실제 운영되었던 官等·官職의 한 측면을 엿볼 수 있었다. 律令의 頒布 시기와 관련하여 官等制·骨品制가 마련되고 官職制는 이를 토대로 점차 정비되어 갔음을 알 수 있다. 사실 京位制는 신라의 정치체제인 6部의 소멸과정과 밀접한 연관이 있는 바, 그 가운데 2部體制가 중심이 되어 운영되다가 6세기 초인 智證王代에 王과 葛文王이 하나의 체제로 편성되고, 초기의 개별 官等이 점차 분화·확충되면서 法興王代에는 비로소 17等 官等制가 성립하였다. 이는 身分階層을 구분하는 제도적 장치임과 동시에 官職的 기능을 대행하는 장치이기도 하였다. 外位制는 王京人과는 달리 地方民 중에서 유력자를 중심으로 국가체제 내에 編制하기 위하여 경위제를 전제로 하여 마련된 제도로, 그 제도적 정비는 京位制의 완성과 밀접한 관계에 있었다. 外位의 기본 틀은 干 이하 4官等으로 이후 上干의 增置와 더불어 분화되었으며, 지금까지 金石文에 보이는 외위는 신라의 활발한 영토확장작업과 연관이 있으며, 그 정비 시점은 국가체제의 발달과 병행하여 완비되었다. 한편, 신라가 三國을 統一하게 되면서부터 신라사회도 정치·사회적인 변화를 수반하게 되었다. 그 가운데 삼국통일을 전후한 7세기 중엽을 기점으로 외위의 경위화가 추진되었다. 또한 관등제는 관직을 전제로 하여 만들어진 것인 바, 특정 관직에 취임할 수 있는 자격이 관등에 따라 규정됨으로써 관등제 고유의 역할을 수행하게 된다. 더불어 새로운 官職의 增設이 中國 官僚制의 영향과 신라사회의 필요에 따라 점차 확대되어 官職制의 중요성이 부각되었다. 통일된 신라사회도 그 규모나 인구의 증가로 인해 國家體制가 방대해 지고 이를 통제할 수 있는 제도적 보완이 필요한 바, 官等 所持者層을 모두 만족시킬 수 있는 대안이 필요하게 되었다. 그러나 국가 경영상 官職의 濫設은 무조건 허용되지 않았으며, 官職에 오를 수 있는 官等의 인플레이션 현상이 나타날 수밖에 없었다. 이러한 상황 아래에서 새로이 마련된 제도가 重位制라고 하겠다. 骨品制社會라는 制約 아래에서 자연스레 身分의 上限線이 설정된 바, 그 안에서 운영되는 제도 또한 일정한 한계를 지닐 수 밖에 없었다고 보인다. 관등제 변화의 한 요소라고 할 수 있는 4等의 重位制는 『三國史記』 職官志에 보이는 官職의 官等 上限線으로 볼 때, 제한된 官職에 따른 官等의 자격 요건에 맞춰 시행된 것이 重位制라고 할 수 있다. 이 가운데 國學의 설치는 人才를 養成함과 동시에 上級 官等이 제시되면서 官職 昇級에 보다 유리한 資格을 부여하였으며, 또한 9세기 이후 각 지방의 유력자인 村主를 중심으로 사회변동에 따른 새로운 職任을 창출하려는 욕구가 표출되어 새로이 沙餐 重位制가 新設되었다고 본다. 이상에서 언급한 사항은 新羅의 建國 初期부터 그 末期에 이르기까지 다양하게 분포되어 있는 官等과 관련된 자료들을 분석해 봄으로써 정리될 수 있는 것이며, 신라사회의 支配勢力과 그 변화과정 그리고 力動性을 파악해 볼 수 있는 계기라 생각된다. 官等制의 성립과 더불어 骨品制·官職制가 정비될 수 있었으며, 官等制 그 자체 또한 中央集權體制를 확립하는데 필요한 밑거름이 되었다고 본다. 따라서 新羅 官等制 硏究는 당시 정치·사회의 기본 골격인 制度史를 살필 수 있는 동시에, 그 시대 인간들의 삶을 그 어떤 제도보다도 다양한 資料와 人名을 통해 검토할 수 있으며, 이로써 新羅史를 理解하는 여러 방법 가운데 그 捷徑이 바로 官等制라고 할 수 있다. This study is aimed at finding out hierarchy system in office shown in historical materials of Silla's entire period, centering its formation, development, and change. This is the prerequisite in studying Bone-Rank(骨品) System and Office-Post(官職) System, and to examine the way of people's life in social structure of the day through institutions. To attain this, I examined the seventeenth rank system on the subject of capital people, the eleventh rank system on the subject of local people, and the fourth system on the subject, for overcoming the operation of system in office and the limitation of demand. While the old country was formed, though it had a weak king power, the organization of government was made, centering this, the individual rank was sought. This was a basis of the early Kyongwi(京位) System, and then it changed into eight rank system. This rank had complications of hierarchial characteristics and office post and was established into the operation of the old country. With this basic structuer added to Silla society and development, it proposed the necessity of hierarchy which was more systematic and expanded in King JiJung(智證) and King BobHung(法興) period. This was reflected in Naengsu(冷水) and Bongpyong(鳳坪) stone monuments. We can know that the rank in office post were operated really through this. With the time of law enforcement, hierarchy system and office rank system was made. And office system was established gradually on the basis of this. In fact, Kyongwi system was closely connected with the disappearance process of Silla's six departments(六部). Among them, two departments' systems were operated mainly and then King and Galmun King (葛文王) were organized into one system. I think that the early rank was segmented and expanded gradually and then the seventeenth Office-Rank System was formed BobHung period. This was not only the institutional devices dividing status but also the replacement of office functions. Oewi(外位) System was for organization within country system, centering power men among local men. The framework of was four ranks and then segmented. Through stone monuments, in that it coincided with territory expansion, amendment time point had relevance to the completion of country system. On the one hand, with Silla unifying three countries, it accompanied political and social change. Amid it, going through unification of Koguryo and Paekche, Oewi System changed. And the importance about system in office emerged by the influence Chinese bureaucracy system and the necessity of Silla. It was necessary for unified Sills to control broad country system due to its size and increased population. And so it needed alternatives to satisfy office class. But excessive establishment of office post was allowed due country management. Only rank was limited as necessary qualification requirements to ascend to office post. So inflation of office ascending happened. New institutions like this was called Choongwi(重位) System. Under this limitations, constraints existed. We can say that Choongwi System was conducted according to qualifying requirements. Amid this, the establishment of national school gave qualifications to ascend to office post. And later nine century, centering local power men, the demand to create new posts accompanied by social change emerged. The above points can be summarized by analyzing the writing involved in Office-Rank System from the early Silla to end period. And I think this is the opportunity to find out the government power, change process, and dynamic power of Silla's society. With the form of Office-Rank, Bone-Rank system and Office-Post system could be improved. And it seems that is to establish centralization system. Accordingly, through this study, I can know a basic institutional history of politics and society of the day. Simultaneously, know that people's life was more various than any other institution. So amid various methods we understand Silla's history, we can't help say that the short way is none other than Office-Rank System.

삼국 통일전쟁과 삼한일통 의식에 관하여

이지한 연세대학교 교육대학원 2021 국내석사

The unification of the three kingdoms of Silla was not a unification that was obtained as a result of disputes between small villages and tribes in ancient times, but was achieved as a state unit under the control of the king. For this reason, it had no choice but to have great significance as the formation of a single state on the Korean Peninsula. However, Silla could not maintain all of the territories of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla, in the process, the intervention of an external force called the 'Dang'(唐) had a great influence. At that time, there was no great opposition to the interpretation of the three countries' unification, as the feat of Silla was emphasized by focusing on unification. However, as later historians gave a mixed evaluation of Silla's unification process with regret and criticism, various interpretations such as the 'North South States Period' and the 'the war of integration of Baekje' emerged. In response to this, it was necessary to further strengthen the justification of Silla's three countries unification while dispelling the criticism of the Three Kingdoms unification. 'Consciousness of three Hans' unification'(Iltong-Sanhan) is a consciousness system that emerged for this purpose, and it was used as a basis that Silla had a lack of unification in terms of territory, but consciously unified the three countries. However, for 'Consciousness of three Hans' unification', it is not clear the time of manifestation or the state included in the system. so, scholars refer to the fiction of 'Consciousness of three Hans' unification' through different thesis. The debate on the unification of the three kingdoms of Silla is an important and sensitive subject in terms of historical interpretation in relation to the establishment of a unified and unified state of a centralized system on the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, in this paper, after first confirming the differences in interpretation of the Silla Three Kingdoms unification, I would like to focus on the categories covered by the consciousness and the timing of its manifestation through a review of the 'Consciousness of three Hans' unification', which was a byproduct Three Kingdoms unification of the Silla and was established as a conscious basis. 신라의 삼국통일은 고대의 작은 마을단위, 부족단위의 분쟁의 결과로 얻어지던 통일이 아닌 왕이 지배하는 국가단위로서 성취했던 통일이었다. 그렇기 때문에 한반도 내 단일 국가의 형성이라는 큰 의의를 가질 수밖에 없었다. 그러나 신라는 고구려, 백제, 신라의 영토를 모두 유지하지 못했으며, 그 과정 속에서 당이라는 외부 세력의 개입이 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 당대에는 통일에 초점을 두어 신라의 위업이 강조되었기 때문에 삼국통일에 대한 해석에 큰 반발은 없었다. 그러나 후대의 역사가들이 신라의 통일과정에 대해 아쉬움과 비판이 섞인 평가를 내리면서 ‘남북국론’ ‘백제통합전쟁’ 과 같은 다양한 해석이 등장했다. 이에 대해 신라 삼국통일에 대한 비판을 불식시키면서 신라의 삼국통일의 정당성을 더 확고히 할 필요가 있었다. ‘삼한일통의식’은 이를 위해 나타난 의식 체계로 신라가 영토적 측면에서 통일의 미진함이 있지만 의식적으로는 삼국을 통일했다는 근거로 활용되었다. 그러나 삼한일통의식 또한 발현의 시점이나 의식 체계 속에 포함되는 국가가 명확하지 않아 학자들마다 다른 논지를 통해 삼한일통의식의 허구성을 언급하고 있다. 신라의 삼국통일에 대한 논쟁은 한반도 내의 중앙 집권 체제의 단일 및 통일 국가 수립과 관련하여 역사 해석의 측면에서 중요하면서도 민감한 주제이다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 신라 삼국통일에 대한 해석의 차이를 우선 확인한 후, 신라 삼국통일의 부산물이자 의식적 근거로 자리 잡았던 삼한일통의식을 검토를 통해 의식이 포괄하는 범주와 발현 시점에 대해 중점적으로 살펴보고자 한다.