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      • KCI등재

        Post-Racial Vision, Racial Transcendence, and Racial Violence in George Schuyler’s Black No More

        박지니 미국소설학회 2024 미국소설 Vol.31 No.3

        It is reported that Barrack Obama’s 2008 Presidential election has ushered in an optimistic era of “post-racial” America. While this unprecedented claim and enthusiasm enthrall a significant portion of African American and ethnic minority populations in terms of race relations in the U.S., there seems to be a distinct ideological disparity between the desire for and the reality of a purportedly race-less country. When more subtle and gentler forms of “new racism” are prevalent in the twenty-first century, George Schuyler’s Black No More (1931) has been reevaluated by the academe. Schuyler (1895-1977) is a controversial African American journalist, essayist, and satirist who opposed Black essentialism and racial solidarity in the early 20th century. Schuyler had been out of the American literary circles for his scathing criticism of major African-American leaders such as Marcus Garvey, Walter White, and W. E .B. Du Bois during the Harlem Renaissance. Black No More is about a new scientific discovery—a treatment called “Black-No-More” that turns blacks white—and the consequential chaos when most blacks are whitened. Set against the backdrop of the Harlem Renaissance in the 1920s and 1930s New York, the novel brilliantly portrays not only the absurdity of racially oppressed African Americans’ obsession with whiteness but also a post-racial dystopia as a race battle hunger game. Schuyler’s post-racial perception and imagination in the novel foreground that race is only a superficial difference in skin color and a social construct that is manipulative. Black No More depicts a racially dichotomized society tumbling into a chaotic race-less world, which evokes the post-racial America that many claim now. In this respect, this paper aims to explore the themes of post-racial vision, racial transcendence, and racial violence in Schuyler’s Black No More.

      • KCI등재

        P-No. 1 탄소강의 기계적 특성과 미세조직에 미치는 용접후열처리의 영향

        이승건(Seung-Gun Lee),강용준(Yongjoon Kang),김기동(Gi-Dong Kim),강성식(Sung-Sik Kang) 대한용접·접합학회 2017 대한용접·접합학회지 Vol.35 No.1

        This study aims to investigate the suitability of requirement for post-weld heat treatment(PWHT) temperature when different P-No. materials are welded, which is defined by ASME Sec. III Code. For SA-516 Gr. 60 and SA-106 Gr. B carbon steels that are typical P-No. 1 material, simulated heat treatment were conducted for 8 h at 610℃, 650℃, 690℃, and 730℃, last two temperature falls in the temperature of PWHT for P-No. 5A low-alloy steels. Tensile and Charpy impact tests were performed for the heat-treated specimens, and then microstructure was analyzed by optical microscopy and scanning electron microscopy with energy-dispersive spectrometry. The Charpy impact properties deteriorated significantly mainly due to a large amount of cementite precipitation when the temperature of simulated heat treatment was 730℃. Therefore, when dissimilar metal welding is carried out for P-No. 1 carbon steel and different P-No. low alloy steel, the PWHT temperature should be carefully selected to avoid significant deterioration of impact properties for P-No. 1 carbon steel.

      • KCI등재

        파탄주의로의 전환을 위한 시론 ―가혹조항과 이혼 후 부양 제도의 도입은 반드시 필요한가―

        정다영,현소혜,손명지 한국가족법학회 2024 가족법연구 Vol.38 No.2

        In 2015, the Supreme Court ruled that the change of the current fault-based divorce system to the no-fault divorce system cannot be allowed in the absence of complementary measures to protect the weak, such as harshness clauses or post-divorce maintenance, adhering to the position that the fault-based divorce system is also necessary to protect the marriage system. This paper aims to argue that the ruling is incorrect through a comparative legal study of the divorce systems in Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Following the grand political strife, Germany introduced a no-fault divorce policy in 1976, France in 1975, and the UK in 1973, with harshness clauses and strengthened post- divorce maintenance in the form of lifetime regular payments as a compromise, however, the former was rarely used and was eventually abolished in France and the UK, while the latter led to a steep decline in the marriage rate and was replaced with a weakened post-divorce maintenance system in the form of a lump sum payment. Moreover, statistics have found that the no-fault divorce system does not increase the divorce rate. In Korea, the doctrine of abuse of rights under Article 2 of the Korean Civil Act can serve as harshness clauses, and the property division system can effectively handle the post-divorce maintenance. Therefore, we no longer need to hesitate to transition to a no-fault divorce system.

      • KCI등재

        노근리 사건의 문학적 형상화와 그 한계

        김남혁 ( Nam Hyuk Kim ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2015 민족문화연구 Vol.67 No.-

        The Korean war is not only the war destroying the life and social construction in Korea fundamentally, but also the war of memories. USA and US Army took part in the Korean war, justifying their decision as a sacred actions blocking communism and preserving Korean civilians. However, in an early stage of war, US Army had been defeated repeatedly, and these defeats produced an atmosphere of fear of guerrillas. The fear was one of the main factors which restrained US Army from defending their cause of the Korean war. No Gun Ri incident was occurred in this context. However the anti-communism made and encouraged by the military dictatorship in Korea suppressed for innocent victims of No Gun Ri incident to expose their experience. In addition, a so-called hearsay of the Post-ideological era in 1990’s made the public indifferent to historical problems including No Gun Ri incident. Therefore literatures handling No Gun Ri incident and published in 1990s and 2000s were brilliant fruits resisting both official memories of Korean war relating with an anti-communism and public indifference made by the ideology of post-ideology. It is a common feature that all these Korean novels access to the incident from a victim’s perspective. As everyone knows, victims’ standpoint may have some limitations in understanding historical events. However, in spite of their perspective, these literatures overcome limitations through suggesting universal justice and love and ethics. However These novels also have weakness in grasping the complicated historical context woven between Korea and USA. This article reads Korean novels dealling with No Gun Ri incident and criticizes widely their performance and limit.

      • KCI등재

        중일 인민연대와 탈/냉전 문화이동 -― 望鄕 과 追捕 의 중국 수용과정을 중심으로

        임우경 한국중국현대문학학회 2012 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.60

        By focusing on the Chinese reception of the two Japanese films,Sandakan No.8(望郷, サンダカン八番娼館) and Arrest(追捕, 君よ愤怒の河を渉れ), this article examines the historical contexts and ramifications of this cultural transfer as a meaningful sign of the start of the post-Cold War in the Asian region. China used to promote the exchange of Chinese and Japanese people even during the Cold War era by carrying out the policy of the people diplomacy that emphasized separation of Japanese people from the Japanese government. The Japanese Film Week in China in 1978,held to celebrate the effectuation of the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship, was one significant result of this exchange. Thanks to the people diplomacy, the Japanese films screened during the Japanese Film Week were received positively by Chinese audiences, despite China’s anti-Japanese sentiments resulting from its experience of Japanese imperialism and the Cold War. Among the Japanese films screened, Sandakan No.8 and Arrest were enthusiastically consumed by the Chinese and became cultural icons afterward that reflected Chinese society of the 1980s. Various happenings and intellectual debates on the rather revealing sexual scenes of Sandakan No.8 to provocatively claim individual autonomy towards sexuality bring the effect of confrontation against the state. Similarly the identification with the protagonist of Arrest by Chinese audience resulted in subversion of existing socialist gender norms and subsequently the creation of new femininity and masculinity constructs the antagonism towards the state. The confrontation against the state, expressed indirectly through sexuality and gender, was developed into the criticism of socialism and, accordingly, formed renewed Cold War thoughts and was combined with strong nationalism that raised the issue of Japan’s accountability for its imperialist past. This is a paradox because the success of the solidarity of Chinese and Japanese people brought about negating the grounds of this solidarity. As such, the Chinese reception of Sandakan No.8 and Arrest discloses the issue of non/representativeness of the relationship between the state and the people and the existence of discrepancy in the logics of the Cold War and nation-state. In this sense, the reception processes of the two films trigger to consider the complicated formation of the post/Cold War brought about by the intertwine of the logics of the Cold War and nation-state.

      • KCI등재

        <모던보이>와 <암살>의 본정과 종로 재현 연구 -탈식민주의를 중심으로-

        진수미 한국콘텐츠학회 2019 한국콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.19 No.7

        In this paper, I examined the representation of post-colonialism focusing on the spaces in Modern Boy and Assassination. These movies represented Bon-jung and Jong-no as a mixed-residence quarter, over the dual city theory, the orthodoxy of geography. It can be interpreted as the birth of a hybrid subject in post-colonialism. The representation of Bon-jong in Modern Boy was centered around Mitsukoshi Department Rooftop Garden, Namsan Music Center and Myeongdong Cathedral. The representation of Bon-jung in Assassination was centered around Anemone Cafe and Mitsukoshi Department Store. Set in the history of the new building the Japanese Government General of Korea in Jong-no, Modern Boy used it as a place of struggle. The representation of Jong-no in Assassination was centered around the mansion of Kang In-kuk, a pro-Japanese collaborator. Modern Boy and Assassination showed the post-colonialism that breaks through modern binary oppositions by a ‘female’ national heroine. describing Bon-jung as both a mixed-residence quarter and the original home of post-colonialism movement, they also showed a different aspect from the existing Kyung-sung representations. 본고에서는 <모던보이>와 <암살>의 탈식민주의적 재현을 공간 중심으로 살펴보았다. 이 영화들은 이중도시론을 탈피한 잡거지로서 본정과 종로를 보여주었다. 이는 탈식민의 잡종적 주체를 가능하게 하는 지점으로 사유될 수 있다. <모던보이>의 본정 재현은 미쓰코시 옥상정원, 명동성당, 남산음악당을 중심으로 이루어졌다. <암살>의 본정 재현은 아네모네 카페와 미쓰코시 백화점에 주목했다. <암살>은 본정의 미쓰코시 백화점을 투쟁 장소로 재현했다. 종로/북촌에 조선총독부 신청사를 건립되었던 역사를 배경으로, <모던보이>는 조선총독부를 투쟁의 장소로 설정하였다. <암살>의 종로 재현은 친일파 강인국 저택을 중심으로 이루어졌다. <모던보이>와 <암살>은 ‘여성’ 민족주의 영웅을 통해 근대의 이항대립적 경계를 돌파하는 탈식민주의적 재현을 보여주었다. 또한 본정을 잡거지인 동시에 탈식민주의 운동의 본거지로 묘사하여 기존의 경성 재현과 다른 양상을 보여주었다.

      • KCI등재

        칠레의 < NO >와 한국의 <변호인>, 영화와 포스트메모리의 정치

        박정원 ( Park Jungwon ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2016 비교문화연구 Vol.44 No.-

        ‘Post-memory’ is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of ‘post-memory’ are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the “NO campaign” which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a “commodity” by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980`s, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of “common-sense” that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

      • KCI등재SCOPUS
      • KCI등재

        현상에 대한 연기(緣起)적 관점과 관계론의 비교연구

        안환기 ( Hwan Ki Ahn ) 인문사회 21 2015 인문사회 21 Vol.6 No.1

        This article aims to compare the western post-structuralism with the oriental theory of Yogacara. The post-structuralists criticized the perspective that the modern rationalists regarded the human reason as an entity. And they presented the idea, ``the relationship``, about the phenomenon itself. Meanwhile, the Yogacara was one of the Buddhist schools in India which criticized the Upanishad. The Upanishad suggested that there is an entity like Brahman/atman under the phenomenon. I think that the post-structuralism and the theory of Yogacara all explain the world of phenomenon in terms of ``the relationship``. Especially the post-structuralists were to grasp the principle of the phenomenon from the point of open and flexible view and explain the phenomenon on the basis of the idea named ``the relationship`` stressing ``the difference``. Whereas, the theory of Yogacara suggested that there is alayavijn ana spreading the recognition world according to the principle, no-self[無我] and pratitya-samutpada[緣起]. Yogacara minutely articulated our mind. On the otherhand, the post-structuralists mainly analyzed the various phenomena around us structurally. Two show that all phenomena including our mind not come from the entity like a God but were formed according to the principle, pratitya-samutpada[緣起]. I show that alayavijn ana in Yogacara is not an island set alone in a sea but a being depending on others and the post-structuralists also criticize the view that there is an entity behind the phenomenon. I primarily focus on the similarity between the post-structuralism and the theory of Yogacara in this article. But I can not but deny the difference of their starting points that the first was formed from theoretically analyzing the structure of phenomenon itself and the second from practice. Nevertheless I think that this article gives us an important view for reflecting human and society in the age of the globalization.

      • 신기후체제 설계의 특징과 신기후체제에서 차별화 적용 방안

        이상윤 ( Sangyun Lee ),최도현 ( Dohyun Choi ) 한국환경연구원 2015 환경정책연구 Vol.14 No.3

        The 2015 Agreement, an initial architect of the Post-2020 Regime, is expected to be adopted at the twenty-first session of the Conference of Parties to be held in Paris in 2015. We discussed key characteristics of the Post-2020 Regime and applications of differentiation which is most contentious issue in the Post-2020 negotiation. In the Post-2020 Regime, automatic ambition increases of Parties could be accomplished through applications of the circular nature of Intented Nationally Determined Contributions (INDC) as well as the progression of mitigation efforts. In terms of differentiation, it would be better to advocate a new method to applying differentiation in the Post-2020 Regime taking into account our own national circumstances. Specifically, promotion of self-differentiation which fits nearly with the philosophy of INDC could be an alternative. In order to promote self-differentiation, rules to apply self-differentiation needs to be devised, and the purpose of such rules should be the ambition increase.

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