선군시대 북한 농촌 여성의 형상화 연구

오창은(Oh, Chang Eun) 북한대학원대학교 2010 현대북한연구 Vol.13 No.2

This thesis has been planned to examine how the ideology of literature in the military-oriented age has been embodied in ‘the figure of North Korean farm village women.’ To that end, I attempted to examine the figuration of women represented in North Korean literature in the 2000s by connecting ‘March of Suffering’ with ‘Military-oriented Age.’ Painful memory of ‘March of Suffering’ gave birth to obsessive attitude toward the enhancement of farm village productivity. So North Korean farm village women in the 2000s are embodied as those who realize the ‘Military-oriented Age’ and perform the tasks of reinforcing agricultural productivity as agricultural workers. In many cases, those women agricultural workers carry out the tasks through the help of discharged soldiers or the North Korean People’s Army. In this sense, farm village women in the military-oriented age are embodied as assistants of the ‘Military-oriented Age’ who have to depend on the North Korean People’s Army, although they are leading figures of enhancing agricultural productivity. In North Korean literature in the 2000s, the ‘Military-oriented Ideology and Military-oriented Politics that are presented as the ideology of the ‘Military-oriented Age’ ‘are not prominently revealed, but the painful memory and fear of ‘March of Suffering’ deeply overhang. This memory of fear is realized as obsession on ‘Productivity First.’ In Kim Seong-hee’s “the Echo of Ryongsan” or Yoon Gyeong-chan’s “Expanding Land,” the landscapes of farm villages where expansion of productivity that should be accomplished by the women’s initiative are represented. These people are placed in the realities of obsession that is the reinforcement of agricultural productivity through the painful memory of the ‘March of Suffering.’ Only in Jo In-hyeong’s “A Memory of a Woman” published in 2005 it was possible to make reminiscent descriptions on the ‘March of Suffering.” What should not be overlooked in those women figures is the fact that women are agricultural worker in the ‘public world’ but their homes and love affairs as their ‘private world’ are suppressed. The noteworthy literary work is Kim Yeong-seon’s “Flames.” In this work, Euna appears on the scene as a daughter of Ryu Geun-hyeok who was given the tile of an efforts hero and is embodied as a prominent character who newly rehabilitate ‘Saemgol Village.” Euna is a discharged soldier and the women group leader who represents new generation. The figuration of Ryu Euna who brings about more prominent achievements than her father’s, while meeting her father’s wish, symbolizes the ideology of the North Korean society The public world in which the private world is not guaranteed reveals indirectly the abnormality of human life. It is the attitude that attaches greater importance to totality than to the individuals’ secrete emotion, and reveals the fact that ‘private freedom’ is not guaranteed. The fact that the suppression of private life is, in many parts, based on the memory of fear about ‘March of Suffering’ testifies unhappy realities that the North Korean society faces. The realities in which the past is mobilized as the driving force of the present are degenerative. Normal daily life is possible when it is possible to project the present and the future based on the realities, i.e. to objectify oneself from the past. In this sense, the discourse called ‘Military-oriented Age’ is the discourse arrested by the past called ‘March of Suffering’, and the discourse that testifies that the North Korean society is in a state of emergency to overcome a kind of crisis.

해방 후 하의삼도(荷衣三島) 농민들의 농지탈환운동에 관한 연구

손형섭 ( Hyung Sup Sohn ) 한국도서(섬)학회 2006 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.18 No.2

대한제국기 민씨척족 민병석과 충주지역의 토지소유

남금자(Nam, keum ja) 한국사연구회 2013 한국사연구 Vol.162 No.-

Min Byeongseok held a variety of high-ranking government posts for about 30 years. In particular, he served as Pyeongan’s governor-a position which all people envied at that time. During that period, he accumulated substantial wealth. He served in high-ranking government posts even after the murder of Queen Myeongseong in 1895 and exerted his power as a man of influence. It was said that he lived in luxury while serving in high-ranking government posts for a long time as Yi Wanyeong’s cousin on his mother’s side. His long-term service in high-ranking government posts was the basis for his accumulation of wealth. It was found that the land of Min Byeongseok was in Gwangmuyangan. In particular, he had a great quantity of land in Chungju. In accordance with an analysis of Chungjugunyangan, he owned 45 gyeol, 99 bu, 6 sok (about 800,000 m2) as the 7th most powerful landlord in Chungju. His land was 8 myeons out of a total of 38 myeons in Chungju, which are Eumseong-gun at present. Most of his land was located in Geumwang-eup in Eumseong-gun, with some in the neighboring areas of Geumwang-eup. Geumwang-eup was the lowest and flattest region in Eumseong-gun. It is the hub of transportation, where Yeongnamdaero passed through because of its convenience. Rice fields accounted for 82.5% of his land. The rice fields totaled 37 gyeol, 94 bu; the uplands were 8 gyeol, 5 bu, 6 sok. To put it simply, the rice fields made up approximately 660,000m2, and the uplands were about 150,000m2. The rice fields accounted for about four times more than the uplands. It indicated that the yield from his land primarily depended on rice fields. For the fertility level of his land, 52.8% was made of up to level 3-the greater percentage-followed by level four accounting for 30.3%. The land in levels three and four totaled 83.1%. Fertility levels three and four meant that fertility was not so high. However, when considering that Queen Myeongseong’s mother’s side had great power at that time, the fertility level of their land would be rated lower. Min Byeongseok lent all his land as an absentee landlord who had no residential house in Chungju. He was a great landlord with 199 tenant farmers. In accordance with an analysis of 59 tenant farmers (30%) accounting for about 250,000m2 amongst 199 tenant farmers, the land cultivated by those farmers reached 70% of the total land of Min Byeongseok: 31 gyeol, 86 bu, 2 sok. A quantity of land was lent to a small number of tenant farmers. Out of 199 tenant farmers, 51 did not have their own farms-about 25.6%. According to an analysis of the land owned by the other 148 tenant farmers, poor farmers made up the highest ratio at 36.4%. The next highest ratio was that of tenant farmers having more than 1 gyeol: 29.1%. They paid the rent that was agreed upon. The landlords preferred farmers who were not poor at that time because of the stable yield. This tendency was confirmed by Min Byeongseok’s farm management.

杜谷 高應陟의 생애와 국방정책

황동권(hwang dongkwon) 대동한문학회 2014 大東漢文學 Vol.40 No.-

본고는 杜谷 高應陟(1531∼1605)의 국방정책에 관해서 살펴보았다. 두곡은 일찍부터 국방에 관심을 가지고 근본적이고 체계적인 방안을 수립한 인물이다. 두곡은 평생의 사업으로 求道에 뜻을 두고 發憤忘食하며 치열하게 학문을 탐구하였다. 특히 『대학』ㆍ『중용』의 요체를 깊이 터득한 뒤에 주변 사람, 즉 庸人ㆍ武夫ㆍ小吏ㆍ어린아이에게도 『대학』을 가르쳤다. 그는 투철한 현실인식을 바탕으로 文武竝用論ㆍ兵農分離論ㆍ高級武官養成論과 같은 국방정책을 위정자에게 꾸준히 개진하였다. 두곡이 국방에 관심을 가지게 된 배경은 무인적 집안 가풍, 임진왜란 전 북방 오랑캐의 잦은 국경 침탈 및 왜구의 크고 작은 소요 등으로 조선에 드리워진 전쟁의 기운, 임진왜란 등 3가지를 꼽을 수 있다. 한편, 두곡의 국방정책의 핵심은 문무병용론, 병농분리론, 고급무관양성론 등 3가지로 요약된다. 문무병용론은 문과 무는 각자의 기능과 역할이 주어져 있으므로 서로 긴밀하게 도와주는 관계를 형성해야만 오랫동안 국가를 유지할 수 있다는 것이다. 병농분리론은 精兵을 뽑아 훈련에 매진하게 하되, 保人과 率丁으로 하여금 정병의 가사, 농사, 그리고 군무 일체를 전담하게 하여 정병이 마음 놓고 훈련에 매진하게 하는 것이다. 고급무관양성론은 각 고을에 '講武堂'을 세운 뒤에 농지를 마련하여 여기에서 나는 소출로 무인과 말을 기르는 것이다. 구체적으로 재주와 용기가 출중한 사람을 뽑아서 제독으로 하여금 활 쏘고 수레 모는 법을 충분히 가르치도록 하고, 또 전투와 진법에 관련된 서적을 읽고 토론하도록 하는 것이다. 이렇게 배출된 인원 중에 재주가 출중한 자를 평시에는 禁衛에 배속하여 궁궐수비를 맡기고, 위기에는 대장의 임무를 맡겨 강한 외부의 적을 방어하게 하는 것이다. 두곡의 문무병용론, 병농분리론과 같은 주장은 당대 지식인들의 국방정책과 그 궤를 같이하지만, 고급무관양성론과 같은 주장은 그들보다 상당히 진보적이고 체계적인 방안이다. Eungcheok Go with the pen name of Dugok (1531∼1605) was a scholar absorbed in Confucian moral principles in the Yeongnam area in the 16th century. Throughout his life, he was self-taught. He achieved a lot of success in research of Confucian classical books such as the Great Learning (大學) and the Doctrine of the Mean (中庸). In addition, he was a literary man who wrote 58 poems in the form of six-Chinese letters and 28 pieces of Korean traditional poetry named Sijo. The latter included the principle of Great Learning in Korean. Dugok had great interest in national defense, which resulted from his military family background and the socio-political ideology of his time. In those days, the Joseon Dynasty was exposed to the danger of frequent external invasion into the borderline by northern barbarians before Imjin Waeran, the Japanese Invasion in 1492. Moreover, large and small disturbances by Japanese invasions brought about a dark sign of war in the Joseon Dynasty. Most importantly Imjin Waeran in 1492 was the largest contribution to his concern about national defense. Dugok was interested in national defense policies earlier than others and presented practical ways to defend the nation. The key features of his national defense policies could be summarized threefold. The first was that both civil and military officials should participate in national defense, the second was that military service and farming should be separated, and the final element was that military officials should be highly disciplined. However, these three elements were not separated but organically related. Civil and military officials' participation in national defense was a basic principle, directing national defense. The separation of military service from farming was a method intented to discipline high-ranking military officers. Dugok thought that military officers and civil officials had different duties to do, and by the strategy of 'civil and military officials' participation in national defense', they could help each other and maintain a harmonious relationship. This in turn preserved the nation's future. The point of the separation of military service from farming was that elite troops recruited were rigorously disciplined while reservists and subordinate soldiers were devoted to caring for the families and household chores of the elite troops, farming and general military affairs, and the elite troops became absorbed in their military discipline. Dugok's third strategy of the discipline of high-ranking military officials was that above all, a military discipline center was established, farming land was prepared, and the income from the farming land was directed to rearing military officials and raising horses. Men of great courage and talents were selected, sufficiently taught how to shoot arrows and drive carts by generals, and made to discuss books about battles and troop disposition. Out of those members who were turned out through the system, persons of outstanding ability were assigned as royal guards, defending the palace. In crisis, such men were given duties as captains, defending against invasion by strong enemies.

『상두지』의 둔전론 ―둔전의 조성과 둔졸의 운용을 중심으로―

손균익 ( Son Kyun-ick ) 한국실학학회 2020 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.40

『상두지』는 18세기 말 소론 계열의 실학자 이덕리가 진도 유배 시절에 저술한 국방 관련 저서이다. 이 책에는 서로 지역을 대상으로 한 둔전의 조성과 둔졸의 운용에 관한 내용이 책의 가장 첫머리에 전체 분량의 4분의 1 이상을 차지할 만큼 비중 있게 다루어지고 있다. 그가 제안한 다양한 국방 정책 중 최우선 과제이자 그 모든 정책을 실현 가능케 할 토대로서 둔전의 문제에 주목한 것이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 학계에 처음 소개되는 이덕리의 둔전론을 상세히 분석하는데 우선적인 목표를 두고, 그가 제안한 급가매득을 통한 둔전의 조성 원칙, 국가적 차 수출을 통한 토지 매입 비용의 조달 및 규모의 단계별 확대 방안, 서북 지역에서의 수전 농법 확산을 위한 이른바 ‘갈오인수법’으로 명명된 수리시설의 구상, 모병제에 준하는 둔졸의 모집 계획과 급료 제도, 각종 인사 규정 및 근무 지원 방안 등에 대해 살펴보았다. 아울러 이 과정에서 유형원·서영보·정약용·서유구·정시원 등 동시대 지식인들의 관련 주장과 비교·분석도 시도하였다. 그 결과, 이덕리의 둔전론은 지극히 현실적이고 실무적인 접근 속에서 당대의 국가적 시책에 조응한 동시에 사회경제적 변화에 선제적으로 대응한 주장이었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 아울러 동시대 지식인들의 둔전론과 비교하여 전반적인 연속성 속에서 몇몇 차별화된 인식들을 포착함으로써 그 독창성도 살펴볼 수 있었다. 나아가 그의 둔전론은 18세기 소론 계열의 둔전론이 가지는 특징과 함께 그의 사상이 당대 영암·강진 지역의 지식인들에게 적지 않은 영향을 끼쳤음을 보여준다. Sangdu-Ji is a book related to the military policy in the late eighteenth century Chosŏn period written by Yi Tŏk-ri during his years of exile on Jindo Island. This book focuses on the ways of making and administering garrison farms in the northwestern province. The content concerning garrison farms is located in the first part and comprises more than a quarter of the book. It indicates that Yi Tŏk-ri proposed making the garrison farm system as the concrete object of military policy and the major solution to the military problems faced in the late Chosŏn period. Sangdu-Ji has not yet been introduced in Korean academia, so the primary purpose of this research is to scrutinize and explain the garrison farm theory in Sangdu-Ji. This paper covers the following subjects:the plan to make garrison farms based on the rule of bargain land by payout and its funding by tea exports to northern China;the siphon technique for irrigation facilities to spread rice transplantation farming methods in the northwestern province ; the idea to mobilize soldiers of garrison farms, which is similar to the volunteer military system;and the tactics of maintaining the military system, such as the salary system. Moreover, this research compares the garrison farm theories of Yi Tŏk-ri's contemporary intellectuals, such as Yu Hyŏng-wŏn, Sŏ Yŏng-bo, Chŏng Yak-yong, Sŏ Yu-ku, and Chŏng Shi-wŏn, with that in Sangdu-Ji. In conclusion, the garrison farm theory of Yi Tŏk-ri was an argument corresponding to national policy with a practical approach, and it was a result of a preemptive reaction to socioeconomic changes in the next century. Furthermore, the comparison with the theories of his contemporary scholars who studied practical matters clearly shows that it not only shared commonalities with their thoughts but also had a distinct perspective. What is more, the theory had a considerable influence on the garrison farm theory of the Soron school and the thoughts of the new intellectuals in Yŏng-am and Kang-jin provinces.

5․16군정기 귀농 추진과 정착-이탈의 갈림길

김아람 조선대학교 인문학연구원 2022 인문학연구 Vol.- No.64

이 논문은 5․16군정기에 실시한 귀농정착사업의 배경과 그 결과를 다룬다. 사업의 배경으로써 1950년대 구호대상의 상황을 살펴보면, 1) 구호대상 범주는 전쟁기에 모든 구호대상자와 실업자의 구분이 명확하지 않았다. 전후에는 구호대상자라 하더라도 거주 형태에 따라서 복귀정착자, 복귀불능농민으로 분류하였다. 2) 1955년부터 1961년까지 구호가 필요한 대상자의 수가 증가하는 추세였다. 3) 지역별로는 남부지방에 구호대상자의 수가 많았다. 5․16군정은 지방에 구호대상이 증가하는 상황에서 서울 거주민을 지방으로 이주 정착시키기 위한 귀농정착사업을 실시하였다. 긴급실업대책의 일환이었던 이 사업은 생활이 불안정한 사람들을 농촌 개간․간척에 활용하고, 도시 정주를 차단하는 방식으로 이루어졌다. 그러나 사업은 1회로 그쳤다. 군정은 사업 초기부터 귀농민의 이탈을 막기 위해 중앙정보부와 행정기관을 통해 실태를 파악하고, 귀농민을 감시하였다. 이때 사업장에서 개간이 가능했던 것은 입주한 귀농민이 부채를 감당하며 영농했거나 지역민이 다시 유입되었기 때문이었다. 정부는 사업 계획이 부재하고 비용이 부족한 상태에서 사업을 추진하였고, 영농의 자연적인 제약과 사업의 제도적인 한계는 귀농민에게 부가되었다. This paper deals with the background and results of the Return- to-Farm Settlement Project conducted during the May 16 military period. Looking at the situation of relief targets in the 1950s as the background of the project, 1) the category of relief targets was not clear between all relief targets and unemployed during the war period. After the war, even those eligible for relief were classified as return settlers and unable-to-return farmers according to their type of residence. 2) From 1955 to 1961, the number of subjects in need of relief was on the rise. 3) By region, the number of relief recipients was high in the southern region. The 5․16th Military Government implemented a return-to-farm settlement project to migrate and settle residents of Seoul to the provinces in a situation where relief targets are increasing in the provinces. The project, which is part of the emergency unemployment measures, was carried out by utilizing people with unstable lives for rural reclamation and reclamation, and blocking urban settlement. However, the Return-to-Farm Settlement Project was only once. From the beginning of the project, the county government identified the situation through the KCIA and the administrative agency and monitored the returnees in order to prevent the departure of returnees. At this time, the reason why it was possible to reclaim land at the workplace was because the returning farmers who moved in were farming with debts or local residents flowed back in. The government promoted the project in the absence of a project plan and insufficient cost, and natural restrictions on farming and institutional limitations of the project were added to returning farmers.

고구려 남부전선 주둔부대의 생활상

신광철(SHIN Kwang-cheol) 고구려발해학회 2010 고구려발해연구 Vol.38 No.-

한강유역에서 확인되는 고구려 보루는 군사적 기능이 극대화된 군사시설로서 동시기 백제와 신라, 중국 왕조 등 주변 국가에서 유례를 찾아보기 힘든 형태의 관방시설이다. 이러한 보루는 고구려 내에서도 한강유역을 중심으로 형성된 남부전선만의 특수한 군사전략에 의해 구축ㆍ운영되었으며, 중앙에서 파견된 수천 명의 상비군이 주둔하였다. 각 보루에는 창수, 궁수, 부월수, 환도수 등으로 구성된 10~100명 단위의 보병부대가 주둔했으며, 주로 한강 이남의 백제ㆍ신라에 대한 감시와 통제 및 국지전 등의 임무를 수행하였다. 하지만 보루의 주둔군이 常備軍이라 하더라도 매일 군사업무만 수행했던 것은 아니었다. 그들은 전투가 없는 시기에 교육ㆍ훈련을 통해 전투력을 유지ㆍ증진시켰으며, 자체적으로 수렵 및 어로 활동을 통해 식량을 공급하기도 하고, 성벽 및 건물지 등을 증ㆍ보축하기도 했다. 이러한 주둔군의 의식주 생활 일부를 보루에서 출토된 다양한 토기와 철기 및 토제품, 보루 내의 건물지, 성벽, 내부시설 등을 통해 살펴볼 수 있다. 한편, 고구려의 남부전선에는 대규모 성곽이 없는 대신 소규모 관방시설인 보루를 중심으로 하는 방어체계가 형성되어 있기 때문에, 주둔군의 성격이나 편제는 물론이고, 지휘체계나 보급체계 역시 다른 전선과 달랐음을 어렵지 않게 짐작할 수 있다. 보루라는 관방시설 자체가 전투를 주목적으로 하는 군사시설인 만큼 자체적으로 군수물자를 생산ㆍ보급하기 힘들지만, 구의동보루의 경우 호미와 보습 등 적지 않은 수량의 철제 농구류가 확인되어 일부 보루에서는 소규모로 둔전 경작이 이뤄졌다고 추정할 수 있다. 또한 구의동보루를 비롯한 한강 유역에 소재하고 있는 20여 개의 보루에서 주둔군의 병영막사로 쓰였던 건물지 이외에 단야시설, 디딜방앗간, 간이 소성시설 등이 확인되어 보루 내에서 전투 이외의 각종 생업활동이 이뤄졌음을 알 수 있다. 이러한 시설을 통해 보루 내에 단야작업, 취사, 토기 소성 등을 담당하던 기술병이 주둔했음을 확인할 수 있었으며, 한강 유역 고구려 보루群의 보급체계 일면을 복원할 수 있는 계기가 되었다. 더 나아가 각 보루마다 기본적으로 갖추고 있는 내부시설 이외에 몇몇 보루에서만 확인되는 특수한 내부 시설들을 통해 보루마다 기능과 성격에 차이가 있었음을 알 수 있으며, 이는 곧 보루의 위계와도 상관성이 있음을 확인하였다. Defense posts established by the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryeo along mountaintops near the Han River represent frontier defense facilities whose military functions were emphasized. These defense posts are unlike any frontier defense facilities found in rival kingdoms of Baekje and Shilla, or even in China and Japan, during the same period. These facilities were built and operated within the specialized context of Goguryeo’s ‘southern frontier; manned by thousands of troops dispatched from the capital. Posted in each outpost was a garrison of 10 to 100 infantry troops that included spearmen, archers, axemen, and swordsmen; responsible for surveillance and control concerning movements of Baekje and Shilla troops, as well as engagement in armed skirmishes when necessary. Despite the fact that the soldiers posted were regular troopers, their activities included more than typical military duties. Various forms of education and training were undertaken when they were not fighting, in order to improve their skills for combat in case it should actually come to pass, as well as maintenance work on walls and buildings of their outpost. The diverse array of pottery, iron tools, earthen items, building sites, walls, and remnants of facilities uncovered at the site allows us to trace the daily lives and routines of these garrisons. As Goguryeo’s defensive network in the southern frontier consisted not of massive fortresses but small defense outposts, it can be safely assumed that the nature and organization of the garrisons, and the logistics network, would be different from Goguryeo’s other frontiers. These outposts were military facilities specialized for warfighting, which made self-sufficiency in production of weapons and other supplies difficult. However, the discovery of significant numbers of hoes and plows at the outpost in Guui-dong in Seoul indicates that some farming activity took place within the grounds by the garrison. In addition to the Guui-dong outpost, excavation at twenty other outposts along the Han River revealed facilities for ironworking, milling, and pottery making (small kilns); evidence of various daily activities other than combat. The facilities also provide proof of ‘specialist’troopers who were responsible for the activities that can be inferred from above (ironsmith, cooking, potter making, etc.), enabling us to reconstruct at least one aspect of the logistics system used to support Goguryeo outposts in the Han River area. Facilities peculiar to certain outposts, aside from facilities basic to all of them, points to differences in the role and character of each, and a hierarchy that existed among the outposts in the network.

일송 김동삼의 선비정신과 독립운동

변창구 한국민족사상학회 2014 민족사상 Vol.8 No.2

Il Song(一松) Kim Dong-Sam(金東三) as an innovative confucian was one of the greatest independence activists against Japanese imperialism, based on the Sun-bi spirits. In order to achieve the national independence, he went through various sufferings. In the early years of the national independence movement, he had developed a mass-education campaign through establishing a cooperative school(協同學校) and the Andong Branch of Korean Association(大韓協會 安東支會). After the annexation treaty between Korea and Japan in 1910, he took asylum in Manchuria. In there he established various base camps for an anti-Japanese struggle such as Kyung Hak Sa(耕學社), Bu Min Dan(扶民團), Korean People Association(韓族會), Sin Heung Military School(新興武官學校), and Bak Sye Farm(白西農莊). And at the same time he made an effort to integrate the division and conflicts among many kinds of independence movement organizations. Like this, Il Song devoted his whole life to the national independence movement. Therefore today's political and social leaders have to learn his Sun-bi spirits such as giving up life for justice(捨生取義). 일송(一松) 김동삼(金東三)은 대유학자 서산(西山) 김흥락(金興洛)의 학통을 이어받아 의리론(義理論)을 중시하는 분위기 속에서 성장함으로써 올곧은 선비정신이 내면화되었다. 그는 조국이 쓰러져가자 국권회복을 위하여 혁신유림으로 전환하면서 협동학교의 설립과 대한협회 안동지회 활동을 통하여 애국계몽운동을 전개하였다. 그러나 한일합병으로 국내에서의 구국운동이 한계에 부딪치자 만주망명을 단행하고, 서간도에서 경학사(耕學社)를 시작으로 부민단(扶民團)․한족회(韓族會)․신흥학교(新興學校)․백서농장(白西農莊)․서로군정서(西路軍政署) 등을 조직하여 무장독립투쟁을 전개하였다. 더욱이 일송은 당시 이념과 전략의 차이로 분열되어 있던 독립운동단체들을 통합하여 대한통의부(大韓統義府) 총장․국민대표회의 의장․혁신의회 의장 등을 맡아서 민족의 역량을 결집시키는데 혼신의 노력을 다하였다. 이러한 그의 멸사봉공(滅私奉公)과 견위수명(見危授命)의 선비정신은 오늘날 우리사회의 지도자들에게 커다란 교훈을 주고 있는데, 그것은 첫째, 지도자는 높은 도덕적 의무감을 가지고 국민에 헌신․봉사해야 한다는 사실, 둘째, 사익(私益)보다 공익(公益)을 먼저 생각해야 한다는 점, 그리고 셋째, 역지사지(易地思之)의 입장에서 국민통합을 선도해야 한다는 점 등이다.

정조시대 壯勇營外營의 兵農一致 군제개혁 구상과 屯田經營

김준혁(Kim, Jun Hyuk) 한국사연구회 2015 한국사연구 Vol.- No.168

明代 소수민족 통치의 一面

鄭哲雄(Chung, Chul-Woong) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.143 No.-