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      • KCI등재

        도서연안지역 민요공동체의 성격과 민요의 연행양상

        홍순일 한국민요학회 2008 한국민요학 Vol.22 No.-

        This study leads an in-depth argument of characteristics of folksongs community and aspect of folksongs in the islands/coastal regions through positive practices from the view point on the performance theory. The first issue discussed is ‘the characteristics of folksongs community in islands/costal regions.’ In characteristics, folksongs community in islands/costal regions has taken its purpose in realizing enthusiasm of inhabitants in folksongs community in islands/costal regions, and transmitted with folksongs in islands regions. The view point is known as “the viewpoint of Yeolji, or delight,” which means that the delightful and pleasant talks can produce poems, songs and dances. The methodology is the fusion of a poem, a song, and a dance, which means that a poem should transmit to a song, and song to a dance. And an amusement (play) factor is added into them in the serial form. Further, the focal point is to materialization of the community delight, which indicates that the Sori-cultural device is activated for the communication between residents, and the network device is operated for openness between communities. The second issued discussed in the study is ‘the performance aspect of folksongs in islands/costal regions.’ The folksongs in the regions show the performance aspect by which they expand the practical possibility based on a poem-song-dance fusion when the inhabitants realize the folksongs in the communities of the regions. Namely, the performance aspect of folksongs in the islands regions is to combine firstly a poem and a song, secondly a poem-song and a dance and finally a poem-song-dance and play. At the same time, the delight is pursued through inter-community transmission. The third topic is ‘the significance of folksongs performance in the folksongs community of the islands/coastal regions.’ The inhabitants of islands/coastal regions are realizing islands spirits and establishing the Sori-cultural device through islands region folksongs which were combined with villages and folksongs communities. That is, the folksongs community as a mediator which realizes folksongs in the islands regions is being operated in the background of local communities in the islands/costal regions. The folksongs of islands regions not only satisfy the cultural demands of residents in the islands/coastal regions, but enable the fusion of a poem, a song and a dance with play added on it, thus finally making the exit of delight. This study leads an in-depth argument of characteristics of folksongs community and aspect of folksongs in the islands/coastal regions through positive practices from the view point on the performance theory. The first issue discussed is ‘the characteristics of folksongs community in islands/costal regions.’ In characteristics, folksongs community in islands/costal regions has taken its purpose in realizing enthusiasm of inhabitants in folksongs community in islands/costal regions, and transmitted with folksongs in islands regions. The view point is known as “the viewpoint of Yeolji, or delight,” which means that the delightful and pleasant talks can produce poems, songs and dances. The methodology is the fusion of a poem, a song, and a dance, which means that a poem should transmit to a song, and song to a dance. And an amusement (play) factor is added into them in the serial form. Further, the focal point is to materialization of the community delight, which indicates that the Sori-cultural device is activated for the communication between residents, and the network device is operated for openness between communities. The second issued discussed in the study is ‘the performance aspect of folksongs in islands/costal regions.’ The folksongs in the regions show the performance aspect by which they expand the practical possibility based on a poem-song-dance fusion when the inhabitants realize the folksongs in the communities of the regions. Namely, the performance aspect of folksongs in the islands regions is to combine firstly a poem and a song, secondly a poem-song and a dance and finally a poem-song-dance and play. At the same time, the delight is pursued through inter-community transmission. The third topic is ‘the significance of folksongs performance in the folksongs community of the islands/coastal regions.’ The inhabitants of islands/coastal regions are realizing islands spirits and establishing the Sori-cultural device through islands region folksongs which were combined with villages and folksongs communities. That is, the folksongs community as a mediator which realizes folksongs in the islands regions is being operated in the background of local communities in the islands/costal regions. The folksongs of islands regions not only satisfy the cultural demands of residents in the islands/coastal regions, but enable the fusion of a poem, a song and a dance with play added on it, thus finally making the exit of delight.

      • KCI등재

        조선 후기 도서 지역에 대한 행정 편제 변화 - 서남해안 도서를 중심으로

        엄기석 동북아역사재단 2024 영토해양연구 Vol.0 No.27

        조선시대 서남해안에 위치한 도서 지역에 대한 행정 편제 정책은 시기별로 다르게 나타났다. 먼저 왕조 초반에는 고려 말에 이어서 ‘공도(空島)’ 정책을 실시하면서도 동시에 섬의 자연 환경 조건을 이용하고자 다수의 목장을설치·운영하였다. 하지만 정부의 공도 정책은 큰 지속성과 실효성이 없었다. 도서로 인구 유입은 이어졌고, 이들의 생활을 위한 농지 개간도 꾸준하게 이루어졌다. 17세기 이후부터는 궁방과 아문의 도서 지역에 대한 둔전경영이 활발해지면서 도서 지역에 대한 경제력이 향상되었다. 동시에 도서지역으로 인구 유입도 증가하였다. 이에 정부에서는 더 이상 도서 지역이원거리이고 지방 수령의 직접 통치가 어렵다는 이유로 방치할 수만은 없는상황이었다. 결과적으로 18세기 중반부터 서남해안 도서 지역을 별도로 묶어 하나의 행정 단위로 조직하는 ‘설읍(設邑)’ 논의가 제기되었다. 하지만 이는 기존 궁방 등의 공고한 도서 지역에 대한 지배 구조와 원거리라는 물리적 한계로 무산되었다. 그럼에도 도서 지역에 대한 행정 편제에 대한 필요성은 이어졌고, 당시 지방 통치 제도로 자리하였던 ‘면리제(面里制)’가 도서지역에도 적용되었다. 18세기 후반 자료인 『호구총수』를 살펴보면 서남해도서 지역은 큰 섬만을 대상으로 하거나, 작은 섬 여러 개를 묶어 하나의 면으로 편제하는 등 다양한 방식을 통해 면리 편성되었음을 알 수 있다. 동시에 호구를 비롯한 각종 경제적 기반에 대한 파악도 이루어졌다. 다만 면리제로 편성한 도서 지역은 수령이 직접 순회하기는 어려웠기 때문에 서남해지역 곳곳에 설치된 수군진의 별장 등을 이용하여 행정 통제를 시도하였다. During the Joseon Dynasty, the administrative policies toward the islandsoff the southwestern coast of Korea varied by period. In the early Joseon period, a policy to “vacate the islands’ was implemented in continuation of the policy that had been in force during the late Goryeo period, while at the same time, a number of ranches were established and operated to take advantage of the natural environmental conditions of the islands. However, the government’s policy of vacating the islands was not very sustainable and effective. The influx of people to the islands continued, and farmlands were continuously reclaimed for their living. From the 17th century onwards, the economic power of the islands was enhanced by the active management of garrison farms on the islands by royal households and public offices. At the same time, the islands saw an increasing number of people coming to live there. In response, the government could no longer ignore the islands just because of their remoteness and the difficulty of direct control by local governors. Therefore, from the mid-18th century, discussions took place to control the islands off the southwest coast under a single administrative unit called seoreup(設邑). However, this idea was never realized because of the strong presence of the royal households and the remoteness of the islands. Nevertheless, the need for a separate administrative system for the islands continued, and the “myeonri system(面里制),” which was the local governance system at the time, was applied to the islands. The islands were organized in various ways. Only large islands were governed by this system in the Southwest Sea, while smaller islands were grouped together for administrative control. Since it was difficult for the governor to visit the islands controlled by the myeonri system, administrative control was attempted by using naval villas. As a result, the islands were organized and governed at a similar level to the mainland, and their residents also served as members of Joseon society.

      • KCI등재

        19세기의 센카쿠 열도(尖閣列島)

        박성용(Park, Song-Yong) 역사문화학회 2012 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.15 No.2

        이 연구는 19세기 중후기에 있어서 센카쿠 열도(尖閣列島)/댜오위다오 열서(釣?島列嶼)1)와 해양경계에 관해 일본의 영토인식과 제도적 실천이 어떻게 이루어졌는지를 살펴보는 데 그 목적이 있다. 이 시기 동중국해의 섬과 암초들에 대한 영토성의 구성은 동아시아 해양공간에 있어서 중화질서가 해체되고 일본이 식민제국주의 국가로서 정체성을 구축하는 과정에서 형성된 제 특징을 나타내준다. 첫째, 명치정부는 댜오위다오(釣?島)와 주변의 작은 섬, 그리고 암초들을 권역화하여 센카쿠 열도(尖閣列島)로 명명함으로써 새로운 영토에 대한 국가정체성을 부여하였다. 그 명명방식을 보면 기존의 중국식 지명을 그대로 사용한 경우, 영국인들의 기록에 있는 용어를 번역해서 적용하거나, 새롭게 명명하는 방식 등이 있었다. 이와 더불어서 이 섬들을 행정적으로 새롭게 구역화하여 제도화 함으로써 중국과의 영토경계에 대한 정치?행정적, 지리적 경계를 확증하고자 하였다. 둘째, 19세기 중국은 유구국과의 해양공간을 산, 해구, 해수의 빛깔 등으로 그 자연경계를 분획하고 있었다. 센카쿠 열도(尖閣列島)/댜오위다오 열서(釣?島列嶼)에 있어서 츠웨이위(赤尾?)를 제외한 나머지 섬과 암초들은 유구 소속이 아니었음을 알 수 있었다. 셋째, 당시 영토화 과정에는 무인도와 무주지 개념의 분화가 되지 않았다. 일본에서는 이 섬들을 국제법에서 말하는 무주지 보다 무인도로 인식하였다. 넷째, 명치정부는 영토성을 공고히 하기 위해 개인사를 국가사로 전환하는 전략을 행하였다. 고가 다츠시로(古賀辰四郞)가 섬을 탐사, 경영한 과정을 국가의 영토사로 전환시키면서 영토가 갖는 국가 정체성을 부여하고자 하였다. The purpose of this study is to understand how institutional practice was related with the territorial perceptions of the Senkaku Islands /Diaoyudao Islands in the mid and late 19th century as the area is currently perceived differently in China and Japan. During this period, the territoriality of the Senkaku Islands / Diaoyudao Islands, located in the East China Sea, illustrated certain characteristics constructed during the formation of Japan and its identity as a colonialist-imperialist nation-state under the break-up of Chinesecentric order. Firstly, Japan granted itself a national identity for newly obtained territories by renaming Diaoyudao Islands to the Senkaku Islands. Japan did so by utilizing previous names established by China, translating the terms used in British records, or giving them entirely new names. Diaoyudao Islands, the first written record of the island in Chinese script, suggested that China certified its status equivalent to ‘slands’and ‘ocks’ However, according to the notion of the Senkaku Islands, ‘iaoyudao’was the main island and the surrounding small islands and rocks were affiliated to it, thus forming a hierarchy. Through a series of such processes, the Japanese government had re-territorialized and institutionalized the islands administratively in order to secure positive evidence for political, administrative, and geographical boundaries. Secondly, in the 19th century, China and Ryukyu delimited natural boundaries by referring to mountains, ocean trenches, and the color of seawater. Envoys for investiture sought to classify to whom the Senkaku Islands / Diaoyudao Islands belongs China or Ryukyu through natural boundaries. Third, in the process of territorialization during the 19th century, definitions of uninhabited lands and terra nullius were undifferentiated. In the late 19th century, Japan adopted the notion of uninhabited islands rather than terra nullius in international law. In other words, the Senkaku Islands / Diaoyudao Islands before 1895 is assumed to be non-terra nullius. Fourth, in order to strengthen their territoriality, Japan implemented a strategy of converting a private history into a national one. The Japanese government tried to merge the life history of Koga Tatsuhiro and his family in these islands to the national history in order to establish a legitimate national identity. Lastly, the colonial authority of Japan focused on establishing territories on the basis of power relationships around the empire, from its very core to previously non-Japanese regions. Such movement was initiated by recognition of the new political space by colonialists as well as the process for reification of institutional practices. This series of actions stemmed from Japan’ repudiation towards other countries’customs for the usage of territory and recognition of maritime space.

      • KCI등재

        중국 먀오다오군도의 현황과 개발을 위한 제언

        왕지콩 ( Wang¸ Ji-kong ),김민영 ( Kim¸ Min-young ),류징 ( Liu¸ Jing ),탕쿤 ( Tang¸ Kun ) 한국도서(섬)학회 2021 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.33 No.3

        The Miaodao Islands are a chain which spread out between the Shandong Peninsula and the Liaodong Peninsula. Its southern end is 7 kilometers from Penglai, on the Shandong Peninsula and its northern end is 42 kilometers from Lvshun, on the Liaodong Peninsula. The Miaodao Islands consist of 151 small islands, 10 of them are inhabited. The Miaodao Islands cover a total area of 59.258 square kilometers, and a total sea area of 3242.742 square kilometers. The total coastline of the Miaodao Islands stretches 187.64 kilometers. The Miaodao Islands are also well known under the name of Changdao”, and sometimes people also call the islands Changshanliedao”. The Miaodao Islands are administratively part of Yantai City, Shandong Province and now they are called the Changdao Integrated Marine Ecological Civilization Test Zone”. The Miaodao Islands look like the dividing line between the Yellow Sea and the Bohai Sea, and also the sea gateway between Beijing and Tianjin on the map. The position of this area is very important militarily. Therefore, the Miaodao Islands have been called the Changshan Fortress” since ancient times. Because of its important location in national defense, the Miaodao Islands have never been developed on a large scale until now, although the economic and social development on the islands is not slow. The Miaodao Islands’ economic growth mainly depended on the fishery industry and tourism, but almost all in traditional ways. Along with the changing of the political and economic situation at home and abroad, the pattern and contents of economic development in China is changing to Eco-friendly and High-quality development. In this context, “The Starting Plan for the Construction of the Changdao Integrated Marine Ecological Civilization Test Zone” was drawn up. This plan described the development goals, content, path and its guarantee in the Miaodao Islands. This plan paid more attention to the Miaodao Islands' ecology protection, economic development, and its role in the national defense and military. It aims to achieve the goal of ecology protection and national defense through economic development. Instead of emphasizing economic developing speed, this plan focused more on ecological protection, life facilitation, modernization, high-quality economic development, etc. while achieving these goals with the latest technology. However, this plan did not answer the questions of how to coordinate the relationship between economic development and ecological protection, or how to obtain the necessary capital funds and labor power for economic development and ecological protection, nor how to efficiently use the tourism facilities in the off-season. Therefore, four suggestions on the Miaodao Islands have been made. First, through the cooperation among industry, universities, government, and research institutes, it determined to find the specific problems on coordinating the relationship between economic development and ecological protection, and study the technical ways to solve them. Second, making a specific preferential policy to attract investment from enterprises and to encourage talented individuals to migrate to the Miaodao Islands. Third, by constructing multi-functional tourism facilities and using them as training facilities for practitioners or as public sports facilities in the tourism off-season was viewed as an option. Last, by preparing countermeasures for the impact on the Miaodao Islands’ ecology and industry by Japan’s discharging nuclear wastewater to the Pacific Ocean, a plan is needed to be formulated.

      • KCI등재

        낙도(落島)에서 낙도(樂島)로의 인식전환을 통한 섬 테마공원화 구상

        김농오 ( Kim Nong-oh ),정우진 ( Jung Woo-jin ) 한국도서(섬)학회 2020 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.32 No.2

        In the past, negative perceptions regarding islands such as deserted places or remote islands were dominant in our history. On the contrary, in the cultural tradition of the East and the West, the common image of an island overlapped with the concepts of paradise with the shape of a garden, where idealism is working and realized, and a remote place where Taoist hermits and sages live. Therefore, this study believes that by combining the related images of the three elements, island, paradise, and garden, the negative image of remote islands can be transformed into paradise islands, which provide joy and inspiration, and suggested that related policies should be pursued. In particular, Bogildo, Yunseondo Garden, with an attempt to make the whole island enchanted land, suggests the direction that the Korean island development projects should pursue where sustainable conservation and development to vitalize the island tourism should go hand in hand. Looking at the current policies regarding islands in Korea, they are implemented as a comprehensive development plan for islands linked to tourism resources, but they are generally limited to hardware-oriented developments, and the overlapping projects of related ministries and local governments have failed to fully satisfy both the residents and tourists. Therefore, it is necessary to establish consistent policy programs of the control tower and to come up with policies through collaboration among converged experts and local residents, away from the top-down projects solely led by the government. In addition, this study found that as a requirement for sustainable island tourism through domestic and international case studies, it is important to improve the residential satisfaction and quality of life of islanders and to create attractive islands visited by tourists in all four seasons, and to achieve this, it is necessary to change the idea of converting and developing the island into a paradise, where both the residents and tourists are satisfied. This study presents the plan to make the island a theme park by the type of islands as an effective means of inducing developments of islands as a sustainable settlement and a comprehensive tourist resort on 3,339 islands in Korea. This suggests a model of differentiated island development in response to the positive nostalgia on islands and demands for the pursuit of Utopia, taking advantage of the characteristics and identity of each of 463 inhabited islands and 2,876 uninhabited islands across the country. We hope to proactively respond to the demand for marine tourism and predictable reckless development through the establishment of detailed development models and access to these island-themed projects by type.

      • KCI등재

        도서 정책 중심으로 본 근대 이후 우리나라 도서 지역의 변화 : 전남 신안군의 교통 조건을 사례로

        심승희 韓國文化歷史地理學會 2013 문화 역사 지리 Vol.25 No.1

        Governments have implemented the special policies on islands region due to the special geographical characteristics. This study aims to explore how Shinan-Gun's traffic conditions have undergone some changes according to the changes of our government policies on islands region, especially Islands Development Promotion Act since modem times. Shinan-Gun takes up to 25% of the number of islands in South Korea, and is composed of only islands. Shinan-Gun's population was 174,569 people in 1969, but reduced to 44,753 people in 2011. Besides, in 1969 Sinan-Gun had 130 inhabited islands, but in 2011 reduced to 72 inhabited islands. These population decline and collapse of the residential space attribute to disadvantaged residential environment of islands region, especially to the traffic conditions that we have no choice but ships. Therefore Shinan-Gun has implemented different policies to relieve the discomfort of shipping transportation. But in order to solve some problem e.g. frequent cancellations and low regional integration, that result from shipping traffic, Sinan-Gun has constructed the island-land bridges and islandisland bridges since 1975. By now 8 bridges have been constructed, and 26 bridges that connected 25 islands will been constructed in 2022. Meanwhile the livelihood zones ofShinan-Gun are closely related with the transportation. Therefore, Mokpo-islands are more closely connected than islands-islands which belong the same administrative district. As a result, there have been mismatch between administrative zone and economic-livelihood zones in ShinanGun. In the future, development policies of islands need to be based on the regional integration of islands. 도서 지역은 특수한 지리적 특성으로 인해 육지와는 다른 국토 정책의 대상이 되어 왔다. 본 연구는 근대 이후 국가의 적극적 도서 정책의 일환으로 1986년 제정된 도서개발촉진법의 수립 이후 도서 지역이 어떤 변화를 겪었는지 신안군의 교통조건을 사례로 조사하였다. 신안군은 우리나라 전체 섬 수의 약 25%를 차지할 정도로 섬이 많은 군이고 섬만으로 이루어진 군이다. 신안군의 인구는 1969년 174,569명에서 2011년 44,753명으로 줄었으며, 1969년 130개였던 유인도가 2011년 72개로 감소했다. 이 같은 인구 감소와 거주 공간의 축소는 도서 지역이 갖는 정주환경의 불리함 때문인데, 그중에서도 배를 이용해야만 하는 교통조건의 문제가 큰 원인이다. 이에 따라 해운교통 이용상의 불편을 해소하기 위한 다양한 정책을 펴왔는데, 조합선의 운영, 보조항로의 운영, 미취항도서나 운항횟수가 적은 섬에 대한 행정선의 운영, 야간운항에 대한 보조금 지급, 도서민 여객 운임 지원 등이 있다. 하지만 해운교통으로 인해 유발되는 잦은 결항 문제나 낮은 지역간 결합성 문제를 해결하기 위해 연육·연도교 사업이 병행되고 있다. 신안군은 현재 8개의 다리가 완공되었으며 2022년까지 25개의 섬이 26개의 다리로 연결될 예정이다. 이같은 배경에는 국도2호선을 신안군의 장산도까지 연장함으로써 낙후지역의 지역발전을 도모하려는 국가적 정책이 자리잡고 있다. 그동안 신안군은 행정구역과 경제권·생활권의 불일치로 인한 낮은 지역통합성이라는 고질적 문제를 안고 있었다. 따라서 현재 추진되고 있는 다양한 도서정책이 이같은 문제를 해결할 수 있도록 의미있는 정책적 제언이 요구된다.

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        유엔군의 해상봉쇄·도서점령과 NLL

        김보영 한국근현대사학회 2012 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.62 No.-

        In this article, the reason for all the conflicts over the NLL on the West Sea of the Korean peninsula, of which the frequency is considerably higher than in the East Sea, is considered to have been caused by a ‘rule of exception’ which was inserted in the Cease-fire Armistice concerning certain ‘five Islands’ on the West Sea. So, examined in this article are historical scenes in which the U.N. forces and South Korean troops blockaded the sea and seized control over the islands. In the meantime, naval forces operations, as well as the issue of island control which was discussed at the armistice negotiation table, and most importantly, how all these incidents led to the NLL after the war, is examined here as well. Right after the Korean war broke out, the U.S. Naval force joined the war and engaged in maritime blockades, naval bombardments, and landing operations. The Korean Naval force was placed under the authority of the U.S. Far-East Naval Headquarters, and were engaged in blockades and defense operations too. The West sea islands seized by the Korean Navy were used as operational bases for the commando units and anti-espionage units of the Korean and U.N. forces. The Baek’ryeong-do island in particular, which had Camp William Able, was an essential base for commando and anti-espionage units. When the issue of island control was brought up at the negotiation table on November 27th of 1951, U.S. agreed to withdraw its troops from islands above the extension line of the military demarcation line, yet unlike in the East Sea, the U.S. wished to continue controlling the five islands including Baek’ryeong-do in the West sea, with a ‘Rule of Exception.’ These five islands of the West sea belonged to the North side of the military demarcation line, but were also beneath the 38th Parallel and were therefore under control of the U.N. forces. Two months later, the U.S. formed a Western Islands Defense Post and established a command center on the Baek’ryeong-do island commanded by a marine officer. Bases were also established on the Yeon’pyeong-do and Cha-do islands. This was a definitive move on the U.S.’s part which enabled all the five islands to go under U.N. control. After a bit of discussion, but only after a week, the Communist army agreed to the terms suggested by the U.N. forces concerning the five islands on the West sea. The Communist army was fully aware of the strategic importance of the West sea’s five islands, but did not have enough military power to take control of them. So, they wanted to attach a special definition of the West sea’s five islands to the Armistice, in order to confirm the fact that these islands were never to be connected and act as a line. This was to prevent such line from connecting all five islands and serving as a blockade line or a borderline on sea. Such intention is clearly specified in the armistice. Yet after the armistice was signed, the Korean troops(the U.N. forces) linked the five islands in the West sea, and turned it into an NLL which served as a middle line between South Korea and North Korean shores. Such unilateral move was not warranted by the armistice. And later the NLL on the West line became a fundamental reason for all the clashes on West sea’s NLL. In this article, the reason for all the conflicts over the NLL on the West Sea of the Korean peninsula, of which the frequency is considerably higher than in the East Sea, is considered to have been caused by a ‘rule of exception’ which was inserted in the Cease-fire Armistice concerning certain ‘five Islands’ on the West Sea. So, examined in this article are historical scenes in which the U.N. forces and South Korean troops blockaded the sea and seized control over the islands. In the meantime, naval forces operations, as well as the issue of island control which was discussed at the armistice negotiation table, and most importantly, how all these incidents led to the NLL after the war, is examined here as well. Right after the Korean war broke out, the U.S. Naval force joined the war and engaged in maritime blockades, naval bombardments, and landing operations. The Korean Naval force was placed under the authority of the U.S. Far-East Naval Headquarters, and were engaged in blockades and defense operations too. The West sea islands seized by the Korean Navy were used as operational bases for the commando units and anti-espionage units of the Korean and U.N. forces. The Baek’ryeong-do island in particular, which had Camp William Able, was an essential base for commando and anti-espionage units. When the issue of island control was brought up at the negotiation table on November 27th of 1951, U.S. agreed to withdraw its troops from islands above the extension line of the military demarcation line, yet unlike in the East Sea, the U.S. wished to continue controlling the five islands including Baek’ryeong-do in the West sea, with a ‘Rule of Exception.’ These five islands of the West sea belonged to the North side of the military demarcation line, but were also beneath the 38th Parallel and were therefore under control of the U.N. forces. Two months later, the U.S. formed a Western Islands Defense Post and established a command center on the Baek’ryeong-do island commanded by a marine officer. Bases were also established on the Yeon’pyeong-do and Cha-do islands. This was a definitive move on the U.S.’s part which enabled all the five islands to go under U.N. control. After a bit of discussion, but only after a week, the Communist army agreed to the terms suggested by the U.N. forces concerning the five islands on the West sea. The Communist army was fully aware of the strategic importance of the West sea’s five islands, but did not have enough military power to take control of them. So, they wanted to attach a special definition of the West sea’s five islands to the Armistice, in order to confirm the fact that these islands were never to be connected and act as a line. This was to prevent such line from connecting all five islands and serving as a blockade line or a borderline on sea. Such intention is clearly specified in the armistice. Yet after the armistice was signed, the Korean troops(the U.N. forces) linked the five islands in the West sea, and turned it into an NLL which served as a middle line between South Korea and North Korean shores. Such unilateral move was not warranted by the armistice. And later the NLL on the West line became a fundamental reason for all the clashes on West sea’s NLL.

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        對蒙戰爭期 서·남해안 州縣民의 海島入保抗戰과 海上交通路

        강재광 부경역사연구소 2012 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.30

        In the period of the war against Mongol(1231~1259), heroes in the true sense of the word were peasants, slaves and Chojeok(草賊) that had struggled against Mongol Army. For 30 years, their vigorous resistance relieved Goryo dynasty. And those fighting forced Mongol Empire to conclude peace negotiation with Goryo Court on condition of attendance at the Royal Court of the crown prince. In the term of Mongol 5-(2)ㆍ(3)th invasion, Juhyunmin(州縣民) refuged in strategy islands, as like Jodo(槽島)ㆍAbhaedo(押海島)ㆍAedo(艾島) etc, defeated Mongol naval forces at the several maritime battles. As the result, marine transportation system could be retained and Kangdo(江都) was defended to the last death. The marine transportation route(漕運路) that were utilized to Juhyunmin dwelling in the west and south seacoast, was the established seashore route(沿岸航路). Main strategy islands(戰略海島) of Goryo lied near to the mouth of big river. They accomplished a role of stepping stones linking the seashore route to Kangdo. Strategy islands protected seashore route. One step more advanced, they were estimated to substitute the function of the marine transportation system temporary, when the marine transportation system of 13 Jochang(漕倉) paralyzed in the end of the war against Mongol. Juhyunmin sheltered in appointed islands to the Ju(州)ㆍHyun(縣) unit by Kangdo Court. They cultivated developed land, Dunjeon(屯田) and constructed Sea bank and bastion inside islands. In addition to this, they should implement maritime battles against if Mongol naval forces invade strategy islands. The economical pressure and social control toward Juhyunmin of Goryo dynasty were very cruel in the latter period of the war against Mongol. Kangdo Court had to stimulate expansionary economic policy on people refuged in strategy islands. First, it offered a piece of land to Juhyunmin dwelling in strategy islands. Second, it exempted from taxes on that particular occasion for 45th year of the king Gojong’s reign. These economic policy were not enough to maintain voluntary resistance of Juhyunmin. In the period of the war against Mongol(1231~1259), heroes in the true sense of the word were peasants, slaves and Chojeok(草賊) that had struggled against Mongol Army. For 30 years, their vigorous resistance relieved Goryo dynasty. And those fighting forced Mongol Empire to conclude peace negotiation with Goryo Court on condition of attendance at the Royal Court of the crown prince. In the term of Mongol 5-(2)ㆍ(3)th invasion, Juhyunmin(州縣民) refuged in strategy islands, as like Jodo(槽島)ㆍAbhaedo(押海島)ㆍAedo(艾島) etc, defeated Mongol naval forces at the several maritime battles. As the result, marine transportation system could be retained and Kangdo(江都) was defended to the last death. The marine transportation route(漕運路) that were utilized to Juhyunmin dwelling in the west and south seacoast, was the established seashore route(沿岸航路). Main strategy islands(戰略海島) of Goryo lied near to the mouth of big river. They accomplished a role of stepping stones linking the seashore route to Kangdo. Strategy islands protected seashore route. One step more advanced, they were estimated to substitute the function of the marine transportation system temporary, when the marine transportation system of 13 Jochang(漕倉) paralyzed in the end of the war against Mongol. Juhyunmin sheltered in appointed islands to the Ju(州)ㆍHyun(縣) unit by Kangdo Court. They cultivated developed land, Dunjeon(屯田) and constructed Sea bank and bastion inside islands. In addition to this, they should implement maritime battles against if Mongol naval forces invade strategy islands. The economical pressure and social control toward Juhyunmin of Goryo dynasty were very cruel in the latter period of the war against Mongol. Kangdo Court had to stimulate expansionary economic policy on people refuged in strategy islands. First, it offered a piece of land to Juhyunmin dwelling in strategy islands. Second, it exempted from taxes on that particular occasion for 45th year of the king Gojong’s reign. These economic policy were not enough to maintain voluntary resistance of Juhyunmin.

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        중국의 도서와 해양경계 문제

        李昌偉(Chang-Wee Lee) 대한국제법학회 2009 國際法學會論叢 Vol.54 No.1

        유엔해양법협약 제121조에 의하면, 섬이란 해양에 의해 둘러싸여 있고 밀물 시에도 수면 위에 있는, 자연적으로 형성된 육지지역으로서, 그 자체의 영해, 접속수역, 대륙붕 및 배타적 경제수역을 갖는다. 그러나 인간의 거주가 불가능하거나 독자적인 경제생활의 영위가 불가능한 암석은 배타적 경제수역 및 대륙붕을 갖지 못한다. 그런데 유엔해양법협약 제121조 3항은 암석의 정의에 대한 명확한 기준을 제시하지 않고 있어서 인간의 거주 내지 독자적인 경제활동의 의미에 대하여 논란의 여지가 많다. 더구나 각 연안국은 자국의 해양수역 확대를 위하여 섬의 기준을 넓게 해석하는 경우가 많다. 또한, 섬은 그 자체의 영유권이 문제가 될 수 있으며, 해양경계획정의 기점으로서 어떠한 역할을 할 수 있는지도 문제가 될 수 있다. 예컨대, 우리나라는 독도의 법적 지위와 관련하여 제121조 3항의 해석이 논란이 되고 있다. 독도를 기점으로 하여 섬의 효과를 어떻게 부여하느냐에 따라 한일 양국의 해양수역이 크게 달라질 수 있기 때문이다. 제주도 남부동중국해에 있어서 한중일 삼국의 해양경계획정 문제와 관련해서도 당사국들의 최외곽 도서의 처리 문제가 선결되어야 할 과제로 되고 있다. 중국은 섬의 법적 지위와 관련하여 우리나라보다 복잡한 문제를 안고 있다. 중국은 우리나라에 비하여 상대적으로 넓은 연안을 갖고 있으며 섬 자체의 영유권이나 해양경계 문제가 대부분 해결되지 않고 있기 때문이다. 중국은 대만을 제외하고도 동중국해에서 일본과 띠아오위따오(센카쿠제도)의 영유권 문제 및 해양경계획정 문제를 안고 있으며, 남중국해에서 동남아시아 각국과 남사제도(Spratly Islands), 서사제도(Paracel Islands), 중사제도(Macclesfield Islands) 및 동사제도(Pratas Reef)에 대한 영유권 문제 및 주변수역에서의 해양경계획정 문제를 안고 있다. 현재 중국은 베트남과 통킹만에서 해양경계획정을 완성했을 뿐 나머지 해역에서는 대부분 경계획정이 이루어지지 않고 있다. 따라서 한국과 중국은 어떠한 형태로든 섬의 법적 지위를 분명히 하여 주변국들과 해양경계획정을 완성해야 할 과제를 안고 있다. 이러한 점을 고려하여, 본 연구에서는 중국의 해양경계와 관련된 섬에 대한 주장 및 타당성 문제를 검토했다. 우리나라를 포함한 동북아시아의 해양경계는 관련국들의 도서에 대한 문제를 해결하지 않고는 합의가 쉽게 이루어지지 않을 것이기 때문에 그러한 문제의 해결을 위한 사전 분석 내지 이해의 차원에서 중국의 입장을 연구?분석한 것이다. Under Article 121(1) and (2) of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, an island is a naturally formed area of land, surrounded by water, which is above water at high tide, and in principle can generate its own territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone and continental shelf. Paragraph 3 of the same Article, on the other hand, provides that rocks which cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own shall have no exclusive economic zone or continental shelf. Article 121(3), however, does not define a "rock" clearly and the meaning of "cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own" has been subject to varied interpretations by commentators. Consequently, many coastal States have adopted a broad definition of an island in order to expand their maritime zones. In addition, an island may raise controversy over its territorial sovereignty and effects in maritime delimitation. For instance, there has been controversy over the interpretation of Article 121(3) in relation to the legal status of Dokdo because the boundaries of the maritime zones of Korea and Japan depend on the effects given to that insular feature. The maritime delimitation in the East China Sea among China, Korea and Japan also presupposes the resolution of disputes over the insular features located at the outmost of the proposed maritime boundaries. China has several complicated problems with regard to the legal status of islands. Compared to Korea China has vast maritime areas, and most of the disputes over the territorial sovereignty over certain islands and over the maritime boundaries thereof remain unsettled. In the East China Sea, China is in dispute with Japan about the sovereignty over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands and the maritime delimitation issues. In the South China Sea, too, China is in dispute with certain Southeast Asian countries about the sovereignty over the Spratly Islands, the Paracel Islands, the Macclesfield Islands and Pratas Reef and their maritime boundaries. China and Vietnam have just settled the maritime boundaries in the Gulf of Tonkin, with those in the rest of the disputed seas unsettled. China and Korea, therefore, have to settle in any way the legal status of the disputed islands and the maritime boundaries with the neighbouring countries. Given the foregoing, this paper examines the arguments of China as to the status of islands and maritime boundaries in question, and their legitimacy. Since the maritime boundaries in the Northeast Asian seas cannot be easily settled without the resolution of the questions of the status of the disputed islands, this paper examining the approaches of China is intended to provide a preliminary analysis and understanding for the resolution of these questions. To be more specific, this paper examines the policies of China over islands through the analyses of the legal status and maritime zones of islands, the effects of islands in maritime delimitation, the Sino-Japanese disputes over certain islands and their maritime boundaries, the relevant domestic laws of China. This would help the Government of Korea take proper measures. In other words, this paper contains a comprehensive analysis of the legal status of islands and the approaches of China in preparation for the maritime delimitation in the waters surrounding the Korean Peninsula.

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        조선 전·후기 섬에 대한 인식 및 정책 변화 양상 - 전라도 지역을 중심으로 -

        임학성 국립해양문화재연구소 2022 해양문화재 Vol.16 No.-

        The Joseon Dynasty, having adopted Neo-Confucianism as the basis of its ruling order, applied the principles of Sino-centrism (華夷論) to its spatial awareness and operation. According to this ideology, the dynasty divided its domains into civilized (華) and non-civilized (夷) areas, and considered its islands to belong to the latter group, that is, “barbaric lands” located beyond the reach of the king’s edification. That is how the rulers of the dynasty adopted the “vacant island” (空島) policy, prohibiting its people from inhabiting the islands, except for those close to the mainland or large enough to have a county or prefectural administration. Many of the uninhabited islands were used as state-owned horse farms. It was during the mid-seventeenth century, shortly after Joseon had suffered two devastating invasions, one by the Japanese (Imjin waeran, 1592-98) and the other by the Manchus (Byeongja horan, 1636-37), that significant changes occurred in the Joseon dynasty’s interest in and understanding of the strategic importance of the islands, resulting in the adoption of an entirely new policy. The key to the new policy was the shift from “vacation” to “inhabitation” of the islands and the establishment of naval bases on certain strategic islands. Now the islands began to be perceived as useful parts of the territory. This paper examines changes in the awareness and policies of the Joseon dynasty regarding the importance of its islands through a case study of Jeollado Province. The results are as follows. First, the number of islands identified by the Joseon dynasty increased dramatically, from about 30 in the first half of the fifteenth century to 250 about a century later, and continued to grow to between 430 and 460 by the mid-nineteenth century. Second, there were 34 state-run horse farms on the islands of Jeollado Province in the fifteenth century, but this figure was drastically reduced by more than half, to 15, in the late seventeenth century. Research has also revealed that at least thirtyfour horse farms run by the Joseon dynasty were closed in the mid-Joseon period. This decrease was inversely proportional to the number of islands identified by the government of Joseon after the mid-Joseon period. Third, the abolition of the “island vacation” policy as well as the closure of the state-run horse farms led to a dramatic increase in the number of people inhabiting the islands of Jeollado Province, resulting in the growth of the population by 23% over a thirty-year period in late Joseon. The population of the islands in some counties and prefectures rose by as much as thirty per cent, which contributed to promoting the status of the islands in the administrative units concerned to one equivalent to those of the larger units on the mainland. Fourth, the dramatic increase in the population of the islands of Jeollado Province led to the establishment of new naval bases around the islands. Until the fifteenth or sixteenth century there were only seven naval bases, but the figure doubled to fifteen in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In conclusion, a series of remarkable changes occurred in the islands of Jeollado Province during the late Joseon period. Such changes were largely attributable to the Joseon government’s new understanding of, and increasing interest in, the importance of the islands and to the change of policies occasioned by this new perception of the islands. For the government of the late Joseon period, the islands were no longer a space of separation and isolation but one of communication.

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