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      • 한.미 군사관계와 주한미군에 관한연구

        강재훈 단국대학교 1988 국내석사

        RANK : 248703

        本 硏究의 目的은 지난 100여년간의 韓美軍事關係가 생성되어온 배경과 維持되어 오는 과정을 究明하고 그 속에서 駐韓美軍의 役割과 영향을 분석하는데 있다. 實質的인 韓美軍事關係는 解放과 더불어 美軍이 進駐하여 美軍政을 실시하면서 이루어졌다. 美國은 韓國戰爭에서 北韓의 南侵에 對抗하여 自由 守護를 위해 싸웠고, 그 이후에는 再南侵을 抑制하고 있다. 오늘날에 韓美軍事關係는 韓半島內에 戰爭抑制와 東北亞에서 蘇聯의 膨脹을 적극 沮止하여 이 地域의 平和와 질서를 維持하는데 寄與하였다고 할 수 있다. 歷史的으로 韓美軍事關係를 살펴보면 1949年까지는 解放과 美軍政의 實施로 그 關係가 성립되어 졌으며 大韓民國 政府가 樹立되면서 美軍政은 終了되게 되었으며, 1949年 6月까지 495名의 駐韓美軍事顧問團(KMAG)를 남겨 놓고 駐韓美軍이 完全 撤收하였다. 1950年 韓國戰爭의 勃發과 1964年 越南派兵은 1949年 美軍撤收로 緩和되었던 韓美軍事關係의 決定的인 密差의 계기가 되었다. 韓國戰爭과 越南派兵으로 密着된 關係는 1970年代 닉슨ㆍ카터行政府의 脫亞細亞政策과 駐韓美軍 撤收政策으로 不便한 關係를 이루었으며 韓國民으로 하여금 自主國防을 위한 對美依存의 限界를 일깨워 주었다. 1980年代에 등장한 레이건行政府는 東北亞 勢力均衡과 韓半島의 平和安定을 위해 駐韓美軍 撤牧를 撤回하고 韓半島內 軍事力 增强과 關係改善에 적극 努力하였다. 韓美軍事關係에 있어서의 駐韓美軍의 役割은 軍事的으로는 北韓의 南侵을 直接的으로 抑制ㆍ封鎖할 수 있는 인계철선의 役割을 遂行하고 있다. 國際政治的으로는 東北亞細亞에서 蘇聯의 膨脹을 沮止하여 이 地域의 平和를 維持하고 있고 國內政治에서는 서구적 槪念의 民主主義를 韓國에 소개하였다고 볼 수 있다. 또한 經濟的으로 미친 影響은 비판적으로 平價되어지나 駐韓美軍에 대한 軍納業과 兵營內 雜役에 대한 韓國人 雇傭등은 韓國經濟에 미친 肯定的 影響으로 平價되어 지고 있다. 社會ㆍ文化的 影響은 駐韓美軍이 韓國 國民에 대해서는 西洋文化의 大規模 使節團과 같은 지대한 影響을 미쳐서, 韓國社會의 계층구조를 변혁시켰고 韓國의 傳統的 社會價値觀을 崩壤시키는 役割등을 하였다고 볼 수 있다. 韓美軍事關係의 懸案課題를 살펴보면 첫째로 駐韓美軍 撤收計劃을 들 수 있다. 韓美軍事關係의 核心인 駐韓美軍의 撤收는 계속하여 양국 사이에서의 마찰과 협력속에서 論議되어 오고 있다. 양국은 모두 撤軍의 原則的인 조건들에 대한 인식을 같이하고 있으므로 驗韓美軍의 撤收는 兩國의 대화와 협상속에서 國際政治의 상황과 國內政治의 제반여건등을 감안하여 이루어질 것으로 보인다. 두번째로 韓國軍 作戰指揮權의 移讓問題는 1950年 7月 15日 韓國軍 作戰指揮權이 UN軍 司令官에게 移讓되여 1978年 11月 7日 韓美聯合司令部의 創設과 함께 作戰指揮權은 UN軍 司令官에서 韓美聯合司令官에게 형식적으로 이전되었다. 그러나 작전지휘권의 이양문제는 이미 韓美間의 실질적인 현안문제로 등장하였으며, 作戰指揮權 移讓問題에 대한 합의는 늦어도 1990年代 초기까지 兩國의 대화속에서 타결될 것으로 보인다. 세번째로 防衛費 分擔問題는 美國의 財政赤字가 누적되고 韓國의 經濟成長으로 인하여 韓美間의 重要 現案으로 부각되었다. 駐韓美軍의 直接經費는 연간 20億弗정도인데, 1987年에는 2億8阡7百60萬달러를 支援하였는데 美國側에서는 6천만불 이상의 增額을 要求하고 있다. 네번째로 美國 核武器 配置와 撤收問題는 韓國內에 核武器 配置에 대한 그간의 美國側 立場이 肯定도 否定도 아닌 태도로 一活하여 왔다(NCND : Neither Confirm Nor Deny). 1975年 6月 20日 슐레진저 美國防長官이 나토國防長官會議에서 韓國에 戰術核武器가 配置되어 있다는 事實을 最初로 인정하였고, 반면에 1988年 9月 12日 쿠시먼 前美 陸軍中將은 韓國內의 核武器 配置는 不必要한 것임을 主張하였다. 이상과 같이 本 論文에서는 韓美軍事關係를 歷史的으로 考察하였고 關係의 核心인 駐韓美軍에 대하여 살펴보았고 懸案課題로써 駐韓美軍 撤收計劃, 韓國軍 作戰權指揮權 移讓問題, 防衛費 分擔問題, 核武器 撤收 問題를 다루었다. 美國內에서 撤軍與論의 再登場과 韓國의 對美貿易 黑字의 增幅 그리고 韓國內에서의 美國에 대한 재평가와 反美感情의 擴散 등은 韓國과 美國의 軍事關係를 再照明 할 것을 요청하고 있다. 이런 次元에서 韓美軍事關係가 韓國의 미국에 대한 일방적인 의존으로서의 從屬性에서 脫皮하여 兩國사이에서 相互互惠로의 균형적 軍事關係로 轉換을 模索하고 있는 現在의 位相을 把握하고 發展的 方向을 考察하는데 本 硏究의 意義가 있다. The present study is concerned with the relations between the Republic of Korea and the United States, and the primary focus is placed on the military relationship between the two. Substantially, the ROK-US military relations began with the military troops which was dispatched to administer the Japanese surrender, and the commencement of American military governance in Korea. Even though the official encounter between Korea and the United States had been historically recorded in the year of 1982, the significance of military relationship seems to stem from the Korean War, in which the American forces stood firmly against the invasion of North Korea in a total posture. Thus, it is well recognized nowadays that the ROK-US military alliance and cooperation plays important roles in deterring the reoccurrence of war in the Korean peninsula, in preventing the Soviet Union from expanding her influences In the Northeast Asia, and in maintaining the regional peace and International order. The purposes of present study can be presented In the trifold manner. Firstly, the tesearch intends to review and probe the historical backgrounds of Korean-American military relations and the process, in which the relations have been managed. Secondly, this study attempts at inquiring the roles and influences of the American military troop In Korea and at analyzing the roles and influences in terms of the international politics, Korean economy, and socio-cultural impact perspectives. Thirdly, the present study reviews the crucial issue-areas of prevailing importance in the ROK-US military relations, such as the withdrawal plan of American troops, the transfering of military operation command to Korea, the sharing the military defense expenditure with Korea, and the deployment and withdrawal of nuclear weaponry in and out of Korea. In the historical development of ROK-US military relationship, the American military governance came to an end along with the establishment of Korean government and, by June 1949, the American military forces had completed its withdrawal from Korea-except the 495 members of the Korea military Advisor Group (KMAG). Then, the Korean War (1950-1953) and the dispatch of Korean military troops into the vietnam war (1964) provided with an intimate cooperation and consultation in the ROK-US military relationship. However, this close relationship had been placed on the so-called "inconvenient and awkward" stand due to the announcement of "Guam Doctrine" in July 1969 by Nixon and the presenatation of American troop withdrawal plan from Korea by the Carter Administration. This change in the ROK-US relation-ship implanted a lesson In the mind of Korean people that there ought to be a self-sufficient defense posture and there is a limit in relying on the United States for their national security. In the 1980's with the emergence of the Reagan administration, the American policy orientation has been shifted by relinquishing the with drawal plan of the American troops from Korea, by reinforcing the American military positions in the Northeast Asian balance of power, and by reversing the ROK-US military relationship. Undoubtedly, the presence of American military posture In Korea plays a vital role in deterring the possible disruption of peace and order in the Korean peninsula. The American troops stationed in Korea contribute to the maintenance of peace and order by preserving the power balance in the Northeast Asian region in terms of influence in international politics, and, in terms of Korean domestic politics, they Introduced the Western concept of democracy during the period of American military governance in the 1940's. Economically, the role and influence of American troops in Korea have often become a subject to cciticism. However, it is quite plain that the developments of various small service industries, which are directly connected to the American military facilities, and the employment of Korean workers in the American military bases and camps appear to have presented some positive influences to Korean economy. In addition, the American troops in Korea played the role of large-scale mission of the Western culture and civilization in the Korean society. They have transformed not only the structure of social stratification, but also the traditional value system and social norms in the Korean society. In conclusion, the ROK-US military relationship needs to be reevaluated and reformulated according to requirements of the new environment surrounding the two nations. In the 1990's, the ROK-US military relationship should reflect the American interests in the Northeast Asia and, at the same time, the new Korean positions and national capabilities in international politics. It appears quite clear that the ROK-US military relationship would benefit more from the equal partnership, based on the mutual cooperation and understandings between the two. It would benefit less from the total dependence of one nation on the other. Therefore, Korea and the United States have to share the responsibility and obligation for the sake of a better military relationship between the two. Considering the new policy formulation of "Nothern Diplomacy" of Korea in the 1990's, accordingly the ROK-US relationship needs to be understood in terms of the joint effort for the common interests between the two.

      • 한·미 군사동맹관계의 변화 및 전망 : 포기-연루모델을 중심으로(Centers on a Abandonment-Entrapment model)

        李柱英 忠南大學校 2000 국내석사

        RANK : 248703

        1. Introduction In these days, Korea has structural duplicity, a peace in the strain, in an atmosphere that the cold war is closed and reconciliation and cooperation is seeked world widely. From the cold war which is after the Korea war to the anti-cold war, the security of Korea is maintained by the Korea - USA military alliance absolutely. But the U.S.A has kept up a military alliance with Korea which forms a part of the strategy of the world and East Asia for their country's greatest profits. But Korea has maintained a military alliance with U.S.A for a survival strategy against the North Korea's threatening. These two nation's different attitude sometimes has caused complications and many troubles between two nations. These days the world is changing through a collapse of cold war dipole system and through a course of formation of new international order. This situation of a conversing period contains both risks and chances, we need confrontation abilities to cope with these changes with smart. For that reason, this study aims at active coping with changes by U.S.A and Korea's military alliance, presentation of desirable developments by systematic approaches to the military alliance, for maintaining our greatest national profits. Until now, the studies about politic, military, diplomatic relations of Korea and the U.S.A have been mainly based on traditional approach, and studies by behavioral approach have studied by applying international system theory and foreign policy decision-making theory. I think it is not enough to explain reciprocal actions and bilateral relationships among the countries. Accordingly, this study intends to translations and prospect the change of military alliance of the U.S.A and Korea by adopting the game theory which is considered to be useful in estimating progressing complications and opponents' behaviors in dispute, and in finding optimum correspond. The Abandonment - Entrapment Model, used in this study as an analyze basis is considered to be able to explain the situation of security mutual relation dynamically, and is proved to have an exactness for explain West Europe and the U.S.A in cold war system. Besides there has been no prior study with The Abandonment - Entrapment Model, so that the assessment of military alliance of the U.S.A and Korea used this theory and prospect can make out basic motivations of a nation's attitude more essentially, with relatively objective view points. Also the Abandonment - Entrapment Model has an accuracy for analyzing bilateral relation like a powerful country and a minor power, and it is considered to be fit in observe the essential elements that determine alliance of the U.S.A and Korea. As the result, military alliance of the U.S.A and Korea repeated an abandonment stage and an voice stage several times, in cold war system, to 1919 from 1953, when the Korea - U.S.A Mutual Protection Treaty concluded, and after 1919, when neo cold war began, it has assessed that it commanced a partial entrapment stage. Also, In the leadership of USA, The alliance is maintained. So the unbalance of power is comes out. Because of this situation, It was estimated that Korea recognize the fear of abandonment and U.S.A recognize the fear of entrapment. In the time of anti-cold war, The risk of abandonment and entrapment is present simultaneously in Korea by extension of liberty in alliance and propulsion of the northern-policy. Aspect of U.S.A, It was estimated that the risk of abandonment was decreased and the risk of entrapment was increased by the increase of their self profits and maintain their profits to the area in present or in future. In present the risk of abandonment and entrapment is present simultaneously and this reciprocal element is balanced by the interaction. As a conclusion, in order to the risk of abandonment or entrapment is not present, a close cooperation is needed short-termly, and We recruit the unbalance of the power of Korea - U.S.A military alliance and make an effort to increase the Korea autonomy long-termly.

      • 東北亞地域 軍事協力關係와 韓半島

        황인권 忠南大學校 行政大學院 2002 국내석사

        RANK : 248702

        I. Introduction In the aspect of security, the 21st Century after the post-Cold War is forecasted as an age of uncertainty being affected by the centripetal force of compromise and cooperation but on the other hand by the centrifugal force of feud and dispute. Under this uncertainty, it is very important to grasp the point on the planning and system of security environment as well as that of the neighboring four countries in order to understand the problems on the Korean peninsula as it is. Especially, to grasp the planning and system on the relationship of military cooperation among six countries in the northeastern Asia ? such as, Korea, the U.S.A., Japan, Russia, China and North Korea ? is an indispensable factor in establishing the security policy of Korea. Therefore, this study aims at grasping the point of unsettled security environment in the northeastern Asia and groping for drawing up a plan enabling to contribute to the settlement of peace in the northeastern Asia ! and the Korean peninsula by analyzing the real state of military cooperation' s planning and system in all areas of the northeastern Asia from the viewpoint of compromise and cooperation. In order to analyze the military cooperation' s planning and system in the northeastern Asia, fist of all, I applied to the method of putting all bilateral military cooperation between individual countries, such as Korean- American relations, together. The bilateral military cooperation between individual countries is analyzed mainly at the point of cooperation background, recent cooperative actual condition and prospects. The results of this study are as follows: Firstly, the military cooperation relationship of the northeastern Asia around the Korean peninsula has a distinguishing feature of diversification and activation than that of the Cold War. The leading role of the powers of the world in the military cooperation relationship of the northeastern Asia remain the same as that of the Cold War but Korea seize an opportunity of playing a leading part in the military cooperation relationship among China and Russia and of changing the ROK-U.S. military alliance to the equal relationship being based on the relative superior economic power that that of the old the Communist bloc. Second, the estimated type of military cooperation in the northeastern Asia around the Korean peninsula may be the antagonistic relationship of changed the eternal triangle in the south and the north by "tentative discord structure between the U.S. and China" . That is to say, the military cooperation relationship in the northeastern Asia after the Cold War does not come out in the open as like the discord structure between the U.S. and the Soviet Union but involve a potential discord factor. The formation of cooling relationship between the U.S. and China is a good example. We must understand the foreign military strategy ? groping in the dark the increase of military influence in the northeastern Asia - of powerful countries around the Korea peninsula clearly. In this condition, the security strategy of Korea can be considered at the three ways. First, we have to consider what the most suitable direction for the security environment in Korea is? Second, how to approach to neighboring countries to establish the aforesaid security direction? Third, what should be done in the aspect of inner of Korea? First, the security policy of Korea should be changed from the North Korea-centered concept to the all-directional concept. In due consideration of geopolitical character of Korea, we should discontinue the exclusive alliance relationship, which obstructs the security profit of neighboring countries and instead of it, have to develop the diversification strategy in the military corporation since 1980' s. We should construct a cooperative relationship based on local joint benefits and we make the North Korea to participate in this cooperative atmosphere. Second, it is more realistic way that the military cooperation among the neighboring countries is made step by step. Namely, we should grope for a bilateral agreement or multilateral agreement through mutual trust and mutual interchange stage. Third, we should make a condition so that the military cooperation can be put into operation at home. In these days of the security environment, the military cooperation is not necessarily is confined to only soldier or military institute but it must be a national-wide and racial operations collecting all the National Assembly, Governmental Organization, Koreans abroad, etc. However, it should be kept in mind that the strengthening of mutual cooperation with the neighboring countries must not be interpreted as the aggravation of the relationship to the U.S. In this time that the North Korea acknowledged the nuclear development program, as long as we are threatened by conventional war, Korea has the necessity of adjusting the security cooperation with the US. by connecting the development of South and North Korea' s relationship. Of course, the aim of military cooperation must be linked to the national goal. According to the change of the drift of affairs in the world, the dynamics and military cooperation relationship in the northeastern Asia is now changing. The cooperation structure of the Korea-U.S.- Japan Security Treaty and North Korea-China-Russia is also changing. That is to say, after the terror of Sep. 11, 2002, the U.S.A. succeeded to obtain the military cooperation relationship with China and Russia. Therefore, the character and type of the military cooperation relationship in the northeastern Asia tends to the center of the U.S.A. The stage of tension being made newly from the new political environment of the North Korea after the summit conference between the South and the North of Korea and the proposal of "Criminal Group" by the U.S.A. after the terror of Sep. 11, 2002 may cause rapid change in the military cooperation relationship in the northeastern Asia. The military cooperation relationship in the neighboring countries around the Korea peninsular and the discord factor among nations being caused by the acknowledgement of the North Korea' s nuclear development program will be a new task to be settled.

      • 日本의 政治·軍事關係와 戰爭指導 性向 硏究

        金榮虎 충남대학교 2001 국내석사

        RANK : 248702

        정치와 군사의 관계는 각 국가의 역사적 발전과정 속에서 형성된다. 한국과 가까우면서도 먼 일본은 대외팽창정책을 추진하던 제국주의 시대에 정치와 군사의 우열관계로 인하여 주변국들과의 전쟁에서 전쟁목적의 달성과 국가의 패망이라는 양극을 경험한 국가이다. 일본 입장에서 한반도의 지정학적인 중요성은 주변강대국과의 경쟁에서 일본방위를 위한 필수적인 부분이라고 할 수 있으며, 일본은 과거 삼국시대 이후 한반도를 중심으로 한 주변국들의 힘의 공백상태시에는 대륙진출 과정에서 한반도를 무수히 침략하여왔다. 이러한 배경에서, 본 연구는 일본의 명치(明治)~소화(昭和)시대를 중심으로 과거 일본의 정치·군사관계와 전쟁지도 성향을 분석하고, 이를 토대로 현대 일본의 정치·군사관계와 향후 일본이 전쟁에 개입할 경우의 전쟁지도 성향을 추론해 봄으로써 한국의 대용책 마련의 기초를 제공하고자 하였다. 연구범위는 첫째, 근대 이후 일본의 시대적 구분은 제국주의 시대로서 명치시대(明治時代), 대정시대(大正時代), 소화시대(昭和時代), 전후 냉전시대, 1990년을 기점으로 한 탈냉전 시대로 구분할 수 있다. 이 논문에서는 명치시대와 소화시대 팽창 정책의 대표적인 전쟁인 청일, 노일, 중일, 태평양전쟁의 시기와 탈냉전후 시대를 중심으로 하였다. 둘째, 전쟁지도 요소는 정치·외교, 군사, 경제, 그리고 내정의 안정을 포함한 사회심리 분야로 한정하였다. 셋째, 전쟁지도단계는 전쟁준비 및 개전기, 전쟁수행 및 종료기로 구분하고 전쟁 종료 후는 제외하였다. 넷째, 전쟁지도 분야 중 군사분야는 전략적인 부분만을 취급하고 작전적, 전술적 차원의 범주는 다루지 않았다. 전쟁은 단순히 무력전을 통한 군사력의 사용이 아니라 국가가 대외관계에서 정치의 목적을 달성하기 위한 수단이다. 따라서 정치가 전쟁에 우선하며, 전쟁행위는 정치적 목적을 달성하기 위해 통제되어야 한다. 이러한 정치와 군사의 관계는 다양한 변수들에 의해 형성되지만, 특히 국가의 국내권력구조, 국가의 외교노선, 군부의 성향과 국민의 지지에 의해 정치우위체제와 군사우위체제로 구별할 수 있다. 정치우위체제는 전쟁지도시 전쟁의 정치적 목적 달성을 지향하며, 비록 전쟁에서 승리하지 못할지라도 국민과 국가의 생존 및 안정을 유지하고자 한다. 반면에 군사우위체제에서는 맹목적인 군사적 승리만을 지향함으로써 전쟁목적을 상실하고 국가존망을 위태롭게 하게 된다. 막부말기부터 명치유신에 이르기까지 일본은 국가건설에 전력하였으며, 이 과정에서 군부의 군통수권독립으로 문민과 군부가 분화되고 그 사이에서 갈등과 군부의 강력한 등장이 있었지만 명치유신의 원훈(元勳)들이 국가건설기에 대립되기 쉬운 두 영역을 통합하고 조정함으로써 정치우위체제를 성립시켰다. 반면, 소화시대에는 정당정치의 붕괴, 군부의 등장, 군부대신 현역무관제 부활, 정치지도층의 군부통제력 상실로 정치권력을 군부가 장악하였으며, 국제협력 및 경제우선의 외교가 아닌 국방외교의 성향을 갖게 되었고, 군부의 고도국방국가 건설 주장이 정치에 받아들여지고, 국민의 군부지지가 이루어지면서 군사우위체제를 형성하였다. 전쟁지도의 실제에 있어서, 명치시대 일본은 청일전쟁과 노일전쟁 수행과정에서 자국의 한계를 인식하고, 주변국과의 세력균형을 유지하였고, 초기의 군사적 승리에 집착하여 전쟁을 확대하지 않았으며, 국제적 세력균형의 틀 속에서 정치와 군사의 균형된 조화로 정치·외교, 군사, 경제, 사회심리분야의 제전략을 효율적으로 통합함으로써, 전쟁에서의 일본의 주권(主權)선 방호와 이익(利益)선의 확보라는 전쟁의 정치적 목표를 효과적으로 달성하였고, 국가의 위상을 아시아에서의 강대국으로서, 그리고 나아가 세계에서의 강대국의 반열에 오르는 기들을 마련하였다. 반면에 소화시대 일본은 국가목표를 파시즘의 영향을 받아 고도의 국방국가로 의 국가개조와 동(東)아(亞)의 신질서 구축의 확립에 두고, 중일전쟁과 태평양전쟁을 수행하면서, 유럽전쟁에 현혹되어 전쟁목적의 일관성을 상실하였으며, 전쟁시 군의 진군속도 조절, 전쟁종결에 관한 예측도 막연하였고, 정(政)전(戰)양략의 책임이 이분화 되어 통일적인 전쟁지도를 하지 못하였다. 또한, 일본의 소화군부는 전쟁범위를 소아시아, 태평양지역으로 확대하여 세계를 제패하려 하였으며, 군부의 독단과 군국주의 성향으로 인하여 국제연맹의 탈퇴, 워싱턴, 런던군축회담 결과의 폐기로 고립을 자초하였고, 삼국동맹의 체결로 미국과의 대결을 초래하였으며, 군사적 작전의 일시적 승리에만 연연하고 외교를 등한시하고, 국력의 마지막까지 전쟁에 몰아넣는 전쟁지도를 함으로써 전쟁의 정치적 목적을 달성하지 못하는, 정치가 군사에 종속된 전쟁지도를 함으로써 국가를 패망으로 이끌게 되었다. 군사력을 중시하는 일본의 역사적 성향은 전후 국가체제 변화와 주변여건에 따라 어떤 요인은 소멸되었다고 볼 수 있으나 아직도 일부요인은 일본인의 의식 속에 깊은 역사적 유산으로 잠재하고 있다. 탈냉전 후 일본은 경제적 역량, 즉 일본의 국력에 걸맞는 국제공헌도를 이룬다는 명분으로 국제 정치적으로 동아시아 및 국제사회에서의 정치적 패권을 획득하고자 노력하고 있다. 그러나, 이러한 국제사회에서의 HEGEMONY는 단순히 경제력으로만 달성 될 수 없으며, 결국은 외교의 유력한 지원 수단이며, 정치목표를 달성하기 위한 주된 수단인 군사력의 확장을 필요로 한다. 따라서 과거 일본의 정치와 군사의 관계를 분석한 틀 속에서 현재 일본의 정치와 군사의 관계를 내면성에 중점을 두고 분석하면, 비록 문민통제가 제도화되어 있지만 그 실상은 국제사회에서 '힘의 우위에 의한 대국화를 요구하는 국수주의적 영향력 확대세력의 입지가 강화됨으로써 군사중시의 성향이 증가하고 있다고 평가할 수 있다. 이러한 상황에서 현재 일본에 대하여 직접적인 전쟁의 위협은 없다고 볼 수 있으나 전후 세계 제2위의 경제대국으로서 정치·경제면에서도 영향력이 증가하고 있으며, 군사면에서도 상당한 수준에 오른 일본이 자국의 방위와 해상 교통로의 보장 등 국가의 사활적 이익에 위협을 받게 될 경우에는 분쟁이나 전쟁에 개입할 수 있다. 다만 이 경우에 소화시대와 같은 군사우위체제의 전쟁지도성향을 띠지는 않겠지만, 분쟁의 개입을 빌미로 하여, 전쟁의 목적을 아시아 및 세계에서의 정치·경제·군사대국의 위상을 달성하고 제2의 대동아 공영권의 구축에 둘 것으로 판단할 수 있다. 따라서 전쟁지도의 성향도 정치와 외교를 주 수단으로 하되 세계적인 수준에 있는 군사력을 전수방위의 개념으로만 사용하지는 않을 것이다. The relationship between political and military affairs is formed from developmental process of history inside of each nation. Japan has experienced both the sweet of a victory and the ruins of a defeat during the period of imperial government. Korean Peninsula has been very important area geographically for Japan in aspect of protecting itself from powerful nations like China and Russia. Japan invaded Korean Peninsula numerous times, since Korea was the first nation to go through if Japan want to advance into the continent, From this aspect, this paper is written th provide groundwork of preparing a countermeasure to deal with possible dispute between Korea and Japan in the future. To do that, this study is focused on the relationship between politics and military affairs of Japan. War is not just a simple deployment of military assets, but a complicated method of achieving political goals from international competition. Therefore, politics has priority over military affairs and an art of war should be controlled to achieve political goal. The relationship between the politics and military affairs is affected from the political structure, foreign policy, and the support from the people, and it can be classified into two systems; politics centered system, military centered system. In the politics centered system, a purpose of war is to achieve a political goal from the war. Even if it fails to achieve a victory in the battle, this system is trying to preserve nation sovereignty and the public welfare. On the while, the military centered system is recklessly seeking the victory of a battle, ignoring a political goal. It can jeopardize a fate of the nation. From the late Moc-Bu Period to Mei-Ji openness period, Japan concentrates its energies on constructing the strong nation. During this time, the politics and military affairs were separated and there were conflicts between two parties. However, the leading group settled the dispute between two parties and kept the politics centered system. However, after that period the military part took control over politics and put up a strong foreign policy where they making a decision based not on political situation, but on military strength. It ignored a concept of international cooperation, and then Japan was isolated from the international society. Comparing from the art of war, Japan fought against Russia and China respectively during the Mei-Ji period. Japan realized its limitations and tried to keep the balance of power instead of keep fighting against thorn, even though it achieved several victories at the beginning of each war, Keeping the balance of power with other nations, Japan could achieve development in politics, foreign policies, military, economy, and social welfare. Therefore, it accomplished its political goal of protecting the nation and people's interest. During this time, Japan rose as strong nation in the Asia, and seized an opportunity to become a leading nation in the world. On the other hand, during the So-Hwa period, Japan fought the Pacific War with other nations. With the effect of Fascism from European countries, it set a goal of rulung Asia and establishing new order of the reign by using strong military forces. However, it failed to adjust the advance of its military assets and didn't have a common goal from politics and military party. The military and politics didn't draw a line between their accountability. With this situation, military's arbitrariness made Japan isolated from international society and caused America to enter the war. It ignored the effectiveness of foreign diplomacy and struggled to achieve a victory only using military power. Politics was subordinated to military and couldn't put their opinions and knowledge into a decision making process. In the end, Japan put all its efforts and national resources into the war, but couldn't achieve its goal. With the change of time and environment, Japan's political structure and its inclination on military power have been changed in some aspect. However, it's pro-militaristic trend still remains in the stream of Japanese consciousness. Since the post cold war period, Japan has been struggling to be recognized as a leading nation with its powerful economic wealth. But, hegemony of the international society can't be achieved only from the economic power. The military power can be a strong and last diplomatic option that we can take and it should be required to accomplish a political goal. Looking inside of Japan in these days, nationalism has been rising to the surface and militarism gets a popularity form the people. At this point, if there is any threat that risks Japanese interest, Japan can interfere in a dispute or a war with any other nation. With an excuse of defending its nation and its open sea, Japan takes it as a chance to rise again as rung nation by using its advanced military forces. Korea has to keep the balance of power with Japan and needs to watch their step carefully.

      • 韓·美 軍事同盟關係 發展方向에 관한 硏究

        이선민 東國大學校 行政大學院 2003 국내석사

        RANK : 248701

        This paper aims to study the progressive orientation of the Korea-USA military alliance. The history of the Korea-USA military alliance has passed for 50 years and since 1953, the defense treaty between Korea and USA celerbrates its 50th anniversary in 2003. For this reason, the theme of this paper is the Korea-USA alliance. Korea and USA met 100 years ago with the 'General Sherman accident'. Relations between Korea and USA was few at that time. However, in 1945, Korea was released from Japan. and Korea and USA met again. From 1945 to 2003, Korea and USA are very good friends, USA supports Korea and vice versa. Not only military-wise but also in multi-sections: politic, economic, social, culture. Recently, the Korea-USA military alliance faced the worst condition. The keypoint is not the question; Which is responsible country Korea or USA. The important point is that the Korea-USA alliance should continue to progressive development. For this proposition, this paper researches history for the Korea-USA alliance: from its Start to recently. Especially, this paper is research the Korea-USA military alliance which divided to two-pole time and multi-pole time. This paper looks to Suitability, Feasibility, Flexibility. In particular, this paper aim to study recent Korea-USA military alliance. The reason to study recent Korea-USA military alliance is to be able to find exact research in their alliance. Recently, the Korea-USA alliance happened to discord trouble; 'Nogenri accident', 'crush to tank accident', etc. and, Korea-USA military alliance also happen to discord trouble: SOFA(the Status of Forces Agreement), LPP(Land Partnership Plan), the sharing of the defense expenditure, and the right of command between Korea and USA. Finally, this paper shows a progressive orientation for the above discord troubles. In particular, the progressive of simple orientation is to solve the 'South-Self conflict'(namnam conflict) and the anti-USA sentiment. The Korea-USA military alliance should conform to the new environment and conceive a concrete course of action and lay out a plan to develop into creative and flexible military alliance. Close joint military relations should be continuously maintained, and there should also be a great effort to develop it into a more future-oriented relationship.

      • 韓·美 軍事協力關係의 發展方向에 關한 硏究

        김태훈 忠南大學校 行政大學院 2002 국내석사

        RANK : 248687

        During past 50 years, the ROK-US combined defense system was a decisive security assurance device, which has deterred the aggression of North Korea. And it will also contribute greatly to ROK's securing an overwhelming strategic superiority in Korean peninsula and furthermore to ROK's role of a strategic power in Northeast Asia region. However, during past 10 years after the Cold War is over, the strategic environment around ROK had been shown structural changes in a more fundamental dimension. As a result, in the South-North relation dimension and the Northeast Asia region dimension, ROK's strategic role is also changing in quality. After 1995 when it became 50 years that the ROK-US security cooperative relation has been estabilished, the Korean peninsula has been at the center of changing. And this has given us challenges as well as oportunities toward future. Now, the readjustment of the ROK-US security alliance relation in the 21st century is becoming our crucial issue in step with the changes of peripheral security conditions. As this time, the purpose of this study is to reexamine the researches of ROK-US security cooperative relation for the past half-century and to find it's desirable directins of development as the international order has changed. Especially, focuring on whether the ROK-US Combined Forces Command(CFC) and it's combined force are reasonable to our security strategic requirements which will be rasied in near future, this study seeks to find it's problems and solutions and to design new forms and contents of ROK-US military cooperative relation for the middle and long term period. This study consists of 6 chapters and the contents of each chapter are as follows. The first chapter, as an introductin of this study, describes the purposes, methods, and designs of study. Chapter 2 presents a future desirable model of ROK-US military cooperative relation through considering NATO and US-Japan military cooperative relation. Chapter 3, as a 'history', this study's theoretical background, considers the establishing process of ROK-US military cooperative relation from 1945 through Korean War to present as well as the basic structure and employment of CFC's command system which has been the basis of ROK-US combined defense system. Chapter 4, as a 'situation', analyzes major aspects as international order has been changed, assesses the positive side and negative side of present ROK-US combined defense force and raises it's necessity, and presents the considerations when we deal with this problems. Chapter 5, as a 'prospect's of the chapter 3 and 4, presents promoting policy plan(starting point, policy objective, promoting plan, agreements with US) for each step and some 'policy proposals' needed to consider when policy-making process. Chapter 6, as a 'conclusion', summarizes this study. Though this study ends with the level of presenting some problems, I eagerly hope that some of things that this study focuses will be utilized in making and promoting related policies.

      • 韓·美 軍事同盟關係의 發展方案에 관한 硏究 : 주한미군 주둔관련 현안을 중심으로

        신상우 東國大學校 行政大學院 2004 국내석사

        RANK : 248686

        There would be no one who will deny that Korea-US alliance has greatly contributed to Korean security, since Korea has been separated. At the same time as the above, US armed forces in Korea has been execution greatly important function to execute Asia strategy for America. But in a world wide, cold war has been ended and at the present stage of deepening global waves and interdependence, the phase changes of US armed forces in Korea which has been taking a charge of a part in balance of power in Korea, is unavoidable result of change of times. Korean government should not leave the sign of cracks in Korea-US alliance as it is, and have to give an effort to regain the alliance. Recognize that the relationship of Korea-US alliance is basically asymmetric alliance and goal of regaining the alliance is not removing the US armed forces in Korea, but head toward to more reciprocal relationship including revise the SOFA, and both country mutually recognize that strategical value of the US armed forces in Korea is helpful for Korean security and also helpful for strategy balance and keep equilibrium of all over the Northeastern Asia. By the basis of these principles Korean government, First of all, discussing the reducing and relocating the US armed forces in Korea, has to be pan-governmentally promote a research, and it is desirable when Korea security situation is mostly stabilized. Secondly have to solve the difference of recognition to North Korea, between Korea and US. Thirdly Korean government has to properly deal with displeased against America. Fourthly, rather than take over all the unrealizable battle strategy control, through regaining operation of the ROK-US. Combined Forces Command, at the same as strengthen our independent location, we have to consider the solution to take over battle strategy control by step by step. Finally During the past time Korean diplomacy to US was mainly focused on administration, but in the future magnify the base of Korean diplomacy to US include Us Congress and Sink Tank.

      • 韓·美 軍事同盟關係의 發展에 관한 硏究

        주성일 東國大學校 行政大學院 1998 국내석사

        RANK : 248685

        Understanding that the Korea should have more idluence on her own military incidents which would point to allied military future development, the pointing and developing the allied relations between Korea and the US militaries are the main objectives of this paper. This thesis not only, will provide tt reanalyzing the relations of the Korea and the US and taking observation of new changes and strategic situation toward to Korea would bring us better seat for alliance, but also will direct the most appropriate plan for alliance. The main point of this thesis is to renewal the old ROK·US Military Alliance Relationship, which concern for their gains and losses, to establish systematic and logical alliance relationship between ROK & US and present USFK's improved ROK/US Combined Command System. Between 1945-1949 after WWII ended, US made and maintained an one way ROK/US Military Cooperate Relation base on their strategic judgment and needs. From 1950 to the end of 1970, Korea was under US set up the Patron-Client Relationship which US protect the Korea under conflict. From 1980 to till now, Military Allied Relation concepts had changed to equal and partnership relation which Korea initiate the military force and US support it. ROK/US Military Allied Relation had changed by both countries' expectation, military goal and influences. Many of these reasons caused these changes. Generally there are four criterions to compare and separate military Ally. First, how they will prescribe to apply under a threat situation and allied force. Second, content of security pledge, and obligation limit of geography. These are cause of uncertainty of allied relation. 1. termination of allied organization purpose. 2. disagreement of threat recognition and concealment of other purpose. Increase of distrust. 3. Investment and compensation's unbalanced calculation. 4. Could not attract allied countries common interest. Because of these Allied Relation devaluation theory, we have concluded that KOK/US MAR will have continuos conflict and tense. Also we need to reconsider Allied Organization's structure and content. Korea's correspondence to these problem is to resolve and minimize the conflict and problem that ROK/US Allied System has right now. It is very important to expand the MAR to overcome any changes of Korea strategic plan's understanding and policy complication. Before doing so, we need to examine what type of security cooperate relation to develop, then harmonize the ROK/US security consultative relation. Second, it need to reestablish the conflicts of US armed forces stationing in Korea and to develop the Military Cooperate's legal and institution. Third, if there is changes of MA's characteristic, task or duty, then mechanism of military force has to totally reconstruct. USFK's task, resizing of scale, command system, allotment of defense budget has to re-establish because changes of basic concept of the ROK/US MAR. First of all, USFK's task in Korea is to maintain short term defense and regional stability. Long term point of view, USFK's major task has shifted to maintain a Asia region stability. Size of stationing USFK is between 15,000~20,000, which mostly composed of Navy and Air Force, until there is specific political changes made by North Korea and stable relation with South Korea. Even after the both countries unification, USFK will stay between 5,000~10.000 armed forces for strategic reason and confidence purpose. For next, cooperate command system is common issue that ROK/US MAS has. It is very clear that Cooperate Command system will change when we receive the battle operation control command from current Cooperate Commander. At this circumstance, newly developed cooperate command system will be made base on US/JAPAN model. It will be desirable to change the cooperate command system that suit for Korea situation after refer to the NATO Military Support Action. To make CCS to work, ROK/US need to cooperate each other for the necessary defense support while both country exercise their own Operation Control Command. For alternative plan, we can think of install and operate a Defense Support Control Committee and Cooperate Tactics Planning. Defense Support Control Committee will act similarly as the NATO's Defense Planning Committee which discuss for group defense and military problem. It will serve as these days' SCM and MC. The one of major pending is allotment of defense budget. It has to reconsider depend on Korea's economic capability. Korea need to be more actively involve to deal the allotment of defense budget. It is wise to suggest downsizing of USFK. All together, allotment of defense budget's concept and characteristic have to transform from military purpose to diplomatic level.

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