국선변호인의 선정과 선정취소에 관한 소고

윤영석 전북대학교 부설법학연구소 2022 法學硏究 Vol.69 No.-

The state-appointed attorney system plays a very important role in the Korean criminal proceedings. Nevertheless, research on the selection and revocation of state-appointed attorneys has not been actively conducted. This study, therefore, analyzed the the selection and revocation of state-appointed attorneys under the state-appointed attorney system which has been often changed. The selection of state-appointed attorney is most prominent characterized by the fact that the court’s authority allows it to come into force, regardless of the intention of dependents or attorneys. The dependents may think that a person whom they never know is determined to defend them. It is, therefore, difficult to immediately resolve distrust between dependents and attorneys. The state-appointed attorneys need to develop close ties with dependents for a short time, quickly understand the case and request necessary evidences. In principle, they has the right and duty, which are equal to those of private attorneys, so they should make supreme efforts for dependents’ interests. There are, however, cases that make state-appointed attorneys be free from responsibility for their dependents: they insincerely plead for the dependents or a conflict of interests occurs. They would no longer plead for the dependents, if the former have a position different from that of the latter. Here, they may have to request the withdrawal permission from courts, by describing the reasons. This is the procedure that is also necessary for protecting the dependents’ interests. It is unfortunate that there is no definite and specific law which stipulates when they can withdraw from their cases. The criteria are expected to be gradually developed by judgment in the future cases. The author has performed only state-appointed criminal cases for 10 years and have met a lot of dependents in the process. I felt the importance of mutual trust in the state-appointed attorney system, as I met all kinds of people who had strong violence or anger; only cried to the extend that I could not even try an interview with them; have seriously violent mental disorders; and recognize attorneys as slaves or servants, not as supporters. In this light, courts should not excessively use the state-appointed attorney system in favor of their trials, but need to make effort to promote the substantial state-appointed attorney system, by considering the propensity of dependents or the intention of attorneys. In particular, state-appointed attorneys would make a strong determination, if they submit a withdrawal permission application to courts, so they may need to capture special issues or problems of their cases, for fair and prompt trial proceedings. Ultimately, in order for a state-appointed attorney to provide sufficient assistance to the accused, independence from the court must be achieved. The current system in which the court evaluates state-appointed attorney is considered necessary to change. 국선변호인제도는 우리 형사소송절차에서 매우 중요한 역할을 담당하고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 국선변호인의 선정과 선정취소에 관한 연구는 대단히 활발하게 이루어지지는 아니한 것으로 보이는데, 본고는 날로 변화하여 가는 국선변호인제도 중 국선변호인 선정과 선정취소에 대해 분석한 글이다. 국선변호인 선정의 가장 큰 특징은 피고인 및 변호인의 의사와는 무관하게 법원의 직권으로 효력이 발생한다는 점이다. 그러므로 피고인으로서는 전혀 알지 못했던 사람이 자신을 변호하겠다고 나서는 것이 된다. 이 상태에서 피고인과 변호인의 불신이 즉각 해소되기는 어렵다. 따라서 국선변호인은 짧은 시간 동안 피고인과 유대관계를 쌓고, 사건을 조속히 파악하며, 필요한 증거들을 신청할 필요가 있다. 국선변호인은 원칙적으로 사선변호인과 같은 권한과 책임을 지고 있으므로 피고인의 이익을 위해 할 수 있는 최선의 일을 다하여야 한다. 다만 국선변호인이 해당 피고인의 담당에서 벗어나게 되는 요소도 있다. 변론을 불성실하게 하거나, 이해충돌의 문제가 생기는 경우 등이다. 변호인과 피고인이 재판의 중요 요소에 대해 입장이 다르다면 더이상 변호인이 피고인을 변호할 수는 없다. 이때 변호인은 사유를 서술하여 법원에 사임허가신청을 해야 할 것이다. 이것은 피고인의 권익보호를 위해서도 필요한 절차이다. 아쉬운 것은 어떤 경우에 국선변호인이 사건에서 사임할 수 있는지 명확하고 구체적인 법령이 없다는 점이다. 추후 법원의 판단에 의하여 점차적으로 기준이 마련될 것이라 기대해 본다. 저자는 10여 년간 형사 국선사건만을 수행해 왔으며 그중에 많은 피고인을 만났다. 폭력성이나 분노가 매우 많은 사람, 면담을 하지 못하고 울기만 하는 사람, 폭력적인 정신장애가 심각한 사람, 변호인을 조력자가 아니라 노예나 하수인으로 인식하는 사람 등 수많은 사람을 만나며 국선변호에서 상호신뢰의 중요성을 느꼈다. 역설적인 말이지만, 도저히 함께할 수 없는 사람과 억지로 함께 간다면 서로 간의 유대는 오히려 더 약해질 수도 있는 것 같다. 이런 견지에서 법원은 단지 재판 편의를 위해 국선변호인 선정을 남발할 것이 아니고 실제로 피고인의 성향이나 변호인의 의사 등을 고려하여 실질적인 국선변호가 이루어질 수 있도록 노력하여야 할 것이다. 특히 국선변호인이 사임허가신청서를 제출할 때는 상당한 마음의 각오가 있어야 하므로, 그 사건에는 특별한 쟁점이나 문제가 있음을 포착하여 두는 것이 공정하고 신속한 재판 진행을 위해 필요하다고 보인다. 궁극적으로, 국선변호인이 피고인에게 충분한 조력을 제공하려면 법원으로부터의 독립이 이루어져야 한다. 법원이 국선변호인을 평가하는 현행 제도에는 변화가 필요하다고 생각된다.

엘리트의 지대추구 유형과 정권의 경로: 러시아, 북한, 그리고 중국의 사례

한병진 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2006 국제지역연구 Vol.15 No.4

This study classifies elites in Russia, North Korea, and China in terms of the types of rent-seeking: state-capturing, state-vested, state-dependent. Russian elites captured the state through strategic local transactions to loot out state properties into their private riches. They preferred an unconsolidated democracy to a strong authoritarianism. However, their relentless capture of state properties led to a rapid increase of economic inequality and a weak civil society to erode the foundations of the fledgling democracy and eventually facilitated an authoritarian turn in Russia. Elites in North Korea, because of its extreme poverty and highly developed state apparatus, clung to the state in order to maintain their various privileges. As a result of their state-vested rent-seeking strategy, the specificity of their power resources increased and sustained the stability of the poverty-ridden party-state. The Chinese elites relied on discretionary and arbitrary employments of regulatory rules and de-facto property rights of state-owned properties to extract wealth from the rapidly growing market. Therefore, they preferred an authoritarian regime to a pluralistic political order. However, they worked to limit its central authority in order to preserve their lucrative rent-seeking sources at the same time. 초기 엘리트는 국부의 수탈을 위해 권위주의 권력의 성립을 방해한다. 하지만 이러한 지대추구 전략은 부의 불평등성을 높이고 안정적인 국가건설을 방해하고 강력한 부르조아지의 형성을 억제하여 민주주의의 공고화가 아닌 퇴행으로 귀결된다.2. 국가로의 귀속과 독재의 공고화: 빈곤의 역설

Making and Unmaking of a Developmental State

Myoungsoo Kim 서울대학교 아시아연구소 2018 아시아리뷰 Vol.7 No.2

How can we understand the emergence of the ‘able’ developmental state in Korea and its transformation to the ‘less capable’ types of the state, such as predatory and Sisyphean? To what extent and in what specific way does the culture matter in this dynamic process of the state building and change? From the historical institutional perspective, we clarified the critical juncture of the emergence of the developmental state as an institutional innovation and its transformation to the predatory and Sisyphean as symptoms of post-developmental state. We also identified the ways in which cultural hybridity work in setting the economic growth path as well as in sustaining the path-dependency that now undercut the strength of the state. Finally, we speculated the 3 logical possibilities that the current Korean state would likely to have.

1980년대 한국 발전국가의 쇠퇴와 발전모델의 변화 : 발전국가의 성장의 역설과 국가-기업 간 관계의 경로의존

장상철(Jang, Sangchul) 동양사회사상학회 2020 사회사상과 문화 Vol.23 No.3

이 글은 1980년대 한국 발전모델의 변화에 대한 한 가지 설명방식을 제시한다. 1960년대 초 박정희 정권과 함께 등장한 한국의 발전국가는 1970년대 중화학공업화 시기에 그 정점에 도달한다. 그리고, 이 시기에 나타난 발전국가의 성장의 역설로 인해 1980년 이후 국가에 의한 정책변화의 시도가 나타나게 된다. 1980년대 발전국가의 해체와 발전모델의 변화를 가져온 중요한 정책변화의 내용들로는 중화학투자 재조정, 정책금융의 폐지와금리 자율화, 은행 민영화, 그리고 대규모기업집단에 대한 여신관리제도의 변화 등을 들 수 있다. 그리고, 이 시기의 정책시행 과정을 검토하면서, 발전국가 시기와는 달라진 국가-기업 관계의 특징들을 확인할 수 있다. 개발년대 동안 국가가 대기업을 육성하고 지원하는 과정에서 발생한문제들을 바로잡으려는 국가의 의도가, 그 과정에서 거대 세력으로 성장한 기업들의 저항에 의해 굴절되고 좌절되는 모습들을 볼 수 있는 것이다. 1980년대의 자유화 정책은 국민경제에서 차지하는 막대한 규모에도불구하고 재무구조의 부실함이라는 약점을 가지고 있는 한국의 재벌집단을 규제하는 내용을 담을 수밖에 없었지만, 정책 시행의 결과는 규제보다는 또다른 특혜의 제공이 된 셈이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 한국형 발전국가의 핵심을 이루는 것이 국가가 기업을 규율하는 도구로서의 금융자원에 대한 통제권한이었다고 본다면, 이 시기의 정책변화로 인해 한국의 발전국가는 해체되었거나 급격하게 약화되었다고 평가할 수 있다. 그러나, 1980년대의 이러한 시도는 의도한 바와 같이 완전한 ‘자유화’ 또는 ‘민간주도’ 경제로의 이행을 이루어내지는 못한 것으로 보인다. 많은 이들이1980년대에 시작된 한국 발전모델의 변화는 1997년 외환위기에 이르러 완결된 것으로 보고 있지만, 외환위기 이후에도 발전국가 시기의 관행을 떠올리게 하는 성격의 정책 사례들을 볼 수 있다. 이러한 사례들은 1980년대의 한국 발전국가의 해체와 발전모델의 전환이 제한적으로만 이루어졌음을 드러내는 것이다. 발전국가는 사라졌지만, 발전국가 시기의 국가-기업 간 관계의 관행은 완전히 사라지지 않은 채 변화를 제약하고 있는 것이다. This essay presents a way of explanation about the change in the Korean economic development model brought about by the policy change in the 1980s. The Korean developmental state which arose with Park Chung-Hee regime in the early 1960s has reached its pinnacle in the heavy and chemical industrial period in the 1970s. The developmental state’s paradox of growth has led the policy change attempted by the government since the 1980s. The important policy changes which brought about the dissolution of the developmental state and the change in the development model included the rearrangement in heavy and chemical industrial investment, the revocation of policy finance and the liberalization of interest rates, the bank privatization, and the change in the credit management system for the group of large-scale companies. And reviewing the process of the policy implementation can identify the aspects of the state-company relationship varying from the developmental state era. The state’s intentions to rectify the problems generated in the process of fostering and supporting the large companies during the developmental years, prominently have been refracted and setback by the resistance of the large companies which have grown up to the giant forces during that period. The 1980’s liberalization policy inevitably included the regulatory measures against the Korean Chaebols which made up gigantic portions of national economy but had financially-challenged structures. The consequence of the enforcement of policy was not so much regulating Chaebols as favoring them. Yet, if the crux of the Korean developmental state supposedly lay in the state’s authority to control the financial resources as the regulating tool against the companies, it is possible to evaluate that the Korean developmental state was dissolved or rapidly weakened. However, it is seen that such attempts failed to achieve the transition to total ‘deregulation’ or ‘privately-led’ economy. Although many scholars have seen that the Korean development model began to change since 1980s and was brought to an end around the 1997 financial crisis, even after the financial crisis we can witness the characteristic policy cases recalling the policy practices during the developmental state era. Such cases lay bare the fact that the dissolution of the Korean developmental state and the change of the development model came up on a limited basis. The developmental state faded away, but the policy practices between state and companies remain only to put restrictions on the change.

金允植의 外交論에 대한 國際法的 검토

유바다 (사)한국인물사연구회 2015 한국인물사연구 Vol.24 No.-

Kim Yun-Sik(1835~1922) is treated as a member of the Progressive group in the study of the modern Korean history. He was most acquainted with diplomatic affairs among other Progressive group members. In 1882, he had led the establishment of the Joseon-America Treaty. Later, he took office as Minister of the Department of Foreign Affairs from December 1884 to June 1887 and from June 1894 to February 1896. Lastly, until he passed away in 1922, he was incessantly interested in the Protection, Annexation, and Independence of his nation. His theory of diplomacy is represented by his “Theory of serving two ends(兩得論)”. The gist of the theory is that “If Joseon(朝鮮) remains as a subject state(屬邦) of the Qing(淸) but is sovereign(自主) with respect to other nations, it can serve two ends since it does not lose sovereign right and does not betray her feudal duty for Qing”. This almost literally agrees with Qing’s Li Hong-zhang’s “Theory of subject state with sovereignty(屬邦自主論)”. However, appearing to say the ‘sovereignty’ of Joseon, Li in fact pursued Joseon’s status as a dependent/semi-sovereign state(屬國・半主之國) in accordance with Elements of International Law(萬國公法). Kim believed that a traditional subject state(屬邦) could retain its sovereignty but a modern dependent state(屬國) couldn’t. However, with the status as a dependent/semi-sovereign state, which Li Hongzhang pursued, Joseon can retain her rights, though limitedly, such as rights of negotiation and treaties and of legation according to Elements of International Law. Thus, a ‘modern dependent state without sovereignty’ did not exist based on the international law. In the same logic, ‘a traditional subject state with guaranteed sovereignty’ was difficult to expect at that time considering the fact that Qing tried to take Joseon as her dependent/semi-sovereign state based on the international law. Accordingly, we can see that it was meaningless to distinguish between a modern dependent state and a traditional subject state.

金允植의 外交論에 대한 國際法的 검토

유바다(Yoo, Ba-DA) 한국인물사연구회 2015 한국인물사연구 Vol.24 No.-

Kim Yun-Sik(1835~1922) is treated as a member of the Progressive group in the study of the modern Korean history. He was most acquainted with diplomatic affairs among other Progressive group members. In 1882, he had led the establishment of the Joseon-America Treaty. Later, he took office as Minister of the Department of Foreign Affairs from December 1884 to June 1887 and from June 1894 to February 1896. Lastly, until he passed away in 1922, he was incessantly interested in the Protection, Annexation, and Independence of his nation. His theory of diplomacy is represented by his “Theory of serving two ends (兩得論)”. The gist of the theory is that “If Joseon(朝鮮) remains as a subject state(屬邦) of the Qing(淸) but is sovereign(自主) with respect to other nations, it can serve two ends since it does not lose sovereign right and does not betray her feudal duty for Qing”. This almost literally agrees with Qing’s Li Hong-zhang’s “Theory of subject state with sovereignty(屬邦自主論)”. However, appearing to say the ‘sovereignty’ of Joseon, Li in fact pursued Joseon’s status as a dependent/semi-sovereign state (屬國 · 半主之國) in accordance with Elements of International Law(萬國公法). Kim believed that a traditional subject state(屬邦) could retain its sovereignty but a modern dependent state(屬國) couldn’t. However, with the status as a dependent/semi-sovereign state, which Li Hongzhang pursued, Joseon can retain her rights, though limitedly, such as rights of negotiation and treaties and of legation according to Elements of International Law. Thus, a ‘modern dependent state without sovereignty’ did not exist based on the international law. In the same logic, ‘a traditional subject state with guaranteed sovereignty’ was difficult to expect at that time considering the fact that Qing tried to take Joseon as her dependent/semi-sovereign state based on the international law. Accordingly, we can see that it was meaningless to distinguish between a modern dependent state and a traditional subject state.

19세기 주권국가 질서 하 半主·屬國 조선의 지위

유바다(YOO Bada) 대한국제법학회 2017 國際法學會論叢 Vol.62 No.2

중화 질서는 중국을 중심으로 한 수직적 질서인데 반해 국제법 질서는 국가 간 평등한 주권을 기반으로 한 수평적 질서였다는 점에서 분명히 차이가 있었다. 그런데 여기서 한 가지 간과하지 말아야 할 것은 국제법 질서라고 해서 모든 국가가 평등한 것은 아니었다는 것이다. 국제법 질서가 중화 세계를 석권한 19세기까지만 하더라도 서구 세계에서 흔히 帝國이라 불리는 宗主國(Suzerain)과 封建的인 관계를 유지하고 있는 국가들이 있었다. 19세기 후반 동아시아 세계에서 통용되었던 『萬國公法』(Elements of International Law)에 따르면 이들은 進貢國(Tributary State) 내지 封臣國(Vassal State)으로 불렸으며 대개 半主之國(Semi-Sovereign State) 내지 屬國(Dependent State)으로서의 지위를 가지고 있었으며 보통의 自主之國(Sovereign State) 및 獨立國(Independent State)과는 구별되었다. 그러면서도 국제법 질서는 이들 自主․獨立國(Sovereign and Independent State)과 半主․屬國(Semi-Sovereign or Dependent State)이 공존하는 매우 불안정한 질서였다. 즉, 국제법 질서는 수평적인 국가 간의 질서를 기본으로 하였지만 종주국-속국과 같은 수직적인 질서도 포괄하고 있었다. 바로 이 점에서 淸은 『萬國公法』 번역을 통하여 기존의 중화 질서를 국제법적으로 재해석하고 조선을 半主․屬國(Semi-Sovereign or Dependent State)으로 규정하였다. The international legal order was horizontal and based on equal sovereignty, while the Chinese world order was vertical and centre on China. However, it is important to notice that the international legal order did not mean that all countries were equal. By the 19th century where the international legal order swept over the Chinese world, there were some countries which maintained their feudal relation with suzerains called empires in the West. According to Elements of International Law(『萬國公法』) which was widely used in the East Asia in the late 19th century, they were called either tributary states(進貢國) or vassal states(藩屬, 封臣國) and had the status of semi-sovereign or dependent states(半主․屬國). They were also differentiated from sovereign and independent states(自主․獨立國). On the other hand, the international legal order was very unstable order that sovereign and independent states coexist with semi-sovereign or dependent states in same system. Even though the international legal order was based on the order between countries, it included the vertical order like the suzerain-dependant state. This made Qing translate Wan-guo-gong-fa(『萬國公法』) and reinterpret the Chinese world order into the international legal order. And Qing exactly defined Joseon as a semi-sovereign or dependent state based on Wan-guo-gong-fa.

복지국가와 시민사회:

한동우(Dongwoo Han Ph. D.) 연세대학교 사회복지연구소 2012 한국사회복지조사연구 Vol.30 No.-

최근 한국사회에서 복지국가 담론이 활발하게 전개되고 있다. 복지문제는 이명박정부 이후 한국사회에서 가장 중요한 국가적 이슈가 될 것임에 틀림없다. 복지국가는 주로 자본주의체제하에서 발생하는 사회문제를 제도적 조치를 통해 해결하고자 하는 실험이다. 서구 복지국가들은 자국의 문화적 토대와 경제적 상황, 그리고 정치적 역동을 기반으로 상이한 복지국가 체제를 발전시켜왔으며, 이는 1980년대 이후 부분적으로는 급격한 변화를 경험하고 있다. 한국사회도 이러한 복지국가의 경로를 따라 1987년도 이후 다소 빠른 속도로 복지국가로의 이행을 추구하고 있는 것이다. 사회문제에 대한 제도적 해결은 인간과 사회의 관계를 관료조직을 통해 매개한다. 이는 근대국가의 형성, 그리고 자본주의의 발달과 함께 극대화되어 온 현상이다. 제도화는 그 자체의 고유한 특성으로 인해 사적 영역을 축소하거나, 해체시키는 경향이 있다. 그래서 제도를 통한 사적영역에 대한 지나친 합리화는 종종 그러한 관료제적 매개를 가능하게 했던 전제조건 자체를 해체함으로써, 제도에 대한 개인과 가족의 의존을 강화하고, 궁극적으로 제도의 실패로 귀결될 가능성을 낳는다. 이 글에서는 한국사회에서 전개되고 있는 복지국가 담론의 이면에서 간과되고 있는 시민사회 영역의 조건과 기반에 대한 논의가 필요함을 지적하고자 하였다. 즉, 최근 한국사회에서 심각한 문제로 부상하고 있는 차별과 배제, 그리고 양극화의 문제를 제도적 조치를 통해서만 해결하고자 할 때, 오히려 제도에 대한 의존을 확대함으로써 결국 제도실패로 귀결될 가능성에 대해 지적하고, 이러한 문제를 극복하기 위한 대안을 모색하고자 하는 것이다. 오히려, 사회문제를 해결하고자 도입한 제도들이 초기의 의도와 취지대로 운영되기 위해서는 개인과 가족이 제도에 의존하는 것이 아니라, 상호의존하는 것이 필요하다는 것이다. Recently welfare state discourses are widely spoken and deployed in South Korean society. Welfare agenda will be the most critical country-level issue in post-Lee Myungbak government in South Korea. Welfare state experiment has aimed to solve the social problems of the capitalist society through the institutional measures. Western welfare states have developed the different regimes based on their cultural foundation, economic situations, and political dynamics respectively. The countries have experienced rapid changes and reforms since 1980 s. South Korea is not an exception in somewhat rapid pursuit of welfare state since 1987 along the path on which westerns states had stepped. Institutional measures, on which welfare states established, against the social problems mediate the relationship between people and society by bureaucratic systems and organizations. This is a salient phenomenon in the history of formation of modern states and development of capitalism mainly in the western part of the globe. State-initiated institutions sometimes tend to shrink and dissociate the private sector by their own characteristics. Over- rationalization onto the private sector through the institutions may result the reinforcement of the dependence on the institutions of individuals and families, and eventually ends the failure of institutions by dissociating the very conditions with which the bureaucratic mediations were possible. This paper tries to highlights the necessity of the discussions and debates on the conditions and foundations of the civil society which have been rather excluded or overlooked, not even purposedly, in the discourses on the welfare state in South Korea these days.

Temperature dependence of the radiative recombination time in laterally coupled GaAs quantum dots

Kim, Heedae,Murayama, Akihiro,Kim, Jongsu,Song, Jindong Elsevier 2018 APPLIED SURFACE SCIENCE - Vol.457 No.-

<P><B>Abstract</B></P> <P>We performed temperature dependent photoluminescence measurements of exciton states in GaAs laterally coupled quantum dots. The temperature dependence of the radiative decay time was used to investigate the density of states to study the intra-relaxation of thermally excited exciton states. We analyzed the density of states in laterally coupled quantum dots by observing the radiative decay time of exciton states as a function of temperature, where the decay time of exciton photoluminescence was calibrated with respect to photoluminescence intensity to extract the radiative decay time. In the case of laterally coupled quantum dots, a one-dimensional structure can be formed by elongation along the direction of coupling between two quantum dots. However, this assumption is not valid when the size in the uncoupled direction is comparable to that in the coupled direction. From experimental measurements, the power order of the temperature dependence was found to be 0.8, which corresponds to a quasi-one-dimensional system (∼T<SUP>α=0.8</SUP>), which is in between a two-dimensional (α = 1) and a one-dimensional (α = 0.5) density of states. This is due to several factors including a large size along the uncoupled direction, an extended wave function owing to optical coupling, and the presence of dark states.</P> <P><B>Highlights</B></P> <P> <UL> <LI> The dimensionality of laterally coupled quantum dots is reported based on the measurement of temperature dependent radiative decay time. </LI> <LI> A quasi-one-dimensional density of states is observed with respect to the power order of the temperature dependence. </LI> <LI> Time-integrated photoluminescence spectral intensities are measured at various temperatures in laterally coupled quantum dots. </LI> </UL> </P>

Making and Unmaking of a Developmental State: Institutional innovation and change of the Korean state

김명수 서울대학교 아시아연구소 2018 아시아리뷰 Vol.7 No.2

How can we understand the emergence of the ‘able’ developmental state in Korea and its transformation to the ‘less capable’ types of the state, such as predatory and Sisyphean? To what extent and in what specific way does the culture matter in this dynamic process of the state building and change? From the historical institutional perspective, we clarified the critical juncture of the emergence of the developmental state as an institutional innovation and its transformation to the predatory and Sisyphean as symptoms of post-developmental state. We also identified the ways in which cultural hybridity work in setting the economic growth path as well as in sustaining the path-dependency that now undercut the strength of the state. Finally, we speculated the 3 logical possibilities that the current Korean state would likely to have.