명예훼손 또는 사실공표 행위의 면책을 위한 진실이라 믿을 만한 상당한 이유 기준에 대한 재해석

박지현 ( Ji Hyun Park ) 민주주의법학연구회 2015 민주법학 Vol.0 No.57

The Public Election Act §251 the ‘crime of slandering the opposite candidate’ forbids only slandering, not announcing mere facts. But the Supreme Court interprets it as including the latter, probably confused by the wrong proviso added to that article. The Proviso writes that “…not punished when the announced facts are true and related to public interest”. Since ‘slandering’ already means none of publicness, the proviso should be declared as void and confirmed to have no room for examining on ‘reasonable belief’. The Court, on the contrary and furthermore punishes people who made political statements under §250 the ‘crime of announcing false statement’ except when a defendant proves him/herself that s/he had reasonable belief. This attitude has its origin in the Court’s wrong interpretation at criminal defamation of §307-310 of Criminal Law. It has burdened the defendant to prove his reasonable belief. Both the defamation(in Criminal Law) and the false statement(in Election Act) should be construed to demand the prosecuter’s burden of proof on the awareness requirement. This thesis also reports the ‘public concern’ criteria and the ‘malice’ standard, and the recent ‘political statement’ criteria of the U.S. Supreme Court which nullified criminal punishment on the political ‘false statements’. And it shows the necessity to differentiate the expressions of the facts from the suspicions. The latter should not be prohibited in election, for the Constitution, the democratic election system and the legal provisions all left no room for that.

일본 무라야마 담화의 상징성과 내재화의 간극: 국내 사회 지지 단체-반대 단체의 세력화와 동학

석주희 ( Ju Hee Seok ),최은봉 ( Eun Bong Choi ) 현대일본학회 2015 日本硏究論叢 Vol.42 No.-

일본은 수상이 수차례 전쟁과 식민지 피해에 대하여 사과를 했음에도 불구하고 왜 여전히 사과를 요구받는가? 일본의 사과문제는 아시아 국가 간 관계에서 중요한 미완의 쟁점이다. 이 질문에 대한 다수의 의미있는 선행연구는 국제관계의 측면에서 일본의 사과 문제를 다루어왔다. 이에 따르면 사과의 행위는 해당국가로부터 거센 반발을 야기하고, 국가 간 인식의 차이를 드러내 갈등이 오히려 심화된다고 지적해왔다. 본 논문에서는 일본의 사과에 대한 일본 국내의 사회의 반응에 주목하였고, 무라야마 담화를 둘러싼 민간 시민단체의 지지-반대의 세력화를 중심으로 국가와 시민사회 간의 역학을 추적하였다. 본 논문의 논거는 일본 정부의 공식문건과 시민단체의 문헌자료를 토대로 첫째, 국가 차원에서는 역대 일본수상 및 정부의 사과발언을 조사하였다. 둘째, 사회 차원에서는 무라야마 담화에 대한 지지-반대 운동과 직간접으로 관련 있는 주요 시민단체를 사례로 선정하여 조직과 네트워크, 그리고 활동과 지향점을 검토하였다. 이를 통해, 지속되는 공식 사과에도 불구하고 일본 사회에 사과가 내재화되지 않는 요인에 대해 첫째, 국가 차원에서 수상이 모순된 행동을 취했다는 점과 둘째, 사회 차원에서 공식 사과를 지지하는 시민단체와 반대하는 시민단체가 조직화되어 있다는 점을 들었다. 이 때 지지하는 시민단체는 정치세력화의 수준이 낮은 반면, 반대하는 시민단체가 높은 수준의 정치세력화를 이루었다는 점이 또 다른 주요 요인이다. 이 글은 일본에서 사과에 대한 지지-반대의 동학이 국가-사회 간에 작동하면서, 국내적으로는 사과의 내재화의 결여를 보이고 대외적으로는 사과의 진정성의 희석을 초래하는 구조가 나타난다는 점을 밝혔다. Although the Japanese prime minister apologized several times, why is Japan required to make wartime apology? The Japanese apology played a crucial role in international relations in Asia. Building on state-society relations and Japanese domestic politics, I argue that the official apology is a result of domestic politics, and the links between the state and civil society are important for reconciliation to the successful functioning of apologies. Using the Japanese government documents and civil society organizations``s database, this paper shows how the Murayama Statement (1995) affected the Japan Society through the dynamic of the civil-political sphere and engagement with the state. To explain these links, two arguments are made: first, the Murayama Statement created the cross-national civil society network and concreted of the reconciliation concept at the state level second, the Murayama’s apology turned out to be more of an individual opinion than an official apology due to the weak linkage between the state and civil society.

국어 경어법의 본질과 체계

강창석 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2020 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.39 No.-

The honorific system is one of the representative grammatical phenomena in Korean, and numerous scholars have paid attention to the system. Nonetheless, the nature and system of the honorific expressions cannot be said to have been clarified. The honorific system is the usage of honorific expressions referring to those expressions which are used only for ones of higher rank. They exist mostly with the noun and the verb, but also partly with the chosa and adverb. The nominal honorifics express lowering of the speaker or recognizing the counterpart as one of higher rank. The verbal honorifics express beneficence and politeness of the activity and politeness in the speech act of statement. The honorific system is derived from the dichotomy between a higher rank and a non-higher rank, and between honorifics and non-honorifics. It is for this reason that honorific expressions are used much in a conversational situation where both the speaker and the addressee are present, while they are seldom used in the written context where the addressee is not present.

문학이라는 행위 -1960~70년대 문학과 이청준의 「소문의 벽」-

임유경 ( Lim Yukyung ) 국제한국문학문화학회 2023 사이 Vol.34 No.-

This paper aims to elucidate the complex relationship between literature and politics during the 1960s and 1970s by examining Lee Cheong-jun’s “The Wall of Rumors.” The novel portrays the way power was exercised during that period through the form of ‘interrogation’. Notably, the novel offers a fascinating portrayal of the context in which the writers were experiencing the formation of neurosis. While many writers of the time addressed the relationship between literature and politics in various ways through their works, few explored the issues surrounding psychological oppression and creative freedom with the same intensity as Lee Cheong-jun, and incorporated them into their novels. Lee Cheong-jun is a particularly intriguing subject of discussion because he sought to explore the ‘right to write’ by creating texts that cannot/should not be easily interpreted, paradoxically experimenting with the various possibilities that the act of literature can imply in places not adequately captured by the obvious framework of ‘oppression and resistance’. Furthermore, Lee Cheong-jun wanted to demonstrate that the ‘act of literature’ can be understood as a kind of ‘movement of thought.’ His novels underscore that literature does not only end with resistance to the system, nor does it exist merely as a sacrifice that testifies to the existence of power. They also offer an interesting perspective on how literature can act to create a particular world. By revisiting these features in the context of the 1960s, this article seeks to provide a perspective on the contemporary significance of Lee Cheong-jun’s fiction writing and to consider the contribution of his literature to thinking about the relationship between literature and politics.

Factors Influencing the Implementation of Non-profit Organization Financial Statements of Political Parties: Evidence from Indonesia

Bambang JATMIKO,Titi LARAS,Anatya WIJAYANTI 한국유통과학회 2020 The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Busine Vol.7 No.11

This study aims to find out whether political parties apply financial reports under PSAK (Statement of Financial Accounting Standards) No. 45. The Stewardship Theory provides the analytical framework. The objects in this study were 16 Yogyakarta City Political Parties in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, with the total number of 64 respondents. The application for processing data in this study used SPSS 22 version. Based on the results of analyzing data, H1, which had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.026 <0.05, then H0, stating that there was an influence of the statement of financial position on the implementation of PSAK, was rejected. H2 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.116> 0.05, so that H0, stating that there was no significant effect of the activity report on the implementation of PSAK, was accepted. H3 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.027 <0.05, meaning that it rejected H0, which stated that there was a significant effect of the cash flow statement on the implementation of PSAK. Furthermore, H4 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.744> 0.05, indicating that H0 was accepted, stating that there was a significant effect of notes to the financial statements on the implementation of PSAK.

패션 디자인을 통한 정치·사회적 발언

고현진(Hyun Zin Ko) 한국복식학회 2012 服飾 Vol.62 No.5

The purpose of this study is to examine the political and social statements through fashion design, by comparing with more activated statements in the general design area. To achieve this, the documentary study and practical case study have been executed. First of all, the meaning of design politics was defined and the cases of design practice of political and social statements were reviewed and classified historically. Traditionally, designs have been inextricably linked with political authorities and ideologies. As propaganda, it has been used for power authority to seize power and maintain dominance. On the contrary, they could be an instrument to resist and criticize against contemporary power authority and dominant. Next, the political and social statements were traced historically through fashion design on the basis of the two previously reviewed categories. And then, comparing political and social statements between design and fashion design, the contents and ways of their expressions were similar. In design, there were more various ways when the designers were leading collective behavior, but in fashion design, there were more leading voices of socio-political organizations and resistant counter culture groups. Now, new trends are rising constantly where individual designers`` creations express many different socio-political beliefs. This study which inquires designers`` political and social involvement will be helpful in making people rethink the social role of fashion design and encouraging conscious fashion design activism.

정치 담화에 나타난 명예훼손 발화의 명시성 비교 연구

이한나(Lee, Hannah) 한국언어학회 2018 언어 Vol.43 No.2

The purpose of this study is to analyze defamatory statements in American and Korean political discourse, and to compare their degree of explicitness cross-culturally using an experimental method. This study defines defamatory statements as the illocutionary acts of accusation and insult, and hypothesizes that Americans make defamatory statements more explicitly than Koreans based on Hofstede’s(2001) cultural dimensions. A total of 463 tokens are collected from presidential TV debates and analyzed on the basis of Stadler’s(2011) coding system. The explicitness of defamatory statements is also discussed with regard to the cultural dimensions.

“The Problem of Describing” in Robert Hass’s Time and Materials

김찬영 한국중앙영어영문학회 2010 영어영문학연구 Vol.52 No.3

It has been recognized by some critics that Robert Hass has an ambivalent stance concerning the power and limits of language. Well aware of the limits of language, Hass has had a tendency to use many sharp images in his poetry and has established a firm reputation for them. However, in his latest volume of poetry, Time and Materials, images clash with lengthy descriptions and statements in some individual poems and generally throughout the book. This paper discusses the relationship between Hass’s poetic devices and his epistemology in Time and Materials. While the images of Hass’s poetry evoke the sensuous aspects of the world very effectively, they have limitations in dealing with complex historical and political matters. Well aware of this, Hass turns to the use of descriptions and statements in many poems. And as his poetic career matures, he is writing more poems on historical and political matters employing more descriptions and statements, rather than using images.

한국 양대 정당의 공격적 언어 사용 분석: 2007~2023 정당 논평을 중심으로

박종희,이기은 한국정치학회 2024 한국정치학회보 Vol.58 No.2

본 논문은 2007년부터 2023년까지 발표된 한국 양대정당의 정당논평 총 45,287개(민주당 계열28,137개, 국민의힘 계열 17,150개)를 이용하여 정당의 공격적 언어사용 패턴을 분석하였다. 정당의공식적 언어가 공격적으로 변화하는 현상은 반대 정당과 그 지지자들에 대한 부정적인 프레임 형성과 이를 통한 정당 지지자들 간의 사회적 거리 증가로 이어져 ‘증오의 정치’가 등장하기 용이한 조건을 만들 수 있다. 본 논문의 분석 결과 이전 정부시기에 비해 윤석열정부 첫 2년 동안 여당과야당의 정당논평 공격성이 동반 상승하였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 이전 정부에서는 주로 야당의공격성이 더 강했던 것에 비해, 윤석열정부에서는 여당의 공격적 언어사용이 동반 증가하는 현상이관측되었다. 윤석열정부에 이르러 공격적 언어사용이 여당과 야당에서 동반증가한 배경으로는 박빙으로 승부가 결정된 20대 대통령 선거, 후보 중심의 열성 지지자 집단의 등장, 여소야대 21대 국회, 그리고 정치커뮤니케이션 환경의 변화라는 복합적 요인을 고려할 수 있다. This paper analyzes the patterns of offensive language use by two major political parties in South Korea using a total of 45,287 party statements (28,137 from the Democratic Party and 17,150 from the People Power Party) published from 2007 to 2023. The phenomenon of the official language of political parties becoming increasingly offensive can create conditions conducive to the emergence of “politics of hate” by forming negative frames about the opposing party and its supporters, thereby increasing the social distance between party supporters. Our analysis shows that the offensiveness of party statements from both the ruling and opposition parties has risen in tandem during the first two years of the Yoon Suk Yeol administration compared to the previous administration. In particular, while the opposition party’s offensiveness was mainly stronger under the previous administration, under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration, there has been an observed phenomenon of the ruling party becoming the opposition party in terms of offensiveness of party commentaries, with the offensive language use of the ruling party increasing in tandem. The background of the phenomenon of the simultaneous increase in offensive language use by both the ruling and opposition parties under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration can be attributed to a combination of factors, including the close presidential election of the 20th term, the emergence of candidate-centered enthusiastic supporter groups, the divided government, and changes in the political communication environment.

해방 직후 대한민국임시정부의 건국노선 변화

이동해 한국독립운동사연구소 2023 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.81

This paper noted that there was a change in the Founding line of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea(PGRK) in the early days of the liberation. On September 3, 1945, PGRK announced the “Immediate Policy” suggested their Founding line. However, the “Immediate Policy” was limited because it was drawn up in a hurry amid conflicts between the Korean Independence Party and non-Korean Independence Party Group. In order for the PGRK to lead the political situation and practice the founding line, such internal conflicts must be resolved. After returning home, the PGRK officials completed their grasp of the domestic situation. As a result, they clearly confirmed the support for them, but on the other hand, they became aware of the existence of a solid left-wing forces centered on the People’s Republic of Korea. After holding a Cabinet meeting based on this, it was decided to prioritize the arguments of non-Korean Independence Party Group, which emphasized cooperation with various political forces. It was the result of concessions by the Korean Independence Party. The contents were known in a statement under the name of Kim Gu on January 1st, 1946. The time of convening the meeting mentioned in Article 6 of the “Immediate Policy” has been decided, and the name of the meeting either. In addition, Article 9 was revised to allow other political forces to participate in the PGRK. As a result, the PGRK gained momentum to implement the Founding Line and improved its ability to negotiate with other political forces. 본 논문은 해방 직후 대한민국임시정부의 건국노선에 변화가 있었다는 사실에 주목했다. 1945년 9월 3일, 임정은 ‘당면정책’을 발표하고 자신들의 건국노선을 제시했다. 하지만 ‘당면정책’은 한독당과 반한독당 세력 사이의 갈등 속에서 급히 만들어졌기에 한계가 있었다. 임정이 정국을 주도하고 건국노선을 실현하려면 이러한 내부 갈등을 반드시 해소해야 했다. 귀국 후 정세 파악을 마친 요인들은 임정에게 확고한 지지를 보내는 여론을 확인했지만, 한편으로 인공을 중심으로 공고히 뭉친 좌익진영의 존재를 인지하게 되었다. 이를 토대로 국무회의를 진행한 끝에, 여러 정치세력과의 협력을 강조하는 반한독당 세력의 주장을 우선하기로 결정했다. 한독당이 입장을 굽힌 덕분이었다. 그 내용은 1946년 1월 4일 김구 명의의 성명에 담겨 발표되었다. ‘당면정책’ 6조에 언급된 각계를 망라한 회의 소집 시점이 ‘즉시’로 수정되고, 회의 이름도 정해졌다. 또한 9조 내용을 수정해 현 임시정부에 좌익진영을 위시한 여타 정치세력이 참여할 수 있도록 했다. 이를 바탕으로 임정은 건국노선을 실행할 추진력을 확보했고, 좌익진영과의 협상력을 높일 수 있었다.