고려의 정치제도와 권력관계-통일신라의 정치제도와 비교-

박재우 한국중세사학회 2011 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.31

In this article, the political system and the power structure of Goryeo are compared with those of the Unified Silla dynasty. The Jungseo Munha-seong and Sangseo-seong of the Goryeo dynasty were founded during the king Seongjong. They were directly modeled after their Chinese counterparts(the “Three Seong and Six Bu” system), as devices which would ensure that Confucian ideals (documented in the Dang dynasty’s 『Jeong-gwan Jeong-yo』) be realized in Goryeo politics and institutions. Silla was also under influences of the Chinese political system, yet it never adopted the Chinese system wholeheartedly, as Silla was still using the Golpum system. The number of regular offices established in the Goryeo government was actually smaller than that of the Silla government. And running the country with such small number of offices turned out to be a bit of a problem. Also, adopting a Chinese political system had its own share of problems as well, as in design the Chinese system showed some elements that were simply inadequate to be applied to Goryeo-specific situations. So, other than the regular offices, ‘Temporary offices’ had to be set up, operated and dismantled on a regular basis, to meet all the necessities of the operation of the government. In Silla, among regular offices there were more offices related to the royal family than offices unrelated to the royal family and designated to oversee administrative matters. As a result, royal family-related offices operated independently from the administrative offices, and more importantly, oversaw administrative affairs of the dynasty themselves. On the other hand, in Goryeo all the royal family-related offices, even including the ones which had been in charge of managing the personal life of the kings and the kings’ relatives, were all replaced by purely administrative offices that had no attachment to the royal family. This shows us that the authority of the Goryeo king was indeed more strengthened than that of the Silla king (free from the weight of the royal family), and the ‘public and official nature’ of the offices were significantly enforced as a result. In Silla, the Golpum system granted the Jin-gol nobility with considerable amount of power, and the king and the Dupum(頭品) used to find themselves in very disadvantageous situations. Yet in Goryeo, the Golpum practice was abandoned, and such change allowed the king and other governmental officials to wield more power. Goryeo also not allowed the royal family members to participate in governing, so their political influences remained rather limited. On the other hand, the authority of the king was significantly enhanced, and other governmental officials came to enjoy a stronger political stand as well. Some of their houses even established a long term marital relationship with the Goryeo royal family. Yet with the abolition of the Golpum system, and with the authority of the blood-nobility gone, increased clashes and conflicts became a new probability inside the government and inside the ruling party, so such concerns prompted the Goryeo king and the governmental officials to seek for agreements and compromises in their governing, to avoid unnecessary confrontations that could bring the government to a halt. With similar intentions, a comprehensive remonstration system was designed and commissioned as well, in order to monitor the illegal and inappropriate actions on the kings’ and officials’ part. This so-called “Consultation politics” can be seen even in Silla. In case of Silla, the heads of senior offices were manned by officials bearing other titles at the same time, and were also occupied by more than one person at a time. Such considerations were also apparent from the dynastic council’s fashion of convening and operating. Then, as it came to the time of Goryeo, more elaborate devices to accommodate such Consultation politics appeared. Both regular and temporary offices made it a p... In this article, the political system and the power structure of Goryeo are compared with those of the Unified Silla dynasty. The Jungseo Munha-seong and Sangseo-seong of the Goryeo dynasty were founded during the king Seongjong. They were directly modeled after their Chinese counterparts(the “Three Seong and Six Bu” system), as devices which would ensure that Confucian ideals (documented in the Dang dynasty’s 『Jeong-gwan Jeong-yo』) be realized in Goryeo politics and institutions. Silla was also under influences of the Chinese political system, yet it never adopted the Chinese system wholeheartedly, as Silla was still using the Golpum system. The number of regular offices established in the Goryeo government was actually smaller than that of the Silla government. And running the country with such small number of offices turned out to be a bit of a problem. Also, adopting a Chinese political system had its own share of problems as well, as in design the Chinese system showed some elements that were simply inadequate to be applied to Goryeo-specific situations. So, other than the regular offices, ‘Temporary offices’ had to be set up, operated and dismantled on a regular basis, to meet all the necessities of the operation of the government. In Silla, among regular offices there were more offices related to the royal family than offices unrelated to the royal family and designated to oversee administrative matters. As a result, royal family-related offices operated independently from the administrative offices, and more importantly, oversaw administrative affairs of the dynasty themselves. On the other hand, in Goryeo all the royal family-related offices, even including the ones which had been in charge of managing the personal life of the kings and the kings’ relatives, were all replaced by purely administrative offices that had no attachment to the royal family. This shows us that the authority of the Goryeo king was indeed more strengthened than that of the Silla king (free from the weight of the royal family), and the ‘public and official nature’ of the offices were significantly enforced as a result. In Silla, the Golpum system granted the Jin-gol nobility with considerable amount of power, and the king and the Dupum(頭品) used to find themselves in very disadvantageous situations. Yet in Goryeo, the Golpum practice was abandoned, and such change allowed the king and other governmental officials to wield more power. Goryeo also not allowed the royal family members to participate in governing, so their political influences remained rather limited. On the other hand, the authority of the king was significantly enhanced, and other governmental officials came to enjoy a stronger political stand as well. Some of their houses even established a long term marital relationship with the Goryeo royal family. Yet with the abolition of the Golpum system, and with the authority of the blood-nobility gone, increased clashes and conflicts became a new probability inside the government and inside the ruling party, so such concerns prompted the Goryeo king and the governmental officials to seek for agreements and compromises in their governing, to avoid unnecessary confrontations that could bring the government to a halt. With similar intentions, a comprehensive remonstration system was designed and commissioned as well, in order to monitor the illegal and inappropriate actions on the kings’ and officials’ part. This so-called “Consultation politics” can be seen even in Silla. In case of Silla, the heads of senior offices were manned by officials bearing other titles at the same time, and were also occupied by more than one person at a time. Such considerations were also apparent from the dynastic council’s fashion of convening and operating. Then, as it came to the time of Goryeo, more elaborate devices to accommodate such Consultation politics appeared. Both regular and temporary offices made it a princip...

朝鮮時代 文科及第者의 分館實態에 관한 硏究 - 1623년~1720년 시기를 중심으로 -

이창걸 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2009 한국학논총 Vol.31 No.-

This is to study the appointment tendency of passers of the Munkwa Examination (文科及第者, Civil Service Examination) to the temporary office positions (Bungwanjik, 分館職) in Samgwan (三館, Three Influential Offices) before they were trusted with first official duty in the government of Joseon dynasty. The temporary post is similar to the internship of these days. I made research on the appointment patterns of the passers of civil service examination to the temporary posts of Three Influential Offices (Bungwanjik, 分館職) and the periods needed for the promotion to their highest governmental posts (最高職) from the initial office duties (初職) with sample group. As we can see in any other researches, the promotion process is not easy as a bureaucrat in Joseon dynasty. At the time being temporarily appointed as intern in Samgwan (三館, Three Influential Offices), meaning Seonggyungwan(成均館), Seungmunwon(承文院) and Gyoseogwan (校書館), the passers were already discriminated. Gyoseogwan Bungwan official (校書館 分館者) were shut out of the route to key positions of the government. Those Gyoseogwan (校書館) officials were mainly born of concubine and from the northwestern provinces of Joseon. Mostly, they were appointed to the positions outside the capital (外官職) and other marginal governmental offices. Their elevation route looks very simple relatively to the other groups. On the other side, Seungmunwon (承文院) was regarded as more important government division than Gyoseogwan (校書館) even in the time of temporary appointment to the Three Influential Offices (三館分館). The passers of the Munkwa Examination who were appointed to the Seungmunwon (承文院), generally inhabited in Hanseongbu (漢城府, capital area of Joseon), were descendants of good families in power. Those who were appointed to the Seonggyungwan were descendants of Ruling Elites inhabiting in local areas of Joseon (在地士族). The Gyoseogwan (校書館) officials were obviously treated discriminatingly than Seungmunwon and Seonggyungwan. While Seungmunwon (承文院) officials advanced to Seungjeongwon (承政院), Yemungwan (藝文館), Sejasigangwon (世子侍講院), Uigeumbu (義禁府), and offices outside the capital (外官職) as their first office duties (初職) and Seonggyungwan (成均館) officials advanced mainly to Seonggyungwan (成均館), Seungjeongwon (承政院), Six Ministries (六曹), and offices outside the capital (外官職), and the Gyoseogwan (校書館) officials were mostly ordained to the offices outside the capital (外官職). In the temporary appointment and promotion process thereafter of the Munkwa examination (文科) passers, family background (出身背景) and the lineages class (門地) were the most important factor. Those who were appointed as Seungmunwon (承文院) officials built up the power bloc (權力同盟) through their superior family power and marital connection (婚姻網). Comparing to the Seungmunwon Bungwan officials (承文院 分館者), the Seonggyungwan Bungwan officials (成均館 分館者) were inferior in family background(出身背景) and influence(影響力). The Gyoseogwan Bungwan officials' (校書館 分館者) were in lowest class for family lineage(門地). The passers who were residing in Hanseongbu(漢城府) were mostly appointed to Seungmunwon and Seonggyungwan in their internship period. They were positioned at Chamha Cheongyojik(參下 淸要職), for example Seungjeongwon(承政院), Seonggyungwan(成均館), Samsa(三司) and Sejasigangwon(世子侍講院) as their first office duties. 본 논문은 조선시대 문과급제자들의 分館 실태와 그 경향성을 살펴보려고 하였다. 문과 급제자들 중에서 일정한 부분을 표본으로 추출하여, 이들의 분관유형과 분관직에서 初職으로 임명되는 시기, 그들의 초직에서 최고관직으로 이르기까지 소요되는 기간을 추정하여 보았다. 실제 이들의 관직 승진 조사에서 드러난 것은 기존의 연구와 마찬가지로 조선시대에 관료들의 승진과정이 순탄하지 않음을 알 수 있다. 또 三館으로 分館되는 시점에서 성균관, 승문원, 교서관에서 이미 차별화가 되고 있었다. 교서관은 핵심관직으로 승진하는 과정에서 배제되어 왔으며 교서관 분관자에는 서북지역의 인물과 庶子 출신이 포함되어 있었으며, 이들의 관직임명에 있어서 대부분은 外官職과 기타 주변부(Marginal) 관직에 임명되고 있었다. 관직의 경로도 비교적 단순한 유형을 보여주고 있다. 반면 승문원은 교서관에 비해 분관되는 시점에서 이미 핵심 관직으로 주목받고 있었다. 승문원에 분속되는 급제자들은 주로 한성부에 거주하며 그들의 가문과 威勢가 매우 높은 名文家들의 후예임이 밝혀졌고 성균관 분관자들은 지방에 거주하고 있는 在地士族의 후예였으며 校書館 分館者들은 承文院과 成均館 分館者에 비해 철저하게 차별받았다고 할 수 있다. 승문원 분관자는 승정원ㆍ예문관ㆍ세자시강원ㆍ의금부ㆍ외관직 등의 초직에 진출한 반면, 성균관 분관자들은 사헌부ㆍ성균관ㆍ승정원ㆍ육조ㆍ외관직 등에 주로 진출하였다. 교서관 분관자는 주로 周邊部 外官職에 보임되고 있었다. 급제자들의 분관과 그들의 관직 승진에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 출신배경이 중요한 역할을 한다는 점도 파악할 수 있었다. 승문원 분관자의 父祖들은 그들의 우세한 가문의 영향력과 ‘혼인’을 매개로 한 ‘婚姻網’으로 權力同盟(Power Bloc)을 지속적으로 구축하였으며, 성균관 분관자들은 승문원 분관자의 출신배경과 영향력에는 크게 떨어지는 경향이 있었다. 교서관 분관자는 출신배경이 매우 미미하였다. 한성부 거주자는 승문원과 성균관에 주로 분관되었으며 初職入仕에서는 承政院, 成均館, 三司와 世子侍講院 등 ‘參下 淸要職’에 주로 임명되었다.

『承政院日記』를 통해 본 草記의 전면적 考察

李康旭(Lee,Kang-uk) 한국고전번역원 2010 民族文化 Vol.- No.34

草記는 원래 都提調가 있는 衙門에서 임금에게 上達할 일이 있을 때 사용하던 문서로, 地方官府에서는 사용할 수 없고 中央官府에서만 사용하던 문서였다. 草記는 신하가 임금에게 구두로 아뢰던 방식에서 문서로 아뢰는 방식으로 전환하면서 생겨났으며, 시기적으로는 빠르면 明宗代, 늦어도 宣祖代에는 사용되기 시작하였다고 할 수 있다. 草記에 대한 기존의 연구는 草記의 개념이나 書式에 대해 언급하는 수준에 머물렀으며, 일정한 연구 성과가 있었음에도 불구하고 오류와 한계가 있었다. 이와 같은 오류와 한계를 극복하기 위해서는 古文書로서의 草記와 책으로 편찬된 草記를 동시에 연구할 필요가 있다. 官署志와 元文書 등에 나타난 草記의 문서 형식을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째 草記의 序頭는 官司名으로 작성하는 방식과 官職名으로 작성하는 방식이 있다. 둘째, 草記의 말미는 보고하는 형식, 요청하는 형식, 문의하는 형식 등 세 가지로 마무리하였다. 셋째, 草記의 말단에는 연월일과 官銜을 기록하지 않고 인장도 찍지 않았다. 넷째, 草記는 반장의 壯紙에 기록하고 周帖으로 만들어 올렸다. 『承政院日記』에 나타난 草記의 기록 형식을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 각 官司의 草記 앞에는 草記를 入啓한 承旨의 이름이 기록되어 있다. 둘째, 草記를 올린 주체가 官司名이나 官職名으로 기록되어 있다. 셋째, 草記를 올린 주체의 말[言]이나 뜻[意]을 承旨가 아뢰는 형식으로 기록되어 있다. 넷째, 草記의 말미는 임금에게 보고하는 내용이면 ‘之意敢啓’, 청하는 내용이면 ‘請’이나 ‘何如’, 묻는 내용이면 ‘何以爲之(敢棄)’ 등으로 마무리하였다. 다섯째, 草記에 대한 비답은 傳敎 형식으로 기록되어 있다. 『승정원일기』에 나타난 草記는 형식에 따라 분류할 수도 있겠으나, 『승정원일기』에 기록된 草記는 古文書로서의 성격을 잃어버렸으므로 형식에 따라 분류하기가 어렵다. 또 『승정원일기』에 나타난 草記는 내용에 따라 분류할 수도 있겠으나, 草記를 올리는 해당 아문의 성격에 따라 그 내용도 달라지므로 내용에 따라 분류하기도 어렵다. 따라서 草記는 이를 올리는 아문에 따라 분류하는 것이 합당하다고 할 수 있다. 草記를 올리는 아문에 따라 분류해 보면, 都提調衙門의 草記, 提調衙門의 草記, 非提調衙門의 草記, 權設 衙門의 草記로 나눌 수가 있다. 草記는 원래 都提調가 있는 아문에서 사용하던 문서였으나, 시간이 갈수록 사용하는 아문이 점차 확대되어 都提調가 없는 아문에서도 사용하였다. 『승정원일기』에 기록된 草記를 분석해보면, 都提調가 있는 아문에서 올린 草記보다 都提調나 提調가 없는 非提調衙門의 草記가 더 많은 양을 차지한다. 이처럼 草記의 사용이 확대되었던 이유는 啓本이나 啓目처럼 엄격한 격식을 갖추어야 하는 문서에 비해 草記가 매우 자유롭고 간편하게 작성할 수가 있어 신하가 긴급한 사안을 임금에게 상달할 때 유용하였기 때문으로 보인다. 君臣 사이에 주고받는 문서는 승정원을 통해 出納이 이루어졌다. 따라서 草記도 승정원을 통해 임금에게 올리고 승정원을 통해 각 문에 통보되었다. 각 문에서 草記를 작성하여 승정원에 전달하면, 승정원에서는 入啓, 留院, 還給 중 하나의 처분을 내렸다. 또 승정원에서 草記를 임금에게 올리면, 임금은 裁決, 留中, 還給 중 하나의 처분을 내렸다. 임금의 裁決을 받은 草記에 대해서는 승정원에서 각 官司의 郞廳을 불러 草記에 대한 처리 결과를 분부하거나, 批答의 내용과 함께 關文으로 작성하여 해당 지방에 통지하였다. 각 官司에서 올린 草記는 승정원에서 원본의 내용을 『승정원일기』에 기록한 뒤 草記軸으로 만들어 보관하였으며, 각 官司에서는 필요할 경우에 奇別書吏를 시켜 승정원에 나가서 이 草記軸을 베껴오도록 하여 참고하였다. 草記의 내용 중 朝報에 실어야 할 사안일 경우 에는 兩司의 奇別書吏가 이를 베껴서 朝報에 실었다. Originally Cho-Gi was the document which was used to report to a sovereign by a government office where Do-Je-Jo was,it couldn’t be used by a government office in the provences but only used by a government office in capital. Cho-Gi was occurred when the method of report was switching over from verbal messages to documents, and for the period, it can be defined to be used from the period of Myung-Jong,at the earliest or the period of Sun-Jo, at the lastest. The existing researches of Cho-Gi is limited to mention of the concept or form of Cho-Gi, so there were errors and limits even there was a certain outcome of researches. In order to correct these errors and limits, it is necessary to study the paleography of Cho-Gi and the complied book of Cho-Gi at the same time. The summary of the document form of Cho-Gi which was used in a compiled book for a government office and a original document is as below. First, for the beginning of Cho-Gi, there is method to use the name of government office or the name of official post. Second, for the ending of Cho-Gi, it is finished with the form of report, request or inquiry. Third, there is no information of date,name of official post and stamping of a seal in the end of Cho-Gi. Fourth, Cho-Gi is written in half the Jang-Ji and submitted after folding it up in fixed interval and winding from the rear. The summary of the document form of Cho-Gi in Seung-Jeong-Wori-Il-Gi is as following. First, it is written the name of Seung-Ji who reports the Cho-Gi in the beginning of Cho-Gi of a government office. Second, it is written the name of a government office or an official post as the reporter of Cho-Gi. Third, it is written as the form that Seung-Ji informs the remark and opinion of the reporter of Cho-Gi. Fourth,it is finished with the sentense of ending of the Cho-Gi as Have the honor to report ~’ for reporting to a sovereign, Have the honor to request ~ for request and Have the honor to ask ~ for asking,‘Have the honor to be adviced for beging advice. Fifth, it is written as the form of Jeon-Gyo for the Bi-Dab of the Cho-Gi. The Cho-Gi in Seurtg-Jeong-Wort-II-Gi can be classifed by the form but the Cho-Gi which is written in Seung-Jeong- Won~Il~ Gi lost the character of a paleograph so it is difficult to classify by the form. The Cho-Gi in Seung-Jeong- Won~Il~ Gi also can be consider to be classifed by the contents but it is changed by a government office so it is also difficult to do it. Therefore it is reasonable to classify the Cho-Gi by a government office which reports it. To classify the Cho-Gi by a government office, it can be divided as the Cho-Gi of a government office which Do-Je-Jo is the head, the Cho-Gi of a government office which Je-Jo is the head,the Cho-Gi of a government office without JEJO and the Cho-Gi of a temporary government office which is founded for special tasks. The Cho-Gi was the document which was used by a government office where Do-Je-Jo was but the number of government office had increased as times goes on and a government office where Do-Je-Jo wasnt also became to use it. To analyze the Cho-Gi in Seung-Jeong-Won-Il~Gi, the number of Cho-Gi which was reported by a government office where Do-Je-Jo or Je-Jo wasnt is more than the number of Cho-Gi which was reported by a government office where Do-Je-Jo was. The reason why the usage of Cho-Gi was expanded like this is because it is expected that the Cho-Gi could be maden very freely and simply unlike the document of Gye-Bon or Gye-Mok which had strick form so it was useful to report an urgent issue to a sovereign by a subject. The process of the document incomings and outgoings between a sovereign and a subject was done by Seung-Jeong-Won. So,the Cho-Gi was also reported to a sovereign through the Seung-Jeong-Won and informed to each government offices through the Seung-Jeong-Won. If each government offices made Cho-Gi and delivered it to the Seung-Je

세종특별자치시교육청 초등 수습교사의 수업 지원 및 학교 경험에 관한 질적 사례연구

서시연,김도기 한국교원교육학회 2020 한국교원교육연구 Vol.37 No.3

This study is a qualitative case study with four teachers who have experienced the probational teacher system of the Sejong City Office of Education as participants. As a result of the study, they wanted to quickly become teachers, so they tried to find temporary positions, and in the process, they applied for a probational teacher through the recommendation of their seniors or the education office. After being the probational teachers, they experienced 'minimum guidance', 'helpful classes', and ‘limited discipline' during supporting school classes and 'various classroom management', 'various school atmosphere' and 'drifting life' during attending various schools. In short, such experiences can be called "fast, diverse, but lonely experience." The meaning of probationary experience was 'tasting,' 'accumulating,' and 'standing alone'. In other words, the experience was a process of socialization that allowed probational teachers to taste the sweetness and bitterness of teaching life, accumulate knowledge and ability, and stand alone based on it. Based on the results, it was suggested that the current system, which focuses on supporting school classes rather than on the growth of probational teachers, should be improved, that administrative and institutional support should be supplemented, and that the designation of guidance teacher for probational teachers needs to be considered. The number of probational teachers hired every year is increasing. So, if some of these suggestions are accepted, it is expected that the original purpose of the probational teacher system, called ’improving field application‘ of new teachers, will be well fulfilled. 본 연구는 세종특별자치시교육청 초등 수습교사제를 경험한 네 명의 교사를 연구 참여자로 하는 질적 사례연구이다. 연구 결과, 이들은 빨리 교사가 되고 싶은 마음에 기간제 자리를 구하려고 하였고, 이 과정에서 선배 또는 교육청의 권유를 통해 수습교사에 지원하였다. 이들의 수업 지원 및 학교 경험에 대해 살펴본 결과, 수업 지원을 하면서는 ‘최소한의 안내,’ ‘도움이 되는 수업,’ ‘한계를 느끼는 생활지도’를 경험하였고, 여러 학교를 다니면서는 ‘다양한 학급 운영 방식,’ ‘다양한 학교 분위기,’ ‘떠돌이 생활’을 경험하였다. 이와 같은 경험은 한마디로 ‘빠르고 다양한, 그렇지만 외로운 교직 생활 경험’이라고 할 수 있다. 수습 경험이 갖는 의미는 ‘맛보기,’ ‘축적하기,’ ‘홀로서기’로 나타났다. 즉, 수습 경험은 수습교사들이 교직 생활의 단맛, 쓴맛을 맛보고, 지식과 능력을 축적하고, 이를 바탕으로 홀로 서도록 하는 교직 사회화의 한 과정이었다. 이와 같은 연구 결과를 바탕으로, 수습교사의 성장보다는 학교 수업 지원에 방점이 찍혀 있는 현 제도에 개선이 필요하다는 점, 행정적‧제도적 뒷받침이 보완되어야 한다는 점, 수습 지도‧지원 교사 지정을 고려할 필요가 있다는 점 등을 논의로 제시하였다. 매해 채용하는 수습교사가 늘고 있는바, 일부 미비한 부분을 보완한다면 신규교사의 ‘현장 적용력 향상’이라는 수습교사제 본래의 취지를 잘 살릴 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

가정폭력에 대한 경찰의 초동조치 사례분석 및 효율성 제고방안

오세연 ( O Se Yeon ),박원배 ( Park Won Bae ) 한국경찰학회 2011 한국경찰학회보 Vol.13 No.2

These are established 「The Special law for the punishment Of Domestic violence crime」, 「The Protection of Domestic Violence and The law of Victim Protection」 in 1997, add to this, that is regulated as a social crime and they recommended an active intervention by nation. But, they have made a move over 10years, the domestic violence have remained a serious social problem, that also presents its occurrence growth. And then, first of all, it is important to prevent the recurrence of domestic violence and to have the victim’s security wired for handle the domestic violence, serious social problem, by police officer`s ‘First on the scene’, the most exploded environment of that. In this research, I will check some real condition and feature in events of domestic violence through inner data of police administration, and there are problems of first on the scene so, I will treat enhancement plan related with efficiency of police intervention, taking problem of police officer`s ‘First on the scene’ into consideration. According to analysis about events and cases, it presents that the issue problem of ‘First on the scene’ on police officer`s domestic violence are mostly connected with the limitation of legal system, the problem of their awareness and the lack in connectivity of other organizations. Therefore, police officers have to be authorized the claim for temporary measures and the right of restraint for forced protection, and they might need to change of their awareness in domestic violence, from a regular education. Also, it has to prevent the recurrence of domestic violence and to reduce the police`s work burden, running the dualistic police organization, when it comes to counteracting a domestic violence. Lastly, it has to enable helping victim directly and additionally, has to be settled smoothly events for efficiency of ‘First on the scene’ on police officer’s domestic violence, after police officer on the scene find the situation of events, according to set up a organic, cooperative system with other organizations closely.

해상 시운전선박의 승무정원 지정에 관한 연구

김지홍,이윤철 한국해사법학회 2013 해사법연구 Vol.25 No.3

선박을 도크에서 건조하여 진수한 후 안벽에서 의장 작업과 도장 공사를 마무리하고 배를 정해진 바다로 이동시켜, 선급 및 선주의 감독 하에 속력, 선체성능, 선체 선회력, 후진과 정지, 연료 소비량 계측, 조종성능, 각종 항해장비의 작동 시험 등을 행하는 것을 시운전이라 한다. 시운전을 하는 이유는 시운전을 통하여 발견된 문제를 보완하여 완전한 상태로 인도하기 위함이다. 국내 조선소에서 건조되어 해상 시운전을 하는 선박은 육지에서 가까운 연안수역에서 시운전이 수행되기 때문에 해상교통량과 비례하여 사고 개연성이 높다. 그리고 해상 시운전동안 선박운항능력을 점검하기 위해 급격한 방향전환 등을 하며 시운전에 필요한 인원이 평균 70∼80여명 승선하고 있어 충돌사고 시 대량의 인적피해가 발생할 우려가 있다. 그러므로 해상 시운전 선박의 항해당직은 일반선박보다 더 주의를 요한다.그러나 해상 시운전선박은 법적으로 선박으로 취급되지 않아 항해당직 인원에 대한 기준인 「선박직원법」과 「선원법」이 적용되지 않는다. 따라서 우리나라 조선소에서 건조된 해상 시운전 선박은 조선소의 자체 판단에 따라 항해당직을 수행하는 인원을 승선시키고 있는 실정이다. 이러한 현실로 인해 해상 시운전선박은 일반 운항선박의 항해당직인원보다 적은 인원이 승선하고 있으므로 항해운항과실에 의한 해양사고 발생 가능성이 높은 실정이다.이 논문에서는 우리나라 해상 시운전선박에 의한 해양사고로 인한 인명과 재산피해를 방지하기 위해 해상 시운전선박에 승선하는 항해사의 자격 및 당직인원의 기준을 제시하고자 한다. Vessels are moved to the sea from the shipbuilding yards after installing its equipments, painting and launching from the shipyard. Those newly-built vessels underway are tested for the ascertainment of speed operation, hull strength, turning capability, backing and stopping, measuring of fuel consumption, maneuverability and other operation of navigational equipments under the supervision of register of shipping and shipowner. This process is called ‘Sea Trial’The reason of sea trial is to check the problems of newly-built vessels by the navigation officer’s belonged to shipbuilding companies, and then carry out repairing works again in the shipbuilding yard. It is highly probable to take place the maritime accidents for sea trail vessels because sea trial be carried out in the coastal area with heavy traffic. It is feared that lots of losses of human life will happen when the sea trial vessels boarding 70~80 personnels occur the collisions. So, the navigational watch should be more and more be careful for the sea trial vessels than ordinary vessels. However, the sea trial vessels are not vessel that be applied to 「Seafarers Act」, 「Ship Officer's Act」. So that, shipbuilding yards embark sea trial personnels of their own judgement. Therefore, there is a possibility of occurring maritime accidents more often in these vessels than ordinary merchant vessels owing to the shortage of the number of navigational personnels.The purpose of this paper is to examine the qualifications of navigation officers and manning standards of duty personnels on board sea trial vessels in order to prevent loss of life and damage of property arising from maritime casualties on those vessels.

비정규직과 정규직 비교연구 동향분석에 기반한 사무비서직 종사자에 관한 시사점 제안연구

고성민,박윤희 한국비서학회 2023 비서·사무경영연구 Vol.32 No.4

본 연구의 목적은 국내 학술지에 발표된 비정규직과 정규직을 비교하는 양적연구를 분석함으로써 연구의 특징을 파악하고 사무비서직 종사자의 비정규직 문제에 대한 시사점과 향후 연구 방향을 제시하는 것이다. 이를 위해 연구 기간을 지정하지 않고 2023년 9월 기준에서 학술연구정보서비스(RISS)에서 ‘비정규직’, ‘비교’, ‘분석’을 키워드로 사용하여 양적연구로 진행한 국내 학술 논문 41편을 선정하여 분석하였다. 분석 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 비정규직과 정규직에관한 연구는 국내에서 2003년 이후 꾸준히 진행되어 왔다. 특히 2005년과 2017년에 해당 연구가집중적으로 발표되었다. 게재지별로는 경영 분야에서 가장 활발한 연구가 진행되었다. 둘째, 연구대상 논문은 서비스업 종사자와 여성을 대상으로 한 연구가 많았다. 연구방법은 설문조사와 패널조사가 주로 사용된 연구 방법이었으며, 종단연구와 횡단연구가 모두 활용되었다. 연구분석 방법은 독립변인의 종속변인에 대한 영향력을 요인별로 알아보기 위한 회귀분석과 비정규직과 정규직비교를 위한 t-test를 사용한 연구가 가장 많았다. 임금 차이 분석을 위해서는 Oaxaca 분해가 활발히 사용되었다. 셋째, ‘직무만족’이 가장 많이 사용된 종속변인이었으며, 그 외 다양한 변인들이활용되었다. 독립변인으로는 고용 형태를 제외하고는 임금이 가장 많이 사용되었다. 워드 클라우드 분석을 통해 변인 중 빈도가 높은 고용 형태와 직무만족, 조직몰입이 주제어로도 자주 사용된것을 확인할 수 있었다. 이러한 연구 결과를 통해 사무비서직 종사자의 고용 형태 연구에 관한향후 연구 방향과 시사점을 제안하였다 This study examined the characteristics of research by conducting a comprehensive analysis of quantitative research comparing temporary and permanent workers in domestic journals, to offer insights and directions for future research pertinent to office secretarial workers in the temporary employment sectors. Forty-one papers conducted as quantitative research using ‘temporary workers’ and ‘comparison’ as keywords in the Research Information Sharing Service(RISS) were selected and analyzed as of September 2023. The analysis results are as follows. First, research on temporary and permanent workers has been conducted steadily in Korea since 2003. By publication, the most active research was conducted in management. Second, there have been many studies on service workers and women in the research subject papers. The primary research methods were surveys and panel studies, using longitudinal and cross-sectional approaches. Common analysis methods included t-tests and regression to assess the influence of independent variables on dependent ones. Third, 'job satisfaction' was the most used dependent variable, and various other variables were assessed. These research results provided suggestions and implications for studies on the employment patterns of office secretarial workers.

조선전기 都監의 조직과 기능

나영훈 조선시대사학회 2014 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.70 No.-

Central political system of the Chosun era, are understood to bureaucratic system centralized permanent. Therefore, it has been common Most studies, it has been studied mainly in permanent government office that is mentioned in the “Gyoungguk-daejeon(經國大典)”. However, can not affairs of the country are operated by only permanent government office it is reality of course. Exceptional, is ready to occur, the management of temporary government office to deal with the sudden affairs of these were essential in any country. In particular, in the pre-modern nation, because there have been cases where you have an important political role temporary mechanism of these, discussion of this is essential. In spite of that, government office Research Chosun is concentrated in permanent government office, studies of transient government office hardly been made. Therefore, in this paper, for an understanding of the nature higher phase in the most unique in the government office of “Dogam(都監)”, I am trying to consider the institutional basic. Research in the government office region, it is determined grasp of the structure and function of the organization and must precede, I learned about the organization and structure of the Chosun era. As a result “Dogam(都監)” in early Chosun Dynasty is possible to know the fact that through the late Goryeo(高麗), 15th century, the 16th century, was in the process to be developed in the function and organization. This indicates that it is through the institutional development of the 15 century, typified by “Gyoungguk-daejeon(經國大典)”, the characteristics of the Chosun Dynasty was the time to go laid clearly in terms of function and organization. 조선시대 중앙정치체제는 “의정부-6조체제”에 근간한 상설관서 중심의 중앙 집권적 관료체제로 이해되고 있다. 따라서 대부분의 연구가 『經國大典』에 기재된 상설관서를 중심으로 연구되는 것이 일반적이었다. 그러나 국가의 사무가 상설관서만으로 운영될 수 없는 것은 당연한 현실이다. 어떠한 국가에서든 예외적인 사무는 발생하기 마련이었고, 이러한 돌발 사무를 대처하기 위한 임시적 관서의 운영은 필수적이었다. 특히 전근대 국가에서는 이러한 임시기구가 중요한 정치적 역할을 하는 경우도 있었기 때문에 이에 대한 검토는 필수적일 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 조선시대 관서 연구는 상설관서에 집중되어 있고 임시관서에 대한 연구는 거의 이루어지지 않고 있다. 이에 따라 본 논문에서는 임시관서 중에도 가장 독특하고 위상이 높은 ‘都監’의 성격에 대한 이해를 위하여 기본적인 제도적 검토를 하고자 한다. 특히 관서의 연구는 조직구조와 기능의 파악이 선행되어야 한다고 판단하여 조선시대 도감의 조직과 구조에 관해 살펴보았다. 도감의 조직은 ‘使-副使-判官-綠事’로 이어지는 고려적 관직체계를 계승하여 조직되었다. 이러한 조직체계는 15세기를 거치며 당상관과 참상관, 참하관의 순차로 정비되어 태종대 무렵 당상관은 ‘제조’로 통칭되었으며, 세조대 무렵 참상관은 ‘낭청’으로 일원화되었다. 이 과정에서 도감의 실무를 책임질 首郎廳으로 ‘都廳’이 신설되었으며, 성종대 이후 참하관 역시 ‘감조관’으로 새롭게 신설되어 운영되었다. 한편, 조선전기의 도감은 주로 ‘전문성’을 담보한 인원을 차출하려는 노력을 보였는데, 일부에서는 도감의 인사혜택을 이용하기 위한 ‘정치적 人選’이라든지, 일이 없는 한가한 자들 즉, 전직자나 봉작자가 도감에 임용되기도 하였다. 도감의 기능은 그 조직의 설치 배경 자체가 상설관서가 처리할 수 없는 사안을 처리하기 위한 제도였으므로 상설관서가 처리하지 못하는 다양한 사무를 처리하는 기능을 하였다. 특히 국가적 역량이 집중되어야 처리할 수 있는 중요한 사안을 도맡아 처리하였다. 이러한 사무로는 대략 ①의례 관련 사무, ②토목 관련 사무, ③기타 사무(신분, 외교, 정책, 음악, 공신, 출판 등)로 구분할 수 있다. 한편, 이러한 도감의 기능은 시기에 따라 변화되는 양상을 보이기도 하였는데, 고려후기 다양한 분야에서 설치되었던 도감이 조선이 건국되며 그 수효가 급격히 줄어든 것이 첫 번째 변화였다. 이어 15세기의 국가 건립을 위해 부득이 설치되었던 사무가 필요 없어지고, 세조대의 관제개혁으로 대부분의 사무가 상설관서로 집중되는 이른바 『경국대전』체제 이후인 16세기에 들어서면, 의례나 토목과 같이 부득이 설치할 수밖에 없는 경우에만 설치되어 수효가 줄어든 것이 두 번째 변화였다. 즉, 조선전기의 도감은 고려후기, 15세기, 16세기를 거치며 조직과 기능에 있어서 정비되는 과정에 있었던 사실을 알 수 있다. 이는 『경국대전』으로 대표되는 15세기 말의 제도 정비를 통하여 조선적인 도감제의 특성이 조직과 기능상의 측면에서 명확히 자리 잡아 가는 시기였음을 보여준다.

의궤를 통해 본 숙종~영조 연간(1674-1776) 상존호도감 보록 철제입사자물쇠의 시문기술과 금속재료

김세린 ( Kim Serine ) 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2021 한국문화연구 Vol.40 No.-

본 논문은 숙종~영조 연간 상존호도감에서 제작한 철제입사자물쇠에 대한 연구를 진행하였다. 숙종~영조 연간에는 다른 시기에 비해 상존호의례가 활발하게 시행되었다. 존호를 올릴 때는 여러 의물들이 제작되어 사용되었는데 존호를 받을 대상에게 올리기 위해 인장(印章)인 금보(金寶) 또는 옥보(玉寶)를 조성했다. 철제입사자물쇠는 이를 담는 함의 구성 의물 중 하나로 제작되었다. 의례에 들어가는 자물쇠는 다른 기물에 비해 소형이었고, 규모가 작은 제작 공역 중 하나였다. 그러나 규범에 맞춰 정교하게 제작하기 위해 자물쇠를 제작하는 전문 장인인 쇄약장, 시장 등을 투입해 형태를 제작했고, 입사장이 문양시문을 담당하게 해 철저하게 제작을 분업화했다. 한편으로는 1770년 이후 보록과 주록, 호갑에 들어가는 자물쇠만 전문적으로 제작하는 보시장이 등장해 도감 내 쇄약장과 시장의 분화가 확인된다. 아울러 왕실 의례에 사용하는 자물쇠였기에 재료도 국내산 매우 양질의 순도 높은 금속재료를 활용해 제작했음을 파악할 수 있었다. 하지만 공개된 현전하는 유물이 많지 않고, 현전하는 유물 중에는 추후 보수해 넣는 등 여러 요인으로 인해 해당 의궤기록과 일치하지 않는 자물쇠가 많았다. 이는 연구에 있어 큰 어려움 중 하나였다. 그러나 한편으로는 앞으로 조선시대 금속공예의 양상과 기술에 대한 전모를 밝히기 위해서는 왕실용 자물쇠에 대한 보다 면밀한 유물 조사와 문헌기록 수집 및 분석이 절실히 필요하다는 과제를 남겼다. In this paper, a study was conducted on the iron inlaid locks made by the temporary government office of King Sukjong-Youngjo. During the year of King Sukjong and Yeongjo, national events were more active than other periods. When giving a formal name, I had to observe various manners, and I made a gold seal or a jade seal. An inlaid lock made of iron was used as a lock for the box that kept this seal. The iron inlaid lock that locks the box was smaller than other pieces made in the same place. However, many craftsmen were put in to make this elaborately polite. The locksmith made the shape of the lock, and the inlay craftsman was in charge of the decoration. And in 1770, a craftsman who specializes only in the keys to lock boxes appeared. This means that the division of labor has been made more thorough. The material used to make the lock is a metal material with high domestic purity. However, there were not many artifacts open to the public, and many of them did not match the records due to various factors such as repairs. This was one of the research challenges. However, on the one hand, in order to clarify the whole aspect of metalworking and technology in the Joseon Dynasty, a more detailed investigation of the artifacts and the collection and analysis of literature records left the task of being urgent

감사 직무대행자의 임기에 관한 고찰

신현탁 ( Hyeon Tak Shin ) 한국상사판례학회 2013 상사판례연구 Vol.26 No.2

Article 386(2) of the Commercial Act shall apply mutatis mutandis to auditors in accordance with Article 415 of the Commercial Act, and, thus, acting auditor may be appointed by the court, if it deems necessary, upon the request of director, auditor or any other interested party. Although acting director shall automatically lose its position when the incoming director is appointed, it is not clear if the term of office of acting director shall apply mutatis mutandis to acting auditor as well. Historically, the Commercial Act before 1984 stipulated only the maximum period of 1 year for the term of office of auditor, and respective company could have freely designated the term of office of auditor. Thus, at that time, there was no problem in applying the term of office of acting director to acting auditor. However, after the revision of the Commercial Act in 1984, Article 410 of the Commercial Act is regarded as a compulsory provision, which provides that the term of office of auditor shall expire upon the closing of an ordinary general meeting of shareholders convened in respect of the last period for the settlement of accounts within 3 years after his/her inauguration. The legislative purpose of such revision was to guaranty the independency of auditor, and promote the efficiency and effectiveness of the performance of auditor. This spirit shall govern the term of office of acting auditor as well. Term of office less than 1 year is too short for the acting auditor to fully perform its duties after the acting auditor grasps all the financial status of the company, and, furthermore, acting auditor cannot be independent from the shareholders of the company because the acting auditor wants to be appointed as a regular auditor in the next shareholders` meeting. Thus, the term of office of acting auditor shall be construed to expire upon the closing of an ordinary general meeting of shareholders convened in respect of the last period for the settlement of accounts within 3 years after his/her inauguration as in the case of auditor.