한・일 척도형용사의 대조 연구 -「많다(多い)」와 「깊다(深い)」를 중심으로-

유은성 한국일어교육학회 2018 일본어교육연구 Vol.0 No.43

The present study compares and contrasts Korean and Japanese measure adjectives, with a focus on the Korean adjectives manhta and kiphta and the Japanese adjectives ooi and hukai, both within the cross-language pair and with other synonymous measure adjectives. The Japanese ooi differs from the other adjectives in terms of its qualitative property since it is not usually employed as a degree modifier in combination with gradable nouns, and, even when used jointly with gradable nouns, it largely retains its numerical sense. However, unlike ooi, the Korean manhta is widely used as a degree marker – it can not only denote a numerical sense but also often replaces other measure adjectives such as khuta and nophta. The Japanese collocations noun(postposition)+ooi and ookuno+noun chiefly correspond with the Korean manhta and manhun, respectively. However, the Korean collocations noun (postposition)+manhta and manhun+noun correspond not with the Japanese ooi but with other Japanese measure adjectives such as ookii or takai. The above Korean usages mostly allow the use of the other measure adjectives used as degree markers such as khuta and nophta. However, it is noteworthy that the Japanese hukai usually translates not as its Korean direct equivalent kiphta, but as manhta. 본고에서는 정도명사와 결합하여 정도의 크기를 나타내는 척도형용사 중, 한국어 「많다」와 「깊다」, 일본어 「多 い」와 「深い」를 중심으로 다른 척도형용사와의 유의 관계 및 한・일 대응 관계를 대조 고찰하였다. 한국어 「많다」 는 일본어 「多い」와 달리, 수량적인 의미뿐만 아니라 「크다」,「높다」등 다른 척도형용사와 교체될 수 있는, 정도의크기를 나타내는 의미용법이 활발한 점을 통해 일본어 「많다」와 달리 정도성을 나타내는 데에 다용되고 있음을 알수 있었다. 그렇기 때문에 일본어 「名詞+多い」,「多くの+名詞」 용례는 대부분 한국어 「명사+많다」,「많은+명사」에 대응되지만, 정도성의 의미가 강한 「명사+많다」,「많은+명사」는 대부분 일본어의 「名詞+多い」, 「多くの +名詞」에 대응되지 않고, 「大きい/大きな」,「高い」등 다른 척도형용사 연어 형식에 대응되는 경향이 있었다. 또한 이러한 경우 한국어에서도 「크다」,「높다」 등과 같은 대표적 척도형용사와 교체할 수 있는 경우도 많았지만, 한국어 「많다/많은」이 「深い」에 대응되는 경우가 있었다. 이러한 점은 「깊다」와 「深い」 용례에 대한 대응 결과에서도 동일하게 나타났다. 이와 같이 본 연구에서는 일본어와의 대조를 통해서 한국어 「많다」는 「크다」「높다」 등 다른 척도형용사와 같이 정도성을 나타내는 데에 다용되고 있는 점을 확인할 수 있었다.

연어 관계를 이용한 어휘교육 방안 -유표적 척도 형용사 부류의 코퍼스 분석을 중심으로-

강현화 한국언어문화교육학회 2008 언어와 문화 Vol.4 No.1

This study demonstrates the importance of syntagmatic relations(colloquial relations) with respect to vocabulary instruction and discusses its application methods. Using a group of the marked measure adjectives such as “large”, “many”, “wide”, “deep”, “high”, “severe”, “heavy”, “thick” and “strong”, which are usually found in measure expressions related to size, volume and width, this study attempts to apply the colloquial relations to developing a vocabulary teaching method that can differentiate their usages. In this study, it is found that foreign learners are likely to make errors because the colloquial relations in these measure adjectives are different from those used in their mother languages. Overall, this study not only provides the contents knowledge regarding the syntagmatic vocabulary relations but also suggests specific teaching methods that can be applied in vocabulary instruction. (Yonsei University)

有關形容詞與數量短語共現的硏究

마문나 ( Wen-na Ma ),류수경 ( Su-kyong Yu ) 한국중국학회 2016 中國學報 Vol.76 No.-

The distribution of adjectives and numeral-measure phrase in modern Chinese language is expressed in two patterns such as “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structures. Although there is a little difference in these two structures between the type of combined adjectives or the existence and nonexistence of the meaning of comparison, those two structures, generally, have the same meanings and functions. So, this study reviewed the causes of those phenomena through a diachronic study and analysis of the meaning and structure of “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral -Measure Phrase”. In a case where the classifier for units of measurement and the adjectives with weights and measures meaning such as “長、高、厚、寬、重、粗、深” appear (e.g. “一米高”), “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structures in modern Chinese language have the same meaning and function. However, as the results of a structural analysis by this study on the properties of adjectives and numeral-measure phrase likely to appear and the interpolation of “是、有、□”, the adjectives in those two structures are found to have different properties. In other words, it is found that the adjective in “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” is an adjective itself, whereas the adjective in “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” has the property of a noun. This study identified the causes of synchronic existence of those two structures through a diachronic analysis. This seems to be connected with the development of the comparative sentences (差比句、平比句) and the change in the components of modification in Chinese language. An existing study mentioned a diachronic change from “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” to “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective”. This study takes the view that this change is overall connected with a historic change in the distribution of the components of modification. In other words, it seems that a historically significant transition from“Noun+modifying phrase” to “Modifying phrase+noun” affected adjectives and quantitative phrases. In particular, The change in “平比句”, which is a change from “Adjective+如N” structure in ancient times to“(如)N(許)+Adjective” structure in the Tang dynasty period, directly affected the function of “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” structure of modern Chinese language. Accordingly, the “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” structure replaced the function of “Adjective+ Numeral-MeasurePhrase” structure. Also, the shift of an adjective and a preposition phrase resulting from the appearance of“差比句” affected the expression of the comparative meaning by “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structure in modern Chinese language. Lastly, the function of “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structure such as “高一米” seems to be connected with “Noun predicate sentence” developed from the middle chinese. According to the results of this analysis, there is actually a difference in the properties of adjectives between “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structures seeming like they existed synchronically and expressed the same function, which is closely connected with a diachronic language phenomenon.

A Comparative Study of Measure Adjectives in Korean, English, Japanese and Romani

장영준 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.4

This paper examines and analyzes so-called measure adjectives in Korean, English, Japanese and Romani in a comparative fashion. Apart from the cases in Romani dialects, only a subset of measure adjectives which are pairs of antonym members allow morphological rule applications. That is, among the measure adjective pairs such as English high-low and deep-shallow, only the first members of the pair allow -t(h) nominalization, while the second members do not. This kind of morphological behavior is by no means random, but rather systematic and rule-governed. Unlike the general tendency of idiosyncratic morphological behaviors, the measure adjectives whose exact definition should be given later behave in quite an expected, predictable way cross-linguistically. As an extension of Shin (1992), Jang (2002), and Jang & Shi (2003, 2006), we will further show that only the unmarked, basic, positive measure adjectives allow a set of particular morphological rule applications, while marked, derived, negative measure adjectives do not. Furthermore, we show that the morphological patterns found in many Romani dialects are only apparent and not real. That is, the uniform pattern of morphological rule applications in many Romani dialects are not lexical, basic, or primary. Rather the morphological pattern in these languages is rather secondary, syntactic, and somewhat leveled.

A Comparative Study of Measure Adjectives in Korean, English, Japanese and Romani

Youngjun Jang 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.4

This paper examines and analyzes so-called measure adjectives in Korean, English, Japanese and Romani in a comparative fashion. Apart from the cases in Romani dialects, only a subset of measure adjectives which are pairs of antonym members allow morphological rule applications. That is, among the measure adjective pairs such as English high-low and deep-shallow, only the first members of the pair allow -t(h) nominalization, while the second members do not. This kind of morphological behavior is by no means random, but rather systematic and rule-governed. Unlike the general tendency of idiosyncratic morphological behaviors, the measure adjectives whose exact definition should be given later behave in quite an expected, predictable way cross-linguistically. As an extension of Shin (1992), Jang (2002), and Jang & Shi (2003, 2006), we will further show that only the unmarked, basic, positive measure adjectives allow a set of particular morphological rule applications, while marked, derived, negative measure adjectives do not. Furthermore, we show that the morphological patterns found in many Romani dialects are only apparent and not real. That is, the uniform pattern of morphological rule applications in many Romani dialects are not lexical, basic, or primary. Rather the morphological pattern in these languages is rather secondary, syntactic, and somewhat leveled.

On the Morphological Paradigms of Romani

Young Jun Jang,Jung Eun Choi 현대문법학회 2008 현대문법연구 Vol.54 No.-

한국 전통음식의 세계화를 위한 맛 형용사에 대한 비교 연구

은희주,김용성,이준환 차세대컨버전스정보서비스학회 2012 차세대컨버전스정보서비스기술논문지 Vol.1 No.2

This paper is a comparative study of the diversification languages‘ taste adjectives, the most important challenge for the globalization of traditional food. In this paper, the aim is to develop a plan that can be graded according to the degree of desirable flavor to a taste rating scale. 본 논문은 전통음식의 세계화를 위해 매우 중요한 과제 중 하나인 다양한 언어의 맛 형용사에 대한 비교 연구이다. 본 논문에서는 맛의 호감 정도를 맛 평가 척도에 따라 등급화 할 수 있는 방안을 수립하는데 본 논문의 목적이 있다.

現代漢語“數+形+量<SUB>(個)</SUB>+名”格式的認知語用小考

劉娜(LIU NA) 한국중국어교육학회 2016 중국어교육과연구 Vol.0 No.24