選擧法 및 政治資金法으로 본 勞動組合의 政治活動

李光澤 國民大學校 法學硏究所 2003 법학논총 Vol.15 No.-

The Korean Constitutional Court decided on July 19, 2001 that the Law Concerning Public Elections and Prevention of Irregularities in Elections, which gives each voter only one vote whereas it combines voting in single-member districts with proportional representation system according to party lists, does not conform with the principle of equal opportunity before law. For trade unions which endeavor for long years to send their representatives to the local governments and every level of parliaments the court ruling is a great breakthrough to enhance their chance in the public elections. Previously the Constitutional Court ruled out in 1999 also the Political Fund Act unconstitutional because it prohibited the contribution of labour organizations while there was no barrier for the entrepreneur to the political fund. In the discussion to revise the Election Law the trade unions express great interests in the proportional electoral systems which would like to give more chances to the minorities compared to the majority systems with small electoral districts. Because among the varieties of the electoral systems the German electoral system is preferred as an alternative in Korea, it is necessary to deeply examine the personalized proportional representation of Germany. As widely known, in the elections to the German Bundestag, each voter has two votes. The first vote (Erststimme) is given to candidates of parties in the districts; the second vote (Zweitstimme) to the party list (Landesliste). Naturally, the candidate who gets the majority of votes in the electoral district wins. The second votes determine how many representatives will be sent from each party to the Bundestag. The number of representatives for each party is determined according to Hare/Niemeyer formula. In the first procedure for distributing the seats, the number of seats for each party is determined. In this procedure, the second votes at the national level of the parties' lists are added. The Hare/Niemeyer method is applied to all of these votes, thereby determining the total seats for each party. In the distribution of the seats, only those parties participate which, at the national level (until 1956, at the federal state level), reached the 5 percent threshold or were able to get three direct seats. The second procedure for the assignment of seats uses, once again, the Hare/Niemeyer formula for determining how many seats correspond to each party at the list level, given the total number of representatives won at the national level. Only after having defined how many seats correspond to each party in each Land or federal state, then the direct seats that correspond to each party are figured out. If one party has won more direct seats with the first votes than those that correspond to it according to the second votes, the party may retain those seats, such that the total number of seats temporarily increases (these are the so-called excess seats or U¨berhangmandate). If Korea applies the proportional representation system the pivotal point will be how Korea can overcome the regionalism which appears in every public election carried out mostly by majority system with small districts. It is doubtful that trade unions enjoy equal opportunity with the employers with amendment to the Political Fund Act, which enabled the labour organizations to contribute to the political parties. It must be considered that in the United States not only the contribution of trade unions, but that of corporations is prohibited, in principle. “It is unlawful for any ‥‥ any corporation whatever, or any labor organization to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which Presidential and Vice Presidential electors or a Senator or Representative in, ‥‥ or in connection with any primary election or politiacl convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate, political committee, or other person to accept or receive any contribution prohibited by this section.”(Sec. 304. Labor Management Relations Act) Later, the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 allowed the indirect contribution via political action committee. However, the corporations and labor organizations are far from direct contribution to the candidates. The prohibition of direct contributions of corporations is recommended rather than the allowance of contribution of trade unions in order to pave the way to equal opportunity of the social partners.

‘협력’의 보편성과 근대국가-‘친일반민족행위’ 진상규명 작업의 성과와 과제

윤해동 한국민족운동사학회 2012 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.71

According to the Pro-Japanese and Anti-National Acts Investigation Report, the accomplishments by the Investigative Committee on Pro-Japanese and Anti-national Acts can be summed as follows. First, the Committee has made it clear that its specific aim as defined by the Special Act to Find the Truth of Anti-National Acts under the Colonial Rule of Japanese Imperialism is not to make a sweeping judgement of those under investigation but rather to make a decision on some of their actions. This apparently reflects the Committee’s effort to put to rest the concern that its activities may have semi-judiciary implications. The Committee’s specifying of its aim has also had the effect of making it finally possible to address the issue of political accountability for collaborationist acts, marking a significant development in the debate surrounding ‘coming to terms with the past’. Second, by limiting its scope of interest to collaborationist acts, the Committee has somewhat ameliorated the expectations placed on itself as a state organization to delineate social norms. The Committee has thus become relatively free from the imperative that it must make ethical rulings on those under investigation and fulfill the role of proposing new norms for establishing social unison and justice. Third, even though the list of people chosen for investigation is organization-centered and periodically uneven, the Report should be recognized as an important academic achievement for having compiled massive amounts of existing research data and made further research based on it. Now, the time is ripe for more in-depth research on pro-Japanese collaborators. A close look at the Committee’s activities also suggests new tasks to be pursued. First, investigating and coming to terms with pro-Japanese collaborationist acts inevitably raises the need for a transnational approach, since imperial dominance itself is being questioned. Determining the responsibility of the collaborators is the other side of the coin of dealing with an imperial state’s responsibility in its colonial rule. In this context, Korea’s coming to terms with the past of pro-Japanese collaboration is not at all separate from the East Asian world order. This is also why the issue of investigating and coming to terms with Japanese collaborators should not be reduced to a Korean particularity. Second, when collaborative acts are viewed as transnationally constructed, the universal aspect of collaboration is brought to mind. All acts of occupation including colonial rule by the modern state invariably accompany collaboration. Therefore, defining collaboration is intricately connected with grasping the nature of the modern state. There is a need to look at collaboration as an important mediating concept for understanding the modern state and its power mechanism. 『친일반민족행위진상규명 보고서』를 통해 살펴본 친일반민족행위 진상규명위원회 활동의 성과는 다음과 같이 세 가지 정도로 정리할 수 있겠다. 첫째, 위원회는 특별법이 규정하는 진상규명의 구체적 목표가 조사-결정 대상자의 전인격적인 판정이 아니라 ‘행위 중 일부’에 대한 판정을 목표로 삼았음을 분명히 했다는 점이다. 이런 목표 설정은 위원회의 활동이 준사법적 성격을 띨 수 있다는 우려를 불식하기 위한 노력의 일환으로 보인다. 또한 이를 통하여 비로소 협력행위에 대한 정치적 책임을 묻는 일이 가능하게 되었다는 점에서 과거청산 논의에서 큰 진전이라 할 수 있을 것이다. 둘째, 진상규명의 구체적 목표를 협력행위에 국한하게 됨으로써, 국가기구로서의 위원회 활동이 규범을 창출하는 역할을 수행해야 한다는 정당화 노력을 어느 정도 중화시킬 수 있게 되었다는 점이다. 조사대상자의 전인격을 윤리적으로 판단하고 이를 통하여 국가통합과 사회정의를 확립하기 위한 새로운 규범을 창출해야 한다는 위원회의 강박적 목적의식이 상당히 완화되어 표출되었던 것은 이런 이유 때문일 것이다. 셋째, 조사대상자 선정이 기관중심으로 되어 있으며 대상자의 수에서도 시기별 편중을 보이는 등의 문제가 없는 것은 아니지만, 지금까지 학계의 연구 성과를 집대성하고 이를 바탕으로 더욱 폭넓은 조사활동을 진행하였다는 점에서 『보고서』를 일종의 귀중한 학문적 성과라고 평가할 수 있을 듯하다. 이제 이런 성과를 바탕으로 친일협력자에 대한 더욱 심층적인 연구 성과를 산출해내어야 할 것이다. 또한 위원회 활동은 다음과 같은 과제를 새로이 제기하고 있는 것으로 보인다. 첫째, 친일협력행위를 조사하고 청산하는 작업은, 제국주의 지배 자체를 전체적으로 문제 삼는 것이라는 측면에서 언제나 트랜스내셔널한 과제로 제기된다는 점이다. 협력자의 책임을 묻는 일은 제국주의의 식민지배 책임을 묻는 일과 동일한 사태의 양면을 이루고 있는 것이다. 한국에서의 친일협력자 청산의 경험이 동아시아 국제질서의 향방에도 깊은 영향을 미치고 있다는 지적은 바로 이를 두고 하는 말이다. 또 협력자 조사와 청산의 문제가 한국적 특수성의 맥락에 봉쇄되어버리면 안 되는 것도 바로 이런 이유 때문이다. 둘째, 협력행위가 트랜스내셔널한 맥락에서 구성된다는 지적은 협력행위가 가지는 보편성의 측면을 환기시킨다. 식민지배를 포함하여 근대국가가 실행하는 근대적 형식의 모든 점령행위에는 반드시 협력행위가 동반될 수밖에 없다. 따라서 협력의 성격을 따지는 문제는 바로 근대국가의 성격을 파악하는 일과 깊은 관련을 가지게 되는 것이다. 협력을 근대국가와 그 권력의 속성을 이해하는 중요한 매개 개념으로 위치시킬 필요가 있다.

選擧法 및 政治資金法으로 본 勞動組合의 政治活動

李光澤(Lee Kwang-Taek) 국민대학교 법학연구소 2003 법학논총 Vol.15 No.-

The Korean Constitutional Court decided on July 19, 2001 that the Law Concerning Public Elections and Prevention of Irregularities in Elections, which gives each voter only one vote whereas it combines voting in single-member districts with proportional representation system according to party lists, does not conform with the principle of equal opportunity before law. For trade unions which endeavor for long years to send their representatives to the local governments and every level of parliaments the court ruling is a great breakthrough to enhance their chance in the public elections. Previously the Constitutional Court ruled out in 1999 also the Political Fund Act unconstitutional because it prohibited the contribution of labour organizations while there was no barrier for the entrepreneur to the political fund. In the discussion to revise the Election Law the trade unions express great interests in the proportional electoral systems which would like to give more chances to the minorities compared to the majority systems with small electoral districts. Because among the varieties of the electoral systems the German electoral system is preferred as an alternative in Korea, it is necessary to deeply examine the personalized proportional representation of Germany. As widely known, in the elections to the German Bundestag, each voter has two votes. The first vote (Erststimme) is given to candidates of parties in the districts; the second vote (Zweitstimme) to the party list (Landesliste). Naturally, the candidate who gets the majority of votes in the electoral district wins. The second votes determine how many representatives will be sent from each party to the Bundestag. The number of representatives for each party is determined according to Hare/Niemeyer formula. In the first procedure for distributing the seats, the number of seats for each party is determined. In this procedure, the second votes at the national level of the parties' lists are added. The Hare/Niemeyer method is applied to all of these votes, thereby determining the total seats for each party. In the distribution of the seats, only those parties participate which, at the national level (until 1956, at the federal state level), reached the 5 percent threshold or were able to get three direct seats. The second procedure for the assignment of seats uses, once again, the Hare/Niemeyer formula for determining how many seats correspond to each party at the list level, given the total number of representatives won at the national level. Only after having defined how many seats correspond to each party in each Land or federal state, then the direct seats that correspond to each party are figured out. If one party has won more direct seats with the first votes than those that correspond to it according to the second votes, the party may retain those seats, such that the total number of seats temporarily increases (these are the so-called excess seats or Uberhangmandate). If Korea applies the proportional representation system the pivotal point will be how Korea can overcome the regionalism which appears in every public election carried out mostly by majority system with small districts. It is doubtful that trade unions enjoy equal opportunity with the employers with amendment to the Political Fund Act, which enabled the labour organizations to contribute to the political parties. It must be considered that in the United States not only the contribution of trade unions, but that of corporations is prohibited, in principle. “It is unlawful for any ····· any corporation whatever, or any labor organization to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election at which Presidential and Vice Presidential electors or a Senator or Representative in, ····· or in connection with any primary election or politiacl convention or caucus held to select candidates for any of the foregoing offices, or for any candidate

A Social Network Analysis of Electoral Campaign Finance in the United States: Focusing on Washington, D.C., Virginia, and Maryland in the 2000 US General Election

도수관,Jiamin Wang 한국정보사회학회 2011 정보사회와 미디어 Vol.- No.21

This study uses social network analysis to investigate the nature, basis, and strength of linkages among major political action committees for both Democratic and Republican parties in the United States. Using campaign finance data from the 2000 general election, and focusing on races in Washington, DC, Virginia, and Maryland, the paper measures the degree of interaction between PACs, identifies the most potent PACs in terms of network centrality and coreness, and identifies important differences between donor networks associated with each party, providing insights into party performance. Consistent with anecdotal evidence, the liberal networks associated with the Democratic Party held some of the most powerful political action committees (e.g. AFL-CIO, National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League), but were characterized by weaker relationships and greater divisiveness than the conservative networks. This likely represents the disparate social, economic, and political preferences of the members and candidates of this network. In contrast, the conservative networks associated with the Republican Party had both powerful PACs (e.g. National Right to Life, National Rifle Association Political Victory Fund) and extensive interrelationships among its groups. While the liberal movement is characterized by multiple, largely-disconnected clusters of PACs, the conservative movement is highly centralized, and apparently more effective at uniting disparate groups and coordinating its donors. Not surprisingly, inter-party networks and cooperation were scant. The next step in this research is to compare the 2000 general election to the 2004 and 2008 general elections, exploring whether unification occurred within the liberal movement prior to the 2008 general election, possibly accounting for Democrats’ victory in that election.

1944년 선거와 산업별노조회의(CIO) 노동조합관료층의 민주당 지지 정책

서범진 ( Bum Jin Seo ) 한국미국사학회 2014 미국사연구 Vol.40 No.-

이 글은 1940년대 미국 산업별노조회의(the Congress of Industrial Organization, CIO)의 민주당 지지 정책에 대해 다룬다. 이 논문에서는 CIO 지도부-관료층이 1940년대 초 노동운동 내 존재하는 민주당에 대한 불신에도 불구하고, 민주당 지지를 결정한 이유와 배경이 무엇인지 살펴볼 것이다. 또 CIO 관료층이 민주당을 지지한 목적이 그들의 선거 캠페인에는 어떻게 반영되었는지도 알아볼 것이다. 미국 노동운동사에서 뉴딜(New Deal)과 제2차 세계대전이 이어진 1930-1940년대는 노동계급의 독자적 정치 세력화 가능성이 활짝 열린 시기였다. 그러나 CIO는 노동자 정당을 건설하는 대신 루즈벨트와 민주당을 지지하는 길을 선택했다. 1943년 CIO가 발족시킨 정치행동위원회(The Political Action Committee, PAC)는 민주당을 지원하기 위한 전문적 선거 지원 기구로 조직되었다. CIO 관료층은 1930년대 후반부터 이미 하나의 독자적 계층으로서 자신의 정치 전략을 발전시키기 시작했고, 이는 정치권의 반(反)노동 정책에 대한 제도 내적 대응의 필요성과 연결되었다. CIO 관료층은 민주당 뉴딜파와 손잡고 노동조합관료층이 국가의 주요의사결정 과정에 참여하는 체제를 만들고자 했다. 또한, 전시 무파업 서약에 동참한 CIO 관료층으로서는 선거를 통해 하루 빨리 개혁 입법을 얻어내는 것이 기층 노동자들의 불만을 해결할 수 있는 유일한 방법이었다. 이런 판단에 입각해, CIO 지도부는 1944년 선거에서 PAC를 통해 대대적으로 선거 자금과 표를 동원했다. CIO는 자신들의 주장에 동조적인 민주당 내 뉴딜 지지자들을 지원했고, 그들을 통해 자신들이 원하던 전후 사회 정책을 집행하게끔 만들고자 했다. PAC는 전후 불황을 막기 위한 완전 고용 정책과 각종 사회 복지, 그리고 노동계가 참여하는 국가 차원의 계획 경제 체제를 주장했다. 그들의 주장은 노동계의, 특히 노동조합관료의 사회적 세력을 확장하는 내용을 담고 있었다. 그러나 CIO와 민주당의 정치적 연합은 결과적으로 그들이 기대했던 개혁을 가져오지 못했다. 1944년 당시 시점에서 생각했을 때 CIO 관료층에게 민주당과의 동맹은 합리적 선택으로 보였지만, 결국 좌파 노동운동 전체는 이를 통해 얻은 것보다 잃은 것이 더 많은 것으로 드러났다. 평조합원들과 기층의 자생적 운동보다 CIO 관료층의 이해관계와 전략이 우선시 된 결과, 전후 미국 노동운동이 감수해야했던 것은 냉전 자유주의 질서 안으로의 포섭이라는 돌이킬 수 없는 정치적 후퇴였다. This thesis examines the alliance between the CIO(The Congress of Industrial Organization) and the Democratic Party in the 1940s. Main issues are why the CIO leadership decided to support Democrats in 1944 even though the Democratic party suspended social reform and what they wanted to get from the alliance. In the history of the American labor movement, the 1930-1940s -the era of the New Deal and the World War II- saw the most advantageous opportunity for forming a independent labor party. However, the CIO leaders and union bureaucrats chose to support Roosevelt and the Democrats. In 1943, they launched the Political Action Committee(PAC) to participate in the 1944 election campaign. Thanks to rapid growth of the CIO, the bureaucrats and officials of CIO became one of distinguished strata which had own interest. They made an ambitious plan to realize corporatism in America. For this object, the CIO bureaucrats concluded that supporting Democrats is the most realistic way to enhance their influence over Congress and the government. On the other hand, they were increasingly challenged by the rank-and-file workers who went on wildcat strikes disregarding the no-strike pledge. The CIO leadership believed that the alliance with Democrats would guarantee reforms for labor without violations of the pledge. During the election campaign, the CIO leadership insisted their belief to working class and citizens. They said the victory of New Dealers in the 1944 election would resume the reforms. And the PAC asserted to adopt policies such as full employment, promotion of social welfare and especially, the establishment of a administrative body for planned economy with the participation of labor representatives. Despite the winning of Democrats, however, new Democratic government and 79th congress neglected campaign pledges. Although the alliance of the 1944 was reasonable and promising decision from the perspective of the CIO leadership in that time, the whole left labor camp did not acquire anything, after all. Rather, in the era of postwar, the alliance just left a legacy of labor subordination to the cold war liberalism. It was the price of that the union give priority to the interest of bureaucrats instead the rank-and-file’s.

정치자금의 기부목적, 정책영향 혹은 선거지원?

엄기홍(Kihong Eom) 한국정치학회 2006 한국정치학회보 Vol.40 No.3

본 연구의 목적은 후원회에 대한 정치자금 기부금의 성격을 규명 짓는데 있다. 구체적으로 후원회 에 대한 정치 기부금이 정책결정에 영향력을 끼치기 위하여 기부된 것인지 아니면 선거결과에 영향을 끼치기 위하여 기부된 것인지를 검증하는데 있다. 연구대상은 국회의원 선거가 있었던 해인 2004년의 후원회 고액기부자 명단이다. 연구결과 고액기부자들의 후원회 기부는 정책결정에 대한 영향력 행사를 목적으로 하기보다는 후보자의 선거활동 보조에 목적으로 두고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 이에 근간하여 본 논문은 후원회 제도의 활성화를 제안하고자 한다. This paper aims for unearthing the purpose of political contributions donated to Leadership Political Action Committees (LPAC) in Korea, which are built for delivering monies to candidates. By examining the timing of political contributions donated to LPAC, I attempt to identify whether monies are donated to help candidates in elections or invested to have an influence on public policy. Data are individual contributions registered to the National Election Commission of Korea during the year of 2004. I found that political contributions donated to LPAC tend to help rather than invest in candidates. This paper suggests that campaign finance regulations, which restrict the activities of LPAC in Korea, should be loosened up so that individuals more freely participate in an election process.

A Social Network Analysis of Electoral Campaign Finance in the United States

Soogwan Doh(도수관),Jiamin Wang 한국정보사회학회 2011 정보사회와 미디어 Vol.- No.21

회사법 개정안에 관한 분석과 평가

천경훈 한국경영법률학회 2019 經營法律 Vol.30 No.1

This paper summarizes and analyzes 45 bills submitted in the 20th National Assembly of Korea for the amendment of the corporation chapter of the Korean Commercial Code. Based on the review of the entire provisions of these bills, this paper dissembled and reorganized the components of these bills into a new structure under 6 broader topics and 25 specific issues. Cumulative voting, election of audit committee members, multiple derivative actions are some of the issues. Through such an endeavor, this paper contributes to a synthetic understanding of the ongoing debates on corporate law amendment in Korea. Further to such analysis, this paper attempts to answer a fundamental question: what are the reasons for the inundation of corporate law bills and the over-politicization of the corporate law in Korea? This paper identifies three factors: the importance of chaebol in Korean society, passivity of the judiciary, and the statute-oriented tendency among Korean legal scholars and legal professionals. Overwhelming amount of new bills requires a fair and wise coordination by the Ministry of Justice or other group of legal experts. 이 논문에서는 제20대 국회에서 의원입법으로 2019년 10월까지 제출된 45개의 회사법 관련 상법개정안을 요약, 정리, 분석하였다. 특히 이들 개정안을 전수 조사하여 이에 포함된 여러 조문들을 6개의 쟁점군, 25개의 구체적 쟁점 별로 재구성함으로써, 대립되는 여러 견해들을 일목요연하게 조감할 수 있었다. 이러한 분석에 비추어 두 가지 의문을 제기하였다. 첫째, 한국 회사법의 최근 개정 과정에서 정치적인 성격이 강해지는 원인은 무엇인가? 이에 대해서는 한국 사회에서 재벌이 가지는 중요성, 사법부의 소극성, 법학계 및 법조계의 성문법 지상주의적 경향을 원인 내지 배경으로 지목하였다. 즉 한국 사회에서 재벌이 가지는 중요성으로 인하여 기업지배구조에 관한 사회적 관심이 매우 증대한 상황에서, 기업지배구조에 관한 대부분의 문제는 법원을 비롯한 실무법조계와 학계가 자율적으로 풀지 못하는 “입법”의 문제가 되었고, 이로써 가장 정치적인 공간인 입법부로 문제해결의 공이 넘어간 것이다. 둘째, 이러한 현상은 규범의 정당성과 효율성이란 측면에서 바람직한가? 기본적으로 최근의 상법개정안 범람 현상은 정당성과 효율성의 측면에서 매우 문제가 많으나, 주무부처인 법무부에서 대립되는 여러 의견과 아이디어들을 조율하여 정선된 대안으로 조정해 낼 수만 있다면 부작용을 최소화할 수 있을 것으로 보았다.