한국전쟁기 북한에서 미술인의 전쟁 수행 역할에 대한 연구

조은정 미술사학연구회 2008 美術史學報 Vol.- No.30

This essay examines North Korean art as part of the preparation for the Korean War, which North Korea had been geared for since Kim Il-Sung took power, by focusing on the artists who were active in North Korea during the Korean War. As a way of mobilizing the public, art served as a powerful means of propaganda in socialism. In North Korea, art education for art's sake was prohibited; instead, art education as part of the preparation for war was encouraged and the activities of artists during the war were an outcome of such education. With this as a premise, this essay explores art education in North Korea right before the Korean War and the role of North Korean artists during the Korean War. During the war, the government exercised its power, emphasizing its authority to take retaliatory actions against its people, and the nation submitted themselves to the government in a state of national emergency. During the Korean War, many North Korean artists came to South Korea and equally many South Korean artists went to North Korea. However, even right after the liberation of Korea from Japan and before the war when the 38thparallel was already established, some artists chose to work in North Korea by crossing the 38th parallel. Therefore, the artists who went to North Korea can be divided largely into three groups: those who went to the northern peninsula before the war, those who went after the restoration of Seoul, and those who went after the war. There were also artists who grew up and lived in North Korea. They were affiliated with many socialist organizations and leagues and devoted to socialist art. There was also a group of artists who did not have professional education in art but allied themselves and worked as artists after North Korea established itself as a nation. Finally, there was another group of artists which was newly identified during this study. They were artists who studied art in the Soviet Union and were included in the talent education program after the war. Even during the period of the Korean War, artists in North Korea produced many works with Kim Il-Sung as the major theme, including Kim's portrait. Also, they were actively engaged in propaganda more than ever before, as art was a critical means of propaganda during the war.In fact, the flyers and posters produced by North Korean artists far outnumbered those by Korean armies and the U.N. forces. Newspapers and publications by North Korea were widely distributed across the peninsula, which included 7,000 posters of "Kim's Portrait" and 4,000 posters of "the Portrait of Stalin." One group of artists produced and distributed 15,000 fliers of "Actions for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," 80,000 flyers of the "Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," and 8,000 posters of the "Statement for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces." The propaganda paintings for victory in the war were considered a privilege only the artists loyal to the communist party or with a strong sense of patriotism could produce and artwork produced during that period was also limited to propaganda. The posters and flyers seen in the pictures in South Korea tend to inspire military actions through the portrayal of military soldiers or by highlighting cruelty by the U.S. forces through the depiction of South Korean people inpain. Propaganda paintings during wars require persuasive power and incitement more than any other art genre, especially when the illiteracy rate was high and the public did not have access to printed matter like newspapers and magazines. Propaganda paintings should be readily understandable and convincing to the public. Accordingly, North Korean art at that time focused heavily on simplicity so that the public could easily understand the message it attempted to convey. As a result, it is speculated that the artists who produced propaganda paintings during the Korean War had been obsessed with the conception that art based on socialist realism should be readily understandabl... This essay examines North Korean art as part of the preparation for the Korean War, which North Korea had been geared for since Kim Il-Sung took power, by focusing on the artists who were active in North Korea during the Korean War. As a way of mobilizing the public, art served as a powerful means of propaganda in socialism. In North Korea, art education for art's sake was prohibited; instead, art education as part of the preparation for war was encouraged and the activities of artists during the war were an outcome of such education. With this as a premise, this essay explores art education in North Korea right before the Korean War and the role of North Korean artists during the Korean War. During the war, the government exercised its power, emphasizing its authority to take retaliatory actions against its people, and the nation submitted themselves to the government in a state of national emergency. During the Korean War, many North Korean artists came to South Korea and equally many South Korean artists went to North Korea. However, even right after the liberation of Korea from Japan and before the war when the 38thparallel was already established, some artists chose to work in North Korea by crossing the 38th parallel. Therefore, the artists who went to North Korea can be divided largely into three groups: those who went to the northern peninsula before the war, those who went after the restoration of Seoul, and those who went after the war. There were also artists who grew up and lived in North Korea. They were affiliated with many socialist organizations and leagues and devoted to socialist art. There was also a group of artists who did not have professional education in art but allied themselves and worked as artists after North Korea established itself as a nation. Finally, there was another group of artists which was newly identified during this study. They were artists who studied art in the Soviet Union and were included in the talent education program after the war. Even during the period of the Korean War, artists in North Korea produced many works with Kim Il-Sung as the major theme, including Kim's portrait. Also, they were actively engaged in propaganda more than ever before, as art was a critical means of propaganda during the war.In fact, the flyers and posters produced by North Korean artists far outnumbered those by Korean armies and the U.N. forces. Newspapers and publications by North Korea were widely distributed across the peninsula, which included 7,000 posters of "Kim's Portrait" and 4,000 posters of "the Portrait of Stalin." One group of artists produced and distributed 15,000 fliers of "Actions for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," 80,000 flyers of the "Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," and 8,000 posters of the "Statement for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces." The propaganda paintings for victory in the war were considered a privilege only the artists loyal to the communist party or with a strong sense of patriotism could produce and artwork produced during that period was also limited to propaganda. The posters and flyers seen in the pictures in South Korea tend to inspire military actions through the portrayal of military soldiers or by highlighting cruelty by the U.S. forces through the depiction of South Korean people inpain. Propaganda paintings during wars require persuasive power and incitement more than any other art genre, especially when the illiteracy rate was high and the public did not have access to printed matter like newspapers and magazines. Propaganda paintings should be readily understandable and convincing to the public. Accordingly, North Korean art at that time focused heavily on simplicity so that the public could easily understand the message it attempted to convey. As a result, it is speculated that the artists who produced propaganda paintings during the Korean War had been obsessed with the conception that art based on socialist realism should be readily understandable...

냉전 금제와 프로파간다 ― 반란(叛亂), 전향(轉向), 부역(附逆) 의제의 제도화와 내부냉전

李奉範 ( Lee Bong-beom ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2019 大東文化硏究 Vol.107 No.-

이 글은 반란, 전향, 부역 등 주요 냉전의제의 기원 및 제도화 과정과 그것이 장기 지속될 수 있었던 원천을 프로파간다에서 찾고 있다. 미소 분할점령 하 한반도는 세계 냉전체제가 본격적으로 출현하기 이전부터 냉전의 소용돌이에 갇힌다. 특히 모스크바 삼상회의협정을 계기로 국내 모든 세력이 반탁/지지로 분립되어 형성된 왜곡된 프레임의 극단적 전개는 때 이른 냉전질서가 부식되는 구조적 조건으로 작용했다. 1947년 9월 한국문제가 유엔으로 이관되면서 한반도의 대내외적 냉전화가 촉진되는데, 그것은 냉전이 한반도에서 명시화되었다는 것을 의미한다. 단선단정 국면을 거치며 민족국가 수립 관련 의제들의 압축적 분출과 이데올로기적 대결을 거쳐 분단의 제도화로 귀결된 뒤 국가보안법 제정을 계기로 반란, 전향, 부역 의제가 한층 강화된 냉전적 진영대립과 결합하여 다양한 이데올로기적 의미 변용과 계기적 연쇄를 통해 한국사회에 전일적 냉전구조가 고착되기에 이른다. 여순사건은 극우반공체제가 촉진·구축되는 계기가 되었으며 공식적으로 토벌이 완료되는 시점까지 지리산공비토벌, 제2, 제3의 여순사건 등의 명명을 통해 재생되어 내부평정작업을 뒷받침하는 이념적 도구로 이용되면서 반란의 대명사로 고착, 각인되었다. 그 과정에서 문학, 영화, 사진의 특정 이미지 재현과 관민합동의 프로파간다를 통해 반란으로서의 여순사건에 대한 왜곡된 인식과 학살의 정당화, 공산주의에 대한 막연한 공포, 적대, 증오가 조장되었다. 국민보도연맹 창설로 본격화된 전향은 국가보안법의 뒷받침 속에 대량탈당을 통해 사회주의자는 물론이고 중도파, 자유주의자, 민족주의자까지 망라된 방대한 전향으로 현시된다. 국민보도연맹은 전향자의 포섭, 교화 단체였을 뿐만 아니라 좌익섬멸단체로서 남·북로당 분쇄를 비롯해 반정부세력 일체를 파괴하는 공작을 시행하였고, 전향-감시-동원의 권력테크닉을 구사했다. 인간의 사상을 개조한다는 어쩌면 불가능에 가까운 논리로 전향제도가 시행되었기에 이 시스템은 더욱 폭력적으로 운용될 수밖에 없었다. 문화영역의 전향은 색출, 포섭, 전향, 동원, 감시의 전향메커니즘이 잘 구현된 경우로 문화적 내부냉전구조와 상시적인 동원·감시체계를 정착시키고 반제반봉건 문화의제가 완전히 좌절되는 가운데 친일문화인의 제도적 복권이 이루어지게 된다. 반민특위 해체와 한국전쟁, 법적으로는 반민법과 부역법의 교차로 인해 이데올로기적 가치가 민족 가치를 압도한 가운데 附共 부역이 반역의 단일한 표상으로 대두한다. 친일파가 빨갱이를 단죄하는 아이러니컬한 형국이 조성된 것이다. 잔류했거나 부역혐의가 의심되거나 부역자로 입증된 문화인들은 합동수사본부와 자체 부역심사위원회의 심사를 통과했더라도 자신의 부역 체험을 고백, 참회하는 절차를 거쳐야 했고, 그로 인해 각종 체험수기가 속출했다. 당시의 모든 체험기는 체제 우월성을 선전하고 대공전선 강화를 위한 선전전 자료로 활용되면서 공포와 적의를 고취시켜 강력한 이데올로기적 담론 효과를 발휘했다. 일부는 자유세계로 전파, 확산되어 냉전 심리전의 자료로 활용되었다. 문화계는 부일 부역과 부공 부역을 결합시킨 민족반역프레임이 가동되었다. 한국전쟁을 계기로 좌익, 전향, 부역, 월북(남) 등의 냉전금제들이 종합적으로 재구성된 민족반역프레임이 주조, 구축되면서 국가폭력을 능가하는 규율장치로 군림하는 가운데 냉전분단체제의 문화권력을 (재)생산하는 장기지속적 장치로 기능했다. 이 같은 냉전금제들은 프로파간다를 통해 침투, 부식되었다. 대내외적 냉전구조의 정착과 대응해 한반도는 선전전(Propaganda War)의 전장으로 비화되었고, 미국의 전략심리전과 한국정부의 대북 선전전 및 대내 선무심리전이 결합적으로 전개되었다. 냉전반공을 공동의 자원으로 마음의 점령을 목표로 한 관민협동의 선전전을 통해 생성한 이미지가 반복 재생되어 고정화되고 그것이 법, 제도, 담론, 일상, 신체, 정신의 영역 전반에 이데올로기로 기능하는 회로가 구축됨으로써 疑似합의적 냉전mentality가 용이하게 부식될 수 있었다. This study finds out the origin of major Cold War taboo like rebellion, conversion, treachery and its process of institutionization and the sources it could have lasted for a long time in propaganda. In September 1947, Korean issues transfer to the United Nations and it causes to promote internal and external Cold War on the Korean Peninsula. This means the Cold War has been clarified on the Korean Peninsula. Through an the phase of single-handed election and separate government, ideological confrontation and compressed eruption of agendas related to the establishment of national state are concluded by institutionalization of division. After that, the Cold War confrontation caused by enactment of National Security Law is combined with agendas like rebellion, conversion, treachery, thus, a full time Cold War structure has set in Korean society through the opportune connection and transformation of various ideological meaning. Yo-Soon Revolt became an opportunity to promote and construct the anti-communism and extreme right system. In that process, a fear, hostility, hatred about communism and justification of genocide and distorted recognition about Yo-Soon Revolt has been fuelled by private-public joint propaganda and the reappearance of special image in literature, film, photographs. National guidance federation, an organization for bring round convert and also annihilate left party was implement the operation that destroy the opponents of the regime and commands the power technique of conversion-surveillance-mobilize. Conversion in cultural area is instance of best implemented conversion technique of hunt down, bring round, conversion, mobilize, surveillance. Institutional reinstatement of pro-Japanese cultural artist is realized while constant surveillance-mobilize system and cultural interior Cold War structure become established and ultimately discouraged anti-imperialist and anti-feudal cultural agenda. While ideological value overwhelmed the nation value because of the Korean War, communism treachery has emerged as single representation. Treachery cultural artists had to go through the procedure of confession and repentance, it caused appearance of various memoirs of experiences. At that time, all experience records used for propaganda material to reinforce the anticommunist front by inspiring fear and hostility, which strongly demonstrates ideological discourse effect. The Korean War caused forming frame of the nation rebellion entangled with Cold War taboo like the left, conversion, treachery, defection to North Korea. It functioning as long-lasting apparatus reproducing the cultural power of the Cold War division system and reigning as discipline apparatus which surpass the state violence. Cold War taboos as above are infiltrated and rotten by propaganda. The image made by the propaganda war cooperation between the state and people which aimed at the occupation of the mind and made a Cold War against communism to common resources has been displayed repeatedly and fixed. Through this codification, the course formed and it functioning as ideology in law, system, discourse, daily life, the body, spirit so that pseudo-Consensual Cold War mentality could corroded easily.

한국전쟁기 삐라의 만화적 특성 분석 -미군과 한국군의 삐라를 중심으로-

이재웅,윤기헌 한국만화애니메이션학회 2019 만화애니메이션연구 Vol.- No.55

This study was to focus on the cartoon-like expression method preferred more than text or picture by using the expression method to maximize the propaganda effect in the propaganda bill which was used as typical media of psychological warfare executed during the Korean War(the 6.25 War in Korea). And, this study was to analyze the expression method of propaganda bill that the U.S. Forces and South Korean Forces spread in those days. In addition, among them, this study was to investigate it centered on the share of cartoon-like expression method and characteristic of its cartoon-like expression method. To achieve this, this study was to execute the research by classifying the type expressed in the propaganda bill with the text type, picture type, cartoon type, situational expression type and panel comics type, and to analyze how to accumulate the expression competency as each form of expression was changed in its wartime situation. And, this study was to search for representative cartoonists who had participated in the production of propaganda like production of propaganda bill during the Korean War, and to newly discover the meaning that their activities could be taken in terms of history of Korean comics. The proportion of cartoon-like expression method was relatively high as main expression method of propaganda bill in the Korean War. Accordingly, the main bodies of war in each country actively inputted the cartoonists as key agents who could have performed the psychological warfare of the Korean War to the production process of propaganda bill. The cartoonists during the Korean War could be provided environment to sustain the creative activities in a safe situation on the home fronts during the Korean War. On the other hand, they experienced the pain to continue their creative activities as mechanics as scapegoats of severe ideological confrontation. The propaganda bill during the Korean War was in the spotlight of typical media of psychological warfare, and the significance of the study can be found in the history of comics that it demonstrated how the comics were utilized or used to the ideology and war and how the comics characteristic was implemented. In addition, it is considered as first step to clarify the comics characteristic of comic propaganda bill. 한국전쟁(6.25전쟁)기 심리전 수행의 대표적 매체는 삐라였다. 각 전쟁주체들은 삐라의 선전효과를 극대화하기 위해 텍스트나 사진, 그림 등 다양한 표현기법을 총동원하였는데 그 중에서 가장 선호한 표현방법은 만화였다. 이에 본 연구에서는 당시 미군과 한국군이 살포한 삐라를 중심으로 만화적 표현방법의 비중과 특성을 분석했다. 이를 위해 연구대상 삐라를 표현형식별로 텍스트형, 사진형, 만화형, 기타 혼합형으로 구분하고 각각의 표현형식이 차지하는 상대적 비중을 분석하였으며, 만화형은 다시 그 표현기법에 따라 카툰기법, 상황표현기법, 이야기만화기법으로 구분하여 적군을 효과적으로 설득하기 위해 어떤 만화적 표현기법을 선호하였는지를 분석했다. 대부분 익명으로 제작된 삐라의 특성상 당시의 만화가들이 어떤 경로를 통해 삐라작업에 참여했는지를 파악하기 위해 미군의 삐라제작과정과 삐라제작에 참여한 한국만화가들의 행적도 고찰했다. 한국전쟁기에 살포된 삐라의 특성을 보다 집중적으로 분석하기 위해서 각 전쟁주체들이 발간한 만화신문, 포스터 등 일반적인 선전물은 연구의 범위에서 제외하였고, 자유주의 진영이 살포한 삐라의 만화적 특성을 파악하기 위해 미군과 한국군의 삐라를 연구대상으로 한정했다. 공산주의 진영인 북한군과 중공군이 살포한 삐라의 특성은 다음 연구과제로 남겨 두었다. 연구결과 한국전쟁기 삐라 제작에서 만화적 표현방법이 차지하는 비중은 텍스트나 사진 등의 매체에 비해 상대적으로 매우 높았다. 한국전쟁이 국제전 성격의 치열한 이데올르기의 각축장이었기 때문에 문맹자나 언어의 장벽을 보다 쉽게 극복할 수 있는 만화적 표현기법은 삐라 제작의 필수불가결한 표현 형식이었다. 따라서 전쟁 주체들은 만화가들을 한국전쟁의 심리전을 수행할 핵심 요원으로 삐라 제작과정에 적극적으로 투입시켰다. 이와 같이 한국전쟁기의 삐라는 전쟁으로 단절되었던 한국만화사의 중요한 연결고리가 되었으며 극단적인 이데올로기 대립 속에서 전쟁의 도구로 전락한 작가의 창의력이 잘 나타나 있는 귀중한 연구 자료가 되었다.

한국전쟁기 남북한 만화삐라의 프로파간다 성격비교

이재웅,윤기헌 한국애니메이션학회 2020 애니메이션연구 Vol.16 No.2

The 20th century was an era of propaganda. Fascist, communist, and even the liberalist camp used propaganda to glamorize the ruling power or ideologies. Rulers recruited artists to make exaggerated slogans as realistic as possible using propaganda techniques but exaggerated unrealistic portrayals with heroic characters led to unpersuasive images that ultimately failed. During the Korean War, propaganda was still the vanguard of the ideological conflict between the North and South. Talented artists were force fed Cold War mentality and turned into new propagandists who became hostile towards each other. Propaganda during the Korean War unfolded around comic propaganda bills. Comic propaganda bills were produced under the strict instructions and controls of the superior authorities both in North and South Koreas, but there were differences in the method of expression as well as in the attitudes in using the medium of comics between the North and the South. While South’s comic propaganda bills accepted the artistic expressiveness such as wit, humor, metaphors, etc. of the artist as much as possible and used these elements actively, comic propaganda bills from the North were only focused on depicting the party’s orders accurately and did not expect other factors as comics. Because of such perceptive differences, in the South, comic propaganda bills not only had propaganda effects but became the foundation of the development of the comics industry before and after the Korean War. In this sense, comic propaganda bills during the Korean War period became an extremely useful propaganda medium for the South, whereas comic propaganda bills in the North were quite ineffective as propaganda. After the Korean War, the collective propaganda sector became more developed and the role of comics was reduced for mainly children in the North. In the South however, the tradition of entertainment comics grew, advancing to a new platform called webtoons. This study will conduct a comparative analysis of the characteristics ofcomic propaganda bills during the Korean War which brought about significant differences in the formation of comics culture in North and South Koreas, and take a detailed look at how propaganda mediums were used during the Korean War by the two countries. The valuable experience gained from the above research has clearly shown that a more superior social system is not an oppressive society that forces artists to produce propaganda, but a society that provides an environment where creativity can be exercised more freely. 이십 세기는 프로파간다의 시대였다. 파시즘이든 공산주의든, 심지어 자유주의 진영에서조차도 지배 권력이나 이념을 미화하기 위한 방법으로 프로파간다를 이용했다. 과장된 구호를 프로파간다 기법으로 현실감 있게 극대화시키기 위해 지배자들은 예술가들을 동원하였지만 영웅적인 캐릭터로 과장된 비현실적인 묘사는오히려 설득력이 부족한 그림으로 전락하고 말았다. 한국전쟁기에도 여전히 프로파간다는 남북한 이념대결의선봉장이었다. 뛰어난 예술가들은 냉전적 사고방식을 주입받고 서로를 적대시하는 새로운 프로파간다 선전원들로 변해 갔다. 한국전쟁기의 프로파간다는 만화삐라를 중심으로 전개되었다. 만화삐라는 남북한 모두 상부의 엄격한 지시와 통제를 받으며 제작되었지만, 그 속에서도 표현방법의 차이가 있었고 만화매체를 활용하는 남북한의 태도에도 많은 차이가 있었다. 남한의 만화삐라는 만화가의 재치나 유머, 은유 등의 예술적 표현력을 최대한수용하고 이를 적극적으로 활용해 나간 반면, 북한은 당의 지시를 정확히 그려내는 것 이외에 다른 만화의 역할은 기대하지 않았다. 그런 인식 차이 때문에 남한에서는 만화삐라를 통해 선전효과를 거두었을 뿐 아니라 한국전쟁기가 전후(戰後)의 만화산업이 발전하는 기반으로 작용되었다. 그런 점에서 한국전쟁기의 만화삐라는 남한에게는 아주 유용한 프로파간다 매체가 되었고, 북한에게는 프로파간다로서의 역할이 다소 부족하였다. 한국전쟁 이후 북한에서는 집체 선전화 분야가 더 발달하며 만화는 어린이용 정도로 역할이 축소된 반면, 남한에서는오락만화의 전통이 성장하며 웹툰이라는 새로운 플랫폼을 발전시키는 결과로 이어졌다. 이 연구에서는 남북한의 만화문화 형성에 큰 차이를 가져온 한국전쟁기 만화삐라의 특성을 비교 분석하여 남북한이 한국전쟁기에서프로파간다 매체를 어떻게 활용하였는지를 구체적으로 밝혀 보고자 한다. 이상의 연구를 통해 얻은 소중한 경험은 더 우월한 사회체제라는 것이 예술가들에게 프로파간다 제작을 강요하는 억압적인 사회가 아니라 더 자유롭게 창의성을 발휘할 수 있는 환경을 제공하는 사회라는 것을 명확하게 이해하게 된 것이다.

김종문의 총력전 경험과 선전론 형성 -전간기로부터 냉전기까지

김지훈 상허학회 2022 상허학보 Vol.65 No.-

Kim Jong moon is a poet and an officer. This paper attempts to trans-war history with both the view of the Asia-Pacific War and the Korean War. With these theories, this paper solved Kim Jong moon’s experiences and ideology historically. As an experiences side view, Kim Jong moon studied in Japan and his experience in the founding of the ROK army after liberation in 1945. At the time of Kim’s study abroad, Japan was a period of totalitarianism and total war mobilized system. He has had an ideological crisis in the spirit of the times. Kim was a military officer. He appears to have been forcibly mobilized for student soldier during the Japanese colonial period. After 1945, he participated in the foundation of the ROK army. On an ideological point of view, Kim Jong moon’s overall perception and propaganda’s conception, he was an ideologues for propaganda. For him, the total war was a frame of recognize the current situation. He saw the Cold War as an extension of the total war, arguing for ideological preparedness. For him, propaganda was a cultural practice of a total war. At the root of Kim Jong moon’s experience and ideology is Japan’s Asia-Pacific War. He learned the idea of a total war in Japan. In order to put this into practice, he became a ROK army officer. And he served in the Korean War. Kim Jong moon’s previous experience and total war ideology in Japan were mainly demonstrated after liberation in 1945. Kim changed it to post-colonial way. His previous experience envisioned his own propaganda theory on time. After the Korean War, he embraced American behaviorism. It was an extension of the projects and ideas of controlling the masses through the media. The propaganda theory of the USA, like Japan, was also a type of mass control theory that was formed around the Interwar Period. Therefore, Kim Jong-moon’s propaganda theory continues from the interwar period to the Cold War. This was a continuation of the ideological influence of total war. 김종문은 현대 시인이자 한국군 정훈장교이다. 본고는 아시아·태평양전쟁과 한국전쟁, 두 전쟁을 연속적인 시야에 두고 김종문의 경험과 사상을 역사학적으로 분석했다. 경험적 측면에서는 김종문의 도일 유학과 해방 이후 창군 참여에 주목했다. 그의 유학 당시 일본은 전체주의와 전시체제의 시기였고, 그는 당대의 사상적 위기를 체득했다. 김종문은 군 장교였다. 그는 일제시기 학병에 강제동원된 것으로 보이며, 해방 이후에는 한국군 창설에 참여했다. 그의 학병 이력은 한국군 자료를 통해 방증된다. 사상적 측면으로는 김종문의 총력전 인식과 선전론 구상에 주목했다. 김종문은 정훈국 정훈장교로서 한국전쟁 당시 선전전 이데올로그 중 한 명이었다. 그에게 총력전은 현실인식의 프레임이었다. 그는 냉전을 총력전의 연장으로 보았고, 이에 대한 사상적 대비를 주장했다. 그에게 선전전은 총력전의 문화적 실천이었다. 김종문의 경험과 사상의 근저에는 일본의 아시아·태평양전쟁이 있다. 그는 일본의 총력전 사상을 익혔고, 이의 실천으로 다시 한국군 정훈장교가 되었고 한국전쟁을 경험했다. 해방 이후 김종문은 전 시기로부터 유래한 경험과 사상 속에, 이를 탈식민적으로 변용하여 자신의 선전론을 구상했다. 그는 언론을 통한 대중에 대한 통제라는 기획과 사상의 연장에서 한국전쟁을 거치며 미국의 행태주의를 수용한다. 미국의 선전론 역시 일본과 마찬가지로 전간기 무렵부터 대중통제론의 일환으로 제기된 것임을 상기할 때, 김종문의 선전론은 전간기로부터 냉전까지의 총력전의 지적 영향 속에서 연속적으로 파악된다.

선전포스터에 나타난 에스파냐 내전의 이미지와 담론 분석

이원근 ( Won Keun Lee ) 한국서양사학회 2014 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.121

This paper will examine the dichotomous identity of the Spanish Civil War by the interpretation of propaganda posters, based on ideological discourses. During the war, the Nationalist side and the Republican side produced their own propaganda to create images of the war based on their ideological positions. For this purpose, Nationalists depicted themselves on posters as ‘Crusaders’ who were against the ‘atheist communists’ and establishers of the ‘Christian Spanish empire’ under Francisco Franco. In contrast to their enemy, the republican side represented themselves on posters as the‘anti-fascist people’ who were the heroes and defenders of humanism and the democratic republic. In this context, the Spanish Civil War was a conflict of identity. However, the identity of both did not end after the war. Then, images of the Spanish Civil War were reproduced through mass media and commemorations. Controversies on interpretation of the Spanish Civil War repeated the language of propaganda what was produced by both sides from the 1930s war until now. The analysis of images of propaganda posters from the Spanish Civil War is not only for the understanding of messages of propaganda in wartime; it also provides understanding of the power of identification by propaganda as it affects our understanding of history.

중국 국공내전시기(1946-1949) 국민당 정부의 대내외 선전전략 분석

진세정 고려대학교 역사연구소 2023 사총 Vol.110 No.-

본 논문은 중국의 국공내전 시기 국민당 정부의 대내외 선전 전략에 대한 분석을 통해 선전 효과의 한계의 원인을 분석하고자 한다. 특히 내전시기 국민당 정부의 선전기구 개편, 국민당의 긍정적 이미지 형성을 위한 서사 구축, 반공서사 구축 등의 선전 전략의 입안 과정, 시행 방침을 중심으로 살펴보고자 한다. 기존의 국공 양당의 선전에 대한 연구들은 중일전쟁 시기의 공산당, 국민당의 선전 노력에는 주목한 반면 국공내전 시기의 국민당의 선전전략은 내전의 승패를 가르는데 매우 중요한 부문이었음에도 불구하고 연구가 부족한 실정이다. 특히 내전 시기 국민당 정부의 반공선전에 대한 연구는 전무하다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 전후 국민당은 다양한 주류 매체에 직접적인 통제를 할 수 있게 되어 선전정책을 시행하는데 있어서 전례 없는 유리한 위치를 점하고 있었는데 불구하고 우호적인 여론 형성과 반공선전을 통한 대중 설득을 하는데 실패하였다. 본 연구는 국민당 선전 전략의 입안 과정에서의 선전내용의 서사 구축에 주목해서 중앙집권적 방법으로 이루어지면서 대중의 정서를 반영하지 못한 선전의 서사 구축을 하게 된 것을 선전의 한계의 한 요인으로 보고 있다. 중국공산당이 당시 반내전 운동의 주장에 적극적으로 호응하여 독립, 민주, 평화의 명확한 메시지를 일관성 있게 낸 반면 국민당은 당시 반전, 반미, 반일, 민주 등의 여론, 대중 정서를 반영한 메시지를 내지 못하였던 것이다. 특히 장제스와 국민당 정부가 헌정체제와 전시동원체제 수립을 동시에 추구하는 딜레마에 직면해서 “공비토벌”을 헌정체제로 나가기 위한 선결과제로 설명하면서 “민주”와 전시동원을 위한 반대세력 탄압의 정당화라는 모순적인 메시지로 대중을 설득하고자 하였던 것이 선전 효과의 한계를 가져왔다. This article explore the reasons behind the limits of the Nationalist government’s propaganda effect by analyzing the Nationalist government’s propaganda strategies during the Civil War period (1946-1949) in China. This work focuses on the Nationalist government’s reorganization of propaganda institutions, construction of narrative to improve the images of the Nationalist Party, and the construction of anti-Communist narrative by the Nationalist government during the Civil War. Only a few studies pay attention to the Nationalist government’s propaganda strategies during the Civil War, despite the significant impact of the Nationalist government’s propaganda on its eventual defeat. Further, few study focus on the Nationalist government’s anti-Communist propaganda during the Civil War period. Although the Nationalist government was in a favorable position to influence public opinion in the postwar period due to its takeover of major news media, it failed to win the hearts and minds of the people both at the domestic and international level. I argue that the limited effects of the Nationalist propaganda can be attributed to the failure of constructing the propaganda narratives that reflected the preexisting public sentiments due to the centralized propaganda mechanism during the Civil War. Further, because the Nationalist government pursed the establishment of constitutional government and wartime mobilization system, it faced a dilemma to send out mixed messages of the pursuit of democracy and justification of suppression of dissent for war mobilization.

전시체제기 일제의 육군특별지원병제도 선전과 조선인 전쟁영웅화 작업 –李仁錫의 사례를 중심으로-

박민선 숭실사학회 2019 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.42

Following the Manchurian Incident, Japan expanded its aggressive war by leading to the Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War. As the war was prolonged, the Japanese colonial government had difficulties in increasing the number of troops, so it sought to secure the Korean colonists with human resources to solve this problem. As a result, it was decided to implement the 「陸軍特別志願兵令」 in December 1937 and announced the 「朝鮮陸軍特別志願兵令」 in February of the following year. Through this system, the Governor-General of Korea mobilized the Joseon people as “the empire soldiers for war” at the front, and also used it to force them to recognize themselves as “citizens of empire of 銃後” at the back. In order to achieve this, they focused all their capabilities on propaganda and thought control. In addition, the Governor-General of Korea created war heroes in Joseon and used them as propaganda tools for participating in the war, referring to the case of Japan. Cases of war heroes in the period of the war system were 李仁錫, 李亨洙, 池麟泰, 崔鳴夏, 金錫源, 李鍾贊, 嚴柱明, 柳寬熙, 印在雄, 韓鼎實. Among them, the Governor-General of Korea put up In-Seok Lee as a representative war hero as a symbol of the first killed Joseon person in a battle in volunteering soldiers. Japan forced In-Seok Lee to participate in a war under the name of a volunteer soldier, and even his life and death after the war were glorified and manipulated again to promote the war. In this process, the argument of '兵農兩全論' was combined with propaganda theory, forcing the general people to be a desirable Joseon person represented as an exemplary citizen and a heroic soldier. In short, Japan actively used In-Seok Lee as a means for mobilizing its troops in the front, and forcing the Joseon people to recognize themselves as imperialists in the back with a perspective of mobilization for a war. Meanwhile, in that time of Joseon, there were various aspects about heroinization work of In-Seok Lee such as resistance, cooperation, and adaptation in a Joseon society. In particular, there were some Koreans who sympathized or cooperated with the Japanese government as corresponding to the intention of Japanese government for propaganda, but in some cases, Joseon people precisely acknowledged Japanese government’s intention and insisted against them. 일제는 만주사변에 이어 중일전쟁과 태평양전쟁을 차례로 일으키며 침략전쟁을 확대해 나갔다. 전쟁이 장기화됨에 따라 일제는 병력 충원에 어려움을 겪게 되었고, 이를 해결하기 위해 식민지 조선인을 인적자원으로 확보하고자 하였다. 그 결과, 1937년 12월 「陸軍特別志願兵令」의 시행이 결정되었고, 이듬해 2월 「朝鮮陸軍特別志願兵令」이 공포되었다. 조선총독부는 이 제도를 통해서 전방에서는 조선인을 “戰線의 皇國軍人”으로 동원하였으며, 후방에서는 조선인에게 “銃後의 皇國臣民”으로서의 자각을 강요하는 데 활용하였다. 이를 위한 기초작업으로 선전활동과 사상통제에 모든 역량을 집중하였다. 이와 함께 총독부는 일본의 ‘軍神’의 사례를 참고하여 조선에서도 전쟁영웅을 만들고, 전쟁 참여를 위한 선전도구로 활용하였다. 전시체제기 조선인 ‘전쟁영웅’의 사례로는 李仁錫, 李亨洙, 池麟泰, 崔鳴夏, 金錫源, 李鍾贊, 嚴柱明, 柳寬熙, 印在雄, 韓鼎實 등이 있었다. 이들 중 李仁錫은 육군특별지원병 최초의 전사자라는 상징성을 가진 인물로 총독부가 내세운 대표적인 조선인 전쟁영웅이었다. 일제는 이인석을 지원병이라는 이름 하에 전쟁에 동원하였고, 전사 후 그의 생애와 죽음까지도 미화·조작하여 전쟁을 선전하는 데 또다시 동원하였다. 이 과정에서 ‘兵農兩全論’이라는 담론을 선전논리로 결부시킴으로써 ‘모범적인’ 국민과 ‘영웅적인’ 병사로서 대변되는 바람직한 조선인의 모습을 일반에게 강요하였다. 요컨대 일제는 이인석을 통해서 전방에서 병력을 동원하고, 후방에서 전쟁총동원이라는 측면과 함께 조선인에게 皇國臣民이라는 자각을 강요하기 위한 수단으로 적극 활용하고자 하였다. 한편 이인석 전쟁영웅화 작업에 대해 당시 조선사회에서는 순응·협력·저항 등 다양한 양상이 나타났다. 특히 총독부의 선전의도에 부합하여 이를 동조하거나 협력했던 조선인이 있었지만, 일부 조선사회에서는 일제의 의도를 정확하게 이에 반발한 사례가 있었다.

군복 입은 ‘고아 구호’단 -『주간신보 자유세계』에 나타난 ‘구제의 시각화’와 냉전 온정주의

공임순 상허학회 2021 상허학보 Vol.63 No.-

이 글은 한국전쟁과 고아 심리/선전전의 두 번째 논문에 해당한다. 첫 번째 논문인 「1958년 북한 발(發) ‘고아 구제’ 담화와 남한/일본에서의 북한행 역진」에서는 국제사회주의의 친선과 우의의 상징이던 북한 전쟁고아의 위탁과 귀환 및 남한 유랑고아를 향한 ‘구제’ 담화를 다뤘다면, 이 글은 정작 남한과 이른바 자유 진영의 고아 구제의 양상은 어떠했는지를 살폈다. 북한의 고아 심리/선전전은 한국전쟁기가 아니라 1958년 이후 남한을 대상으로 파상적 공세를 펼친 고아 구제 담화에서 찾아야 한다면(4장의 그림 참조), 자유 진영의 고아 심리/선전전은 한국전쟁기의 군대와 고아—아동 간의 친밀성 정치에서 찾아야 한다는 점을 이 글은 강조했다. 이를 위해 이 글은 1장에서 냉전기 ‘아동—소년’의 표상을 지탱했던 ‘똘똘이’로 대변되는 어린 냉전/반공의 전사 계열과 아울러 여리고 순진무구하기에 더욱 취약하기만 한 ‘아동—소년’의 형상이 ‘고아—아동’으로 수렴되었음을 지적했다. 로라 브릭스(Laura Briggs)가 명명한 “구제의 시각화”를 전유하여 이 글은 한국전쟁기의 대표적 심리전단인 『주간신보 자유세계(Free World Weekly Digest)』를 대상으로 이 “구제의 시각화”가 어떻게 구현되었는지를 2장에서 논했다. 『주간신보 자유세계』는 한국전쟁 초기 심리전단에 대한 혹독한 비판을 토대로 재고안된 뉴스형 심리전단이었으며, 나아가 중국(인민지원)군 참전으로 달라진 전황에 대처하기 위한 당면한 요구도 담고 있었다. 한국어판과 중국어판이 동시에 간행된 『주간신보 자유세계』는 휴전협정 뒤에도 2년여 가까이 지속된 최장수 심리전단의 독특한 입지를 또한 자랑한다. 이 글은 2장에서 고아—아동과 관련된 기사를 발행일자와 내용별로 도표화하여 제시했다. 3장에서는 고아—아동의 후원자로 나선 군인들이 군대 내 구호를 넘어 입양으로까지 나아갔던 몇몇 사례를 통해 크리스티나 클라인(Christina Klein)이 말한 진영의 역내를 순회하는 감정 교류의 양상을 고찰했다. 고아—아동과 군인들의 사적인 친밀한 관계는 입양으로 소위 국제 가족의 ‘선례’를 만들어냈을 뿐만 아니라 냉전 온정주의의 원형적 풍경을 이루었다는 것이 3장의 주된 논지였다. “웃지 않는 아이(The Little Boy Who Wouldn’t Smile)”의 이강구(실제 이름은 이강용)와 “어니 조” 및 “샘”이라는 닉네임을 지닌 정구표와 이경수 등의 사례들은 구호에서 해피엔딩을 예고하는 입양까지의 과정을 전시하는 훌륭한 심리전(단)의 재료였다. 하지만 심리전(단)의 차원에서 이를 전적으로 반기지만은 않았음을 이 글은 심리전의 베테랑 요원이던 리오스노프(Alexander A. Liosnoff)의 보고서로 예증했다. 구호를 넘어 입양은 뿌리의 상실로 여겨져 현지인이나 적에게 반감과 적의를 살 수 있음을 우려한 것이다. 그의 걱정이 단지 기우만이 아니었음을 고아 입양을 노예 매매로 맹비난했던 북한의 역선전은 증명해주었다. 이 글은 스베틀라나 알렉시예비치(Светлана Алексиевич)의 ‘전쟁은 여자의 얼굴을 하지 않았다’를 빗댄 ‘전쟁은 고아—아동의 얼굴을 하지 않았다’를 4장의 결론으로 갈음하였다. 개별 고아들의 고유한 특성과 역사는 텅 빈 채 오직 구제받아야 할 고아—아동으로 과잉 단순화된 심리/선전전의 비극은 현재진행형이기 때문이다. This paper corresponds to the second paper on the Korean War and Orphan psychological/propaganda warfare. In the first paper, “Discourse on ‘Relief for Orphans’ of North Korea in 1958 and Exodus to North Korea from South Korea/Japan”, I dealt with discourse of ‘relief’ to wandering orphans in South Korea along with the entrustment and return of war orphans in North Korea, which was a symbol of goodwill and friendship in international socialism. This paper examined how the relief of orphans in South Korea and the so-called the Free World was. Also this paper emphasized that the Free World’s orphan psychological/propaganda warfare was to be found in the politics of intimacy between the military and orphans during the Korean War unlike North Korea’s orphan psychological/propaganda warfare was to be found not in the Korean War, but in the discourse on ‘orphans relief’(see the figure in chapter 4). To this end, this paper pointed out in Chapter 1 that the young Cold War/Anti- Communist warrior line represented by the Ttolttori(똘똘이) who supported the representation of the Cold War ‘child-boy’, as well as the ‘child-boy’ who was more vulnerable to be weak and innocent. The latter converged into orphan-children. In Chapter 2, this paper was discussed how Free World Weekly Digest, a representative psychological warfare leaflet from the Korean War period, embodied “the visual iconography of rescue” named by Laura Briggs. The Free World Weekly Digest was a news-type psychological warfare leaflet that was reconsidered based on harsh criticism of psychological warfare leaflet in the early days of the Korean War, and it contained the immediate demands to cope with the war situation changed by the participation of the Chinese(People’s Volunteer) Army. The Free World Weekly Digest, which was published simultaneously in Korean version and Chinese version, also boasted the unique position as the longest-running psychological warfare leaflet, which lasted nearly two years after the Korean Wqr Armistice Agreement. In Chapter 2, the articles on orphan-children were presented by publication date and content. In Chapter 3, I described the pattern of emotional exchanges circulating through the camps mentioned by Christina Klein, examining some cases in which soldiers serving as orphan-children supporters went beyond relief in the military to adoption. The main point of Chapter 3 was that the intimate relationship between orphan- children and soldier not only set the so-called “preference” for international families but also formed a archetypal landscape of Cold War paternalism. Cases such as Ri Kang-Koo(real name Lee Kang-yong) of “The Little Boy Who Wouldn’t Smile,” Jung Kyoo-pio and Lee Kyung-soo with nicknamed “Ernie Joe” and “Sam” were excellent material for a psychological warfare(leaflet) that displayed the process from relief to adoption announcing a happy ending. However, I exemplified by the report of Alexander A. Liosnoff, a veteran agent of psychological warfare, that this process was not entirely welcomed in terms of psychological warfare. Adoption beyond relief could be seen as a loss of Korean roots, so he was concerned that it could lead to resentment and hostility towards locals or enemies. North Korea’s counter-propaganda, which denounced the adoption of orphans as slave trade, proved that his concern was not just unfounded fears. This paper replaced the conclusion of Chapter 4 by ‘War has no face of orphan-children’, a metaphor for Svetlana Alexievich’s ‘War did not have the face of women’. The tragedies of psychological/propaganda warfare, which were oversimplified as orphan-children who were only to be saved, is still ongoing with the unique characteristics and history of individual orphans empty.

현대문학: 국방부 정훈매체 『국방』의 문예면 연구 -한국전쟁기 정훈문학 연구,2-

박태일 ( Tae Il Park ) 한국문학언어학회(구 경북어문학회) 2011 어문론총 Vol.55 No.-

Agitation-Propaganda Literature is a tool for propaganda war and ideological war which are essential for the victory. 『Kook Bang』 is the three services integrated, monthly magazine published by the Ministry of National Defense. Based on the literature section of 『Kook Bang』 which is not well-known part so far, this writing aims to look around the publication environments and the characteristics of poetry and novel First, 25 volumes of 『Kook Bang』 were published between 1950.12 and 1953.7 armistice. The place of publication were changed from Daegu to Busan. 272 literary works were included in the publications. During the three years of war period, [『Kook Bang』 introduced the most literary works. Nevertheless, there was almost no diachronic and synchronic change in writers. The majority of the writers comprised of the writers in the military, general soldiers, and a few ordinary people were at the center of the right-wing literary world in Seoul around the independence. Second, 129 poems written by 79 people, which is main contents of the publication, were published in the literature section of 『Kook Bang』. Various kinds of Agitation-Propaganda Poetry were introduced including not only old generation poets, but also new generation poets after restoration of independence. These poems can be categorized as poet of service in war by a soldier writer, by in civvy street poet, by a soldier. Generally, poems that contain Agitation-Propaganda theme show high degree of completion. Third, the literature section of 『Kook Bang』 includes 25 novels by 20 writers. Most of writers were old generation and there were no participation of soldier. Focusing on background of the literature works, novels can be categorized as the front novel, the front-backward crossing novel and the backward novel. With the background of the war period, Agitation-Propaganda novel in 『Kook Bang』 contained various Agitation-Propaganda themes which aim not only reality of description and immediacy of effect, but also victory of war. By this writing, it was identified for the first time that the literature section of 『Kook Bang』 is the key to look around the features of literature in 1950s. For this reason, whole story of 『Kook Bang』 and many Agitation-Propaganda mediae should be discovered and explained in the future.