조-중 국경조약` 분석: 북한에 주는 함의를 중심으로

박아름 ( Ah Reum Park ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2011 북한학연구 Vol.7 No.1

This article focused on the ``Sino-North Korean Border Treaty``. Both China and North Korea had signed on the Sino-North Korean Border Treaty and it was a confidential treaty in 1962, Notwithstanding its great significance to North Korea, studies of it have not been performed, This paper explain that firstly, why did the treaty occur at that time? Secondly, what are the contents and the meaning of the document? Thirdly, how did it affect North Korea`s domestic and international relations? Results of this study are as follows: North Korea took a middle course in the beginning of the Sino-Soviet dispute. In October 1962, however, North Korea openly stood for China. During the same time, the representatives of China and North Korea had held bilateral talks on the border, and two countries agreed on the document of ``Sino-North Korean Border Treaty`` by the end of the year. The treaty was accompanied by geographical and institutional changes in the length of North Korean border and invigorating the undertaking of territorial administration. Not only did it affect the length of border between Russia and North Korea, but also had a great effect on that North Korea took a China-friendly line as the socialist camp was divided by the Sino-Soviet dispute. In other words, ``Sino-North Korean Border Treaty`` was suggested by China in the background of Sino-Soviet dispute, and affected North Korea`s international relations beyond its geographical and institutional boundary. Especially it had a crucial effect on the fact that North Korea had taken a middle course and changed its stance toward the Sino-Soviet dispute.

동북아 3국의 협생(協生)을 향하여: 엘리제 조약의 변용을 통한 제도화된 우호관계 구축

박창건 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2014 국제지역연구 Vol.23 No.3

This research aims to seek co-existence in which cooperation and prosperity proceed, before conflict and antagonism of the three countries in Northeast Asia. In process of seeking the path of co-existence, it can be seen that the most important thing is the necessity of establishing institutionalized friendly relations. Institutionalized friendly relations in this paper means the sub-regional cooperation agreed norms, rules and conventions and the values shared by countries in the region that fix institutionally friendly relations of mutual benefits and common prosperity developed based on faith and sincerity. In this respect, this research tries to seek the path of co-existence through lesson that we can learn from ‘Elysee Treaty’ signed ‘Germany-France treaty of friendship’ which brought European integration in January, 1963. Above all, this research proposes an approach in order to develop co-existence of the three countries in Northeast Asia ‘institutionalized friendly relations’ as the units of analysis of sub-regional dimension by separating history, territory and political problems. 연구는 동북아 3국이 갈등과 반목을 넘어 협력과 번영으로 나아갈 수 있는 협생(協生)의 길을 모색하는 것을 목적으로 하고 있다. 동북아 3국 협생의 길을 모색하는 과정에서 나타난 중요한 인식은 ‘제도화된 우호관계’ 구축에 대한 필요성이다. 여기에서 ‘제도화된 우호관계’란 역내 국가들이 공유하고 있는 가치를 합의된 규범, 규칙, 규약 등의 일반화된 원칙으로 발전시켜 신의와 성실을 기반으로 한 상생과 공영의 우호관계를 제도적으로 정착시키는 하부-지역 협동을 의미한다. 이러한 관점에서 본 연구는 1963년 1월, 유럽통합을 견인한 독일과 프랑스 사이에 체결된 ‘독-프 우호조약’ 일명 ‘엘리제 조약(Élysée Treaty)’에서 얻을 수 있는 교훈을 면밀히 검토해서 동북아 3국 협생의 패러다임으로 전환시킬 수 있는 구체적인 방안 제시에 초점을 맞추어 보고자 한다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 동북아 3국의 협생을 역사·영토와 정치 문제의 분리 접근에 의한 하부-지역 차원의 단위 분석으로 제도화된 우호관계로 발전시키려는 밑그림을 제시하고 있다.

헐버트(Homer B. Hulbert)의 在美 한국독립운동

홍선표(Hong, Sun-pyo) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2016 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.55

헐버트는 구한말 시기 육영공원의 외국인 교사로 처음 한국과 인연을 맺은 후 한국의 역사와 문화를 연구하며 한국의 국권회복을 위해 헌신하였고 외국인으로서 처음으로 광무황제의 특사로 임명받은 인물이다. 그런데 그에 대한 평가는 주로 경술국치 이전까지의 활동에 국한되어 있어서 그의 전 생애, 특히 미국에서의 활동에 대해선 체계적으로 정리되지 못했다. 본고는 헐버트에 대한 기존 연구 성과에서 소략하게 취급되었던 미국에서의 한국독립운동에 중점을 두었다. 헐버트는 미국에 정착한 이후 여생을 한국의 독립을 위해 헌신하였다. 그는 강제 ‘병합’을 시도한 일본의 저의를 폭로하였고 한국의 기독교를 탄압해 기독교의 정신과 민주주의 사상을 한국인에게 확산시키는 것을 막으려는 일본의 음모를 규탄하였다. 을사늑약(‘Eulsa Treaty’) 당시 루즈벨트 전 대통령의 대한정책의 과오를 들추어내 조미조약을 근거해 맺어진 한미 간의 신의를 저버린 미국의 배신 행위를 신랄하게 비판하였다. 이같은 비판은 미국 정부로 하여금 더 이상 과거의 잘못을 되풀이 하지 말고 식민 상태에 있는 한국의 독립문제에 관심을 갖고 지원을 촉구하기 위함이었다. 한국 독립을 돕기 위한 헐버트의 활동은 미국의 언론과 의회, 일반 대중을 상대로 한 강연활동, 그리고 한국친우회와 한미협회 등을 통해 활발히 추진되었다. 또 파리강화회의에 한국 독립 문제를 전 세계에 알리기 위한 계획을 추진하며 김규식)의 외교활동을 적극 도왔다. 이승만과 함께 영문 잡지 The Orient 의 발간에 참여였고 워싱턴DC에 개최된 한인자유대회에서 장차 한국의 독립이 머지않았음을 역설하며 한인들을 격려하였다. 이같은 그의 활동은 해방 때가지 미국 내 어떤 한인 독립운동가들도 감당할 수 없을 만큼 역동적이고 지속적이었다. 헐버트의 한국독립운동은 미국 사회에 한국 문제를 끈질기게 제기한 미국인이 거의 드문 상황에서 한국인의 입장에서 볼 때 다른 어떤 것보다 특별하고 소중하다. 이런 연유로 지금까지 그를 구한말시기 국권회복운동의 인물로 한정해왔던 데서 벗어나 한국독립운동가의 한 사람으로서 당당히 높이 평가해야 할 것이다. Hulbert was a foreign teacher of The Royal English college. He had studied Korean history and culture since he had had special bond with Korea. He also was appointed the first foreigner envoy by Emperor Gwangmu to restore national rights of Korea. As the estimation about his activities were mostly limited to those of the national humiliation times, the activities for all his life, especially in America were never arranged well. This manuscript set importance on his Independence Movements for Korea in America which had been roughly treated on the existing research performances. Hulbert devoted his remaining years for Korean independence after he settled down in America. He exposed Japan’s real intention toward the compulsory ‘colonization of Korea’ and censured Japan’s plot which tried to stop the spread of christianity and democracy suppressing Korean christianity. He also criticized sharply about the act of betrayal that broke the faith between Korea and America based upon Korean American Treaty raking up the then president Roosevelt’s mistakes in foreign policy toward Korea during the ‘Eulsa Treaty’. The criticism like this is for American government not to follow the same bad methods as before and to support independence of Korea which was in the state of colonization. The activities of Hulbert to help Korean independence were actively pursued through The League of Friends of Korea, The Korean American Council and the lectures aimed at American media, congress and general public. He also aggressively helped diplomatic activity of Kim, Kiusic, pursuing plans to report Korean Independence issue all around world through Paris Peace Conference. He participated in the publication of the English magazine The Orient with Syngman Rhee and encouraged Koreans that Korean independence was not long in the Korean Liberty Conference held in Washington DC. His activities like this was so active and continuous that no Korean independentista in America could carry out until the liberation. Korean Independence Movement by Hulbert was very special and precious under the situation that the people who persistently brought forward Korean issues to the American society were rare. For this reason, we have to estimate him highly as a fighter for Korean independence out of the limitation that bound him as a man of the The Movement to Restore National Sovereignty in the Late Period of Chosun.

대내·외 정책 변화 요인이 추동한 북·러관계 연구: 김정은의 1·2차 방러를 중심으로

정덕성,김용현 대구과학대학교 국방안보연구소 2024 사회융합연구 Vol.8 No.1

State relations accelerate the close cooperation and promotion when national interests coincide. The signing of the North Korea-Russia alliance treaty and Kim's first and second visits to Russia served as a driving force when domestic and foreign policy changes interact with national interests. If the China-Soviet conflict and the strengthening of the South Korea-U.S.-Japan alliance led to the 1961 North Korea-Soviet Alliance Treaty, changes in the environment of the international order, including the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the ROK’s northern policy and Putin's equidistant foreign policy, led to the signing of the 2002 North Korea-Russia Friendship Treaty. A comparative analysis of Kim's first and second visits to Russia enabled the derivation of facilitating factors that accelerated the close relationship between North Korea and Russia and challenging factors. This shows that under the international order dominated by power, close contact is accelerated when national interests, such as domestic and foreign environmental factors of North Korea and Russia, namely, domestic political system (leadership), diversification of economy and diplomacy, and securing resources. It is time for strategic thinking that can bring maximum effect with minimal effort through stable situation management of the impact of the US-China-Russia mutual state relations variable. Amid expectations of changes in domestic and foreign exchange environments, it is necessary to closely analyze the impact of North Korea-Russia relations on security in Northeast Asia and devise countermeasures while strengthening the South Korea-U.S.-Japan alliance.

러시아-우크라이나 전쟁과 중국의 대응: 한반도 외교안보에 주는 함의

김선재 국제지역학회 2022 국제지역연구 Vol.26 No.4

The purpose of this study is to examine China's position and response to the Russia-Ukraine war and to derive implications for diplomatic and security on the Korean Peninsula. The relationship between China and Russia, which has been considered the best honeymoon relationship in history, has been severely tested by Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This study argues that despite various internal and external difficulties, China will continue to strengthen cooperation while maintaining a quasi-alliance level relationship with Russia. With China's core interests being violated day by day due to strategic competition between the U.S. and China and cross-strait conflicts, close cooperation with Russia is becoming more important than ever for China. In fact, China has maintained its previous position since the war, including (1)strengthening diplomatic cooperation with Russia, (2)supporting Russia using multilateral organizations, and (3)absence of Western-led economic sanctions. In particular, it is showing off the solidarity of bilateral relations at home and abroad by holding Strategic Security Consultation based on Article 9 of the <Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation> Treaty signed with Russia. In other words, China will work closely with Russia without overly stimulating the international community, and the conflict between the U.S. and Sino-Russian is expected to intensify. We need to keep a close eye on the possibility that conflicts between powerful countries could intensify on the Korean Peninsula, and recall the possibility that China may involve Ukraine with the Taiwan issue. 본 연구는 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁에 대한 중국의 입장과 대응을 살펴보고, 한반도 외교안보에 주는 시사점을 도출하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 역사상 최고의 밀월관계로 평가되어 왔던 중국과 러시아의 관계가 러시아의 우크라이나 침공으로 엄중한 시험대 위에 올라와 있다. 본 연구는 중국이 여러 대내외적 난관에도 불구하고, 앞으로도 러시아와 준동맹 수준의 관계를 유지하면서 협력을 강화해 나갈 것이라고 주장한다. 미‧중 간 전략적 경쟁과 양안 갈등 등으로 인해 중국의 핵심이익이 나날이 침해받는 상황에서, 중국으로선 러시아와의 긴밀한 협력이 그 어느 때보다 중요해지고 있기 때문이다. 실제로 중국은 전쟁 이후 (1)러시아와의 외교적 공조 강화, (2)다자기구를 활용한 러시아 지원, (3)서방 주도 경제 제재의 불참 등 종전의 입장을 고수하고 있다. 특히 러시아와 체결한 <선린우호협력조약> 제9조에 근거하여 전략안보협의를 개최하는 등 양국관계의 공고함을 대내외에 과시하고 있다. 앞으로도 중국은 국제사회를 지나치게 자극하지 않는 선에서 러시아와 긴밀히 협력할 것이며, 미국과 중‧러의 갈등은 더욱 심화될 것으로 전망된다. 우리로선 강대국 간의 갈등이 한반도에서 격화될 수 있음을 예의주시하면서, 중국이 우크라이나를 대만 문제와 연루시킬 가능성 등을 상기할 필요가 있다.

중국과 러시아의 안보 부문 협의(磋商) 사례 연구 : 《선린우호협력조약 》체결 이후를 중심으로(2001-2021)

김선재(Sunjae Kim) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2021 신아세아 Vol.28 No.3

본 논문은 중국과 러시아의 외교관계에서 이루어지는 안보 부문의 ‘협의(磋商)’ 범위와 그 목적을 살펴보고, 실제 사례를 분석함으로써 중·러 간 협의가 갖는 특수성을 고찰하고자 한다. 나아가 중·러 협의가 미·중·러 삼각관계 등에 미치는 국제정치학적 함의를 도출한다. 2001년 중·러 양국이 체결한《선린우호협력조약》제9조는 어느 한 측이 위협을 인식하거나 실제로 직면할 경우 즉시 양국 간 협의를 개최해야 한다고 명문화하였다. 외부의 위협에 대응하기 위한 중·러의 협의는 중국과 기타 주요국이 주로 양자 간 갈등을 절충하거나 국제문제에 대한 심도 있는 논의를 위해 시행되는 기존 협의와는 본질적인 차별성을 갖는 것으로 볼 수 있다. 실제로 중·러 양국은 전략안보협의와 동북아안보협의, 다자사무협의 등 협의체를 활용해 미국의 일방주의적 행태를 포함한 위협에 대해 양자 간 심도 있는 소통을 강화해 나가고 있다. 바이든 행정부 출범 이후 중·러에 대한 미국의 압박이 더욱 심화되는 상황 속에서, 이러한 협의체를 활용한 중·러의 對美 견제 행보는 더욱 더 강화될 것으로 전망된다. This paper explains the scope and purpose of the Security ‘Consultation(磋商)’ in the Diplomatic Relationship between China and Russia, and analyzes the specificity of consultation between China and Russia through a practical case study. Furthermore, the international political implications of the China-Russia consultation on the US-China-Russia triangle are drawn. Article 9 of the 《Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation》 between China and Russia signed in 2001 stipulated that consultations between the two countries should be held immediately if either side recognizes or actually faces a threat. China-Russia consultations to counter external threats can be seen as inherently differentiated from existing consultations conducted mainly by China and other major countries to compromise bilateral conflicts or to discuss international issues in depth. In fact, China and Russia are using consultative bodies such as ‘Strategic Security Consultation’, ‘Northeast Asia Security Consultation’, and ‘Consultation on Multilateral Affairs’ to strengthen bilateral communication on threats including the U.S. unilateral behavior. With the U.S. pressure on China and Russia intensifying since the Biden administration took office, China and Russia’s check-up against the U.S. is expected to be further strengthened by utilizing such a consultative body.

『춘추』에서 신뢰 개념과 정치적 이상

엄연석 한국중국학회 2003 中國學報 Vol.48 No.-

The purpose of Confucius compilation of Ch-chiu春秋 would lie in making its model through the evaluation of historical events and man s act of that period on the basis of the standard of li(propriety 禮). When this intention being contemplated, it must be very significant that we study the Chun-Chiu in point of view of confidence. So, this essay intends to elucidate the meaning of confidence as a Confucian morality, which was offered in the Ch-Chiu Tso-chan . In the Chun-Chiu Tso-chuan, the concept of confidence can be defined as a several meaning. At first, the term of confidence in this book means the ruler or people s self-confidence of Confucian morality which they must internalize or cultivate in the mind. Here the Chun-Chiu Tso-ch made emphasis on the belief of the re德, and understand it to encompass such a concrete item of Confucian virtue as benevolence and righteotlsness, rite and music, faithfulness and reciprocity, filial piety and reverence, modesty. And the te is not only the ultimate criterion through which the rulers are endowed with the authority fro Heaven and govern the state, but also is regarded as more mighty power than anything. On the other hand, the Chun-Chiu Tso-chuan makes the composing elements of confidence. That is to say, the relation of confidence between state and state, or person and p e m can be accomplished through the li禮. In the Chun-Chiu Tso-chuan, the li禮 is interpreted as the unchangeable law of nature, and defmed as that which man must obey in the actual process of model emulation. This li is founded on justices as the universal rationality, and becomes the primary structure through which rulers achive the harmony of all state and establish the relation of confidence. In the Chun-Chiu Tso-chuan, the meaning of confidence also permeates into the transcendental realm of Heaven In other word, the ruler can obtain the confidence from people because Heaven bestows the soveregin on him. The people believe in the decree of Heaven because it is morally just and prize and penalty by it concur with the moral righteousness or mistake of human act. In case of Chun-Chiu Tso-chuan, the relation among the Heaven, the son of Heaven, prince, subject and people is connected with the organic and reciprocally restricted circularity trough the medium of confidence. And it also composes of an important meaning of confidence that the subject confirms to the decree of soveregin. Moreover, the confidence makes harmony and stability maintain among the states, and it protects the people and makes them enjoy a peaceful life. And in the Spring and Automn period, several prince's states planed a great many meeting or covenant, and concluded a friendly treaty with one another. Such affairs as meeting, covenant or treaty also were that time an important method for maintenance of confidence. In the last analysis, it can be said that the confidence in the Chun-Chiu Tso-chuan be kept up through the intentional endeavor for political order on the bask of Confucian moral and the rule of propriety.