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      • 牙山灣地域 靑銅器時代 前-中期 轉換期 住居樣相 硏究 -松菊里型住居의 發達을 中心으로-

        강병숙 충북대학교 2014 국내석사

        RANK : 248687

        The changes of dwelling patterns in the transition of the early to middle Bronze Ages in the region of Asan Bay area are connected to the development process of Songgukri-type dwelling. Asan Bay area is the place embracing the Sapgyocheon basin of Cheonan-Asan region which is pointed out as the formation place of Songgukri-type in the many previous studies and the Anseongcheon river basin of Southern Gyeonggi Province, and it may be called as the key region to understand the transition of the early-middle Bronze Ages. In order to explain dwelling patterns of the transition period, they established so-called ‘-type dwelling’ and explained the occurrence process of Songgukri-type dwelling, but the evidence on the order of the time between diverse dwelling forms is in an insufficient state. It is thought that we shall have to review first how the dwellings of varied forms in the early-middle transition period established in the previous studies have the time position in order to understand the dwelling patterns of the early-middle transition period of Bronze Ages properly. Based on this awareness, in this thesis we attempted the sequencing by using the chronology of earthenware and stoneware to examine dwelling patterns in the transition period of Asan Bay area, and performed a comprehensive verification of the data such as carbon age and abode overlapping relationship etc. As a result, unlike the position of the housing type where the position relation between the oval pit which was recognized as a shelter in the transition period and the foramen forms the non-axis, or the housing type where the foramen is installed outside both ends of the oval pit, the form of Al(the existence of foramen inside oval pit) appears from the early period. After then, the uniform flow of varied forms inside Songgukri-type dwelling has not been observed and it shows the patterns being distributed sporadically. The diverse internal forms(A, C, B, N) of dwelling are identified from the early period to the late period of Songgukri-type, and the time position between varied dwelling forms through the chronological data of relics is not discerned. Thus when the varied forms inside the dwelling appearing in the same times are connected to social · economic changes in the macroscopic viewpoint, the existence of placement of the pillar seems to have a big correlation with the area rather than th time difference, which was interpreted to be highly likely to be the mode variation according to the size of abode. Through the carbon age data, the overlapping period between Yeoksamdong-type and Songgukri-type continues for more than 150 years, and whereas Yeoksamdong type dwellings are positioned in the ordered array using earthenware and stoneware, Songgukri-type dwellings appear, and after the appearance of Songgukri-type dwellings, Yeoksamdong type dwellings are developed continuously, and accordingly we can infer that the formation of Songgukri-type dwellings passed through a very gradual change. 아산만지역 청동기시대 전-중기 전환기 주거양상의 변화는 송국리형주거의 발달 과정과 연관되어 있다. 아산만지역은 기존의 많은 연구에서 송국리유형의 형성지로 지목되는 천안-아산지역의 삽교천유역과 경기남부지역의 안성천유역을 아우르는 곳으로 청동기시대 전-중기 전이에 대한 이해의 핵심지역이라고도 할 수 있겠다. 전환기의 주거양상을 설명하기 위해 소위 ‘-식 주거지’를 설정하고 송국리형주거의 발생 과정을 설명하였지만, 다양한 주거 형식간의 시간적인 선후관계에 대한 근거는 미비한 상태이다. 기존 연구에서 설정된 전-중기 전환기의 다양한 형식의 주거지들이 어떠한 시간적인 위치를 갖고 있는지에 대한 검토가 선행되어야 청동기시대 전-중기 전환기의 주거양상 대한 올바른 이해가 될 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 인식을 바탕으로 본고에서는 아산만지역 전환기 주거양상을 살펴보기 위하여 토기와 석기의 편년을 이용하여 순서배열을 시도하고, 탄소연대와 주거지중복관계 등 자료의 종합적인 검증을 수행하였다. 그 결과, 전환기에 해당하는 주거지로 인식되어 오던 타원형수혈과 주공과의 위치 관계가 비중심축을 이루고 있는 주거 형식, 혹은 타원형수혈 양단의 바깥에 주공이 설치되는 주거 형식이 이른 시기로 위치되었던 것과는 다르게 완성된 형태로 인지하고 있던 A1(타원형 수혈 내에 주공 존재)의 형태가 이른 시기부터 등장한다. 이후 송국리형주거지 내부의 다양한 형식 간 일률적인 흐름은 관찰되지 않으며 산발적으로 분포하는 양상을 보인다. 주거지의 다양한 내부 형식(A, C, B, N)은 송국리유형의 이른 시기부터 늦은 시기까지 확인되고 있는데, 결국 유물의 편년자료를 통해 다양한 주거 형식 간 시간적인 위치는 간취되지 않는다. 이렇듯 동시기에 나타나는 주거지 내부의 다양한 형식은 거시적인 관점에서 사회․경제적 변화와 연결시켜 보면 주공의 존재유무나 배치는 시간적인 차이 보다는 면적과 큰 상관관계가 있는 것으로 보이며 이는 주거 규모에 따른 양식적 변이일 가능성이 높은 것으로 해석하였다. 탄소연대 자료를 통해서도 역삼동유형과 송국리유형 간의 중복 시기가 약 150여년 가량 지속되고 있으며, 토기와 석기를 이용한 순서배열에서도 역삼동유형 주거지들이 위치하는 가운데 송국리유형 주거지들이 출현하게 되고, 송국리유형 주거지들의 출현 이후에도 지속적으로 역삼동식주거지들이 조성되는 것은 송국리유형 주거지로의 형성이 매우 점진적인 변화를 거쳤던 것으로 추론해 볼 수 있다.

      • 高麗 太祖 王建의 統一戰爭 硏究

        김명진 경북대학교 대학원 2009 국내박사

        RANK : 232271

        This study is summarized as follows: Section II explains how the historical factors during the reign of Queen Jinsung(眞聖女王) contributed to the decline and fall of Shilla(新羅). At that time, local forces in many parts of Shilla revolted against the central government. Such was the internal situation of Shilla that served as a basis for the attainment of Wang Geon(王建)’s ambition. Wang Geon came from a wealthy, pro-marine power family. He had a firm belief in his succession to Goguryeo(高句麗). In fact, Wang Geon had a desire to unify the Korean peninsula long before his accession to the throne. When it comes to Wang Geon’s unification war, the battlegrounds were divided into several areas, based on two separate periods: the time when Wang Geon was a general under the command of Gung Ye(弓裔), and the time when he ousted Gung Ye from the throne and was crowned. Section Ⅲ describes how Wang Geon occupied the Chungcheong region. Under the reign of Gung Ye, Wang Geon played an active part primarily in the inland parts of the Chungcheong region where Gung Ye started his political career in his quest for ultimate power. At the same time the Chungcheong region was under the sphere of influence of Gi Hwon(箕萱) and Yang Gil(梁吉). Thus, Wang Geon focused more on certain parts of the region familiar to Gung Ye, thereby succeeding in occupying the Chungcheong region. After ousting Gung Ye and seizing the throne, among many parts of the Chungcheong region, Wang Geon positioned the neighborhood of Asan-Man(Bay of Asan) as a priority region because Asan-Man offered the shortest waterway to Gaegyeong. Wang Geon’s securing a waterway shortcut between Gaegyeong and Asan-Man meant Goryeo(高麗)’s gaining an advantage over its rival Hubaekje(後百濟). Section Ⅳ describes how Wang Geon occupied the regions along the southwestern coast. In 903, Wang Geon, who was under the command of Gung Ye, launched the first attack on Geumseong-gun (Naju). In 911, the Gung Ye regime changed the name of Geumseong-gun to Naju, which was selected as a new hub for the southwestern costal area. Among the local family circles in the Naju area, the family under the last name Oh(吳氏), from which the Queen Janghwa(莊和王后) came, was most friendly toward Wang Geon. The expression of the Queen Janghwa being "cheuk-mi(側微)"(humble and lowly) was broken down to being of "relatively humble origin." Presumably, the public sentiment in the Naju area along the southwestern coast was always related to Wang Geon who protected Queen Janghwa and Jungyoon Mu(正胤 武), the heir to the throne till the end. Wang Geon defeated Gyeon Hwon(甄萱) at the Battle of Deokjinpo(德津浦戰鬪), and he also took control of Neung Chang(能昌), the leading power of Aphae island. It was in 921 that both big events took place. Neung Chang was an independent yet powerful force in the southwestern coastal area. Ever since his enthronement, Wang Geon had regarded Naju as being strategically important. Naju had been under the control of Gyeon Hwon for six years, but soon Wang Geon got it back in April 935, capitalizing on internal strife within Hubaekje. Two months later, Gyeon Hwon fled from his son Shin Geom(神劒) to Naju where he surrendered to Goryeo. Like this, Naju served to buttress Wang Geon’s political credentials. Section Ⅴ describes the region north of Han River, including Myeongju (Gangneung). In Myeongju, Gung Ye stood on his own feet, and he continued to take control of Cheorwon and further the neighborhood of Yesong River. At that time, Wang Geon’s family obeyed Gung Ye willingly. As general under the command of Gung Ye, Wang Geon got credited for seizing Yangju(楊州) and Gyeonju(見州). It was Wang Geon who securely formed Gung Ye’s territory surrounded by the region north of Han River. After his accession to the throne, Wang Geon encountered an obstacle in the way of advancing to the north: a handful of "Je-Beon(諸蕃)" or Malgal (Manchurain) tribes living north of Taedong River. "Je-Beon-Gyung-Gi(諸蕃勁騎)" or extraordinarily strong cavalry units of northern races were persuaded to join the Battle of Illicheon(一利川戰鬪), the last battle of the unification war. Presumably, Je-Beon-Gyung-Gi participated in the Battle of Illicheon because Goryeo promised to ensure peaceful living for the Malgal tribes by not advancing farther north. In a nutshell, Je-Beon-Gyeong-Gi’s participation in the Battle of Illicheon explains why Goryeo’s northern boundary line was fixed from Anbukbu(安北府) (Anju, Pyeongnam), Ansujin(安水鎭) (Gaecheon, Pyeongnam) and Maheoltan(馬歇灘) in the west to Hwaju(和州) (Youngheung) in the east. Section Ⅵ describes how Wang Geon occupied the Gyeongsang region and implemented the Battle of Illicheon, the last battle of the unification war. Gung Ye was coercive when dealing with Silla, shrinked to just one part of the Gyeongsang region. For that reason, after expelling such heavy-handed Gung Ye and ascending the throne, Wang Geon made efforts to gain the support of the Shilla people. In the Gyeongsang region, however, Wang Geon was being outstripped by Gyeon Hwon. The situation reversed itself in January 930 when Goryeo won the Battle of Gochanggun(古昌郡戰鬪). The reasons for the Battle of Illicheon lied in the fact that Goryeo had been acquiring its power and the time was ripe for a war with Hubaekje. What constituted the actual cause for the Battle of Illicheon was when Dae Gwang-hyeon(大光顯), the last Crown Prince of Balhae(渤海), Gyeon Hwon, and King Gyeongsun(敬順王), the last king of Shilla, surrendered to Wang Geon. This came from the embracement policy Wang Geon had consistently maintained ever since his enthronement, as well as from an impressive display of Goryeo’s power through the Battle of Gochanggun and the Battle of Unju(運州戰鬪). In June 936, Wang Geon sent Jungyoon Mu, his heir to the throne, to Cheonan-bu(天安府) to prepare for the Battle of Illicheon. Three months later, in September 936, he started implementing the Battle of Illicheon. The tactics Wang Geon employed was making detours toward Illicheon(一利川) in the Gyeongsang region instead of moving from Cheonan straight south to take Hubaekje aback. To maximize his trickery against Hubaekje, Wang Geon called in Je-Beon-Gyung-Gi and other local forces. Furthermore, Wang Geon used the tactics of making Gyeon Hwon lead the Goryeo troops to destroy the morale of the Hubaekje soldiers. By secretly calling in those forces, Wang Geon chose Illicheon as the ideal spot to lure Shin Geom and finally won the great victory. When it comes to the routes taken by Goryeo’s troops, this paper presented a dispersion movement method involving the use of both sea/river routes and overland routes. Shin Geom ended up yielding to Wang Geon, and at last Wang Geon unified the Korean peninsula.

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