Administrative Litigation in the United States from the Standpoint of the Right of Democratic Contestation

Troy C. Fuhriman(트로이 프리만) 미국헌법학회 2020 美國憲法硏究 Vol.31 No.3

이 연구는 대표적으로 Pettit과 Mattias Kumm에 의해 설명된 공화주의적 의미에서 민주적 주장권의 이론적측면과 현실 행정 소송을 연결 짓는다. 공화주의로부터 관련된 핵심 요소들을 선정한 후, 그 요소들을 ‘적용 표준’으로 정의하고 민주적 주장권이 행정 소송의 관점에서 적절하게 적용되었는지 판단할 기반으로 활용할 것이다. ‘적용 표준’은 접근권, 사법의 독립, 절차의 공평함, 그리고 해결의 적당성을 포함한다. ‘적용 표준’에 대한 전반적 분석을 마친 후, 이 글은 미국의 행정 소송이 ‘적용 표준’에 어느 정도 부합하는지 살펴본다. 미국의 사법체계의 강점과 약점을 드러내면서도, 민주적 주장권에 모순되는 각 사법체계의 가장 큰 약점에 중점을 맞추려고 한다. 셰브런원칙은 미국의 비결적인 약점으로서 허용될 수 없는 방식으로 청구인을 불리한 위치에 놓으며 행정국가의 억압적 행위를 견제할 수 있는 정당한 절차를 훼손한다. 이외에 다른 강점과 약점을 강조하며 약점을 수정해 나갈 방법을 제안한다. This article connects the theoretical aspects of the republican-based concept of the right of democratic contestation, particularly as articulated by Philip Pettit and Mattias Kumm, with the real world of administrative litigation. After distilling key theoretical elements of the relevant theories from republican theory, this article proceeds to define them as “Implementing Criteria,” namely Access, Judicial Independence, Procedural Fairness, and Adequacy of Remedies. Then the article explains how the Implementing Criteria are utilized as bases to determine whether the right of democratic contestation is properly implemented in a particular administrative litigation context. After explaining each of the Implementing Criteria generally, this article then looks at how the administrative litigation system of the United States matches up with such criteria. While strengths and weaknesses in the American systems are identified, special emphasis is placed on key weaknesses - areas that conflict with the proper implementation of the right of democratic contestation. For example, the Chevron doctrine is a key weakness of the American administrative litigation system since it impermissibly stacks the odds against claimants and undermines fundamental notions of fair play necessary to properly check the oppressive behavior of the administrative state. Other strengths and weaknesses are also highlighted and recommendations to correct weaknesses are made.

KOREAN ADMINISTRATIVE LITIGATION FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF THE RIGHT OF DEMOCRATIC CONTESTATION

Troy C. Fuhriman 한양대학교 법학연구소 2023 법학논총 Vol.40 No.4

This article links elements of the republican theory-based concept of the right of democratic contestation, as articulated by Philip Pettit and Mattias Kumm, with administrative litigation as actually found in the real world. Upon ascertaining central theoretical elements of the applicable concepts from republican theory that are the criteria necessary to implement the right of democratic contestation. Such criteria include (i) procedural and substantive access to courts, (ii) judicial independence, (iii) procedural fairness, and (iv) adequacy of remedies. Then the article explains how such criteria can be utilized to analyze whether the right of democratic contestation is properly implemented in a particular administrative litigation context. After explaining the theoretical bases and practical aspects of each of the four criteria, this article then discusses concrete examples within the administrative litigation system of the Republic of Korea that can be analyzed using the four criteria. While this article identifies strengths and weaknesses in the Korean system, key weaknesses receive particular emphasis. They are areas that likely need to be improved to achieve suitable implementation of the right of democratic contestation. For example, the failure to provide the equivalent of a writ of mandamus in the Korean administrative litigation system limits the ability of the people to achieve practical realization of their rights. Another deficiency is the structural issues within the courts that limit the appearance of judicial independence in the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. Other strengths and weaknesses of the Korean administrative litigation system are also highlighted, with some suggestions for improvement and future research included.

민주주의와 한국 사회

샹탈 무페(토론자),곽준혁(토론자) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2009 亞細亞硏究 Vol.52 No.3

This interview lays out the critical reasoning underlying a diversity of arguments for radical democracy using agonism as an alternative to irreconcilable antagonism as well as abstract neutrality. This critical reasoning of agonistic democracy appeals to the constructive effects of democratic conflict which has been unduly neglected in liberal democracy or precariously oppressed in deliberative democracy. However, it has been argued that the common reasoning of agonistic democracy tends to emphasize the positive aspect of democratic contestation as a self-regulative practice, while it tends to neglect the negative aspect of democratic contestation as a destructive practice that escalates by degrees of antagonism as well as ambition. Not every democratic contestation is likely to create a salutary reciprocity: civic trust within which democratic contestation is restricted are not enough to guard sociopolitical conflict against self-destructive passions. Nor is the condemnation of the possible connection between power-lust and corruption sufficient to reduce the destructive aspect of democratic contestation. Being concerned with these criticisms on agonistic democracy, this interview with Chantal Mouffe aims at investigating her project of radical democracy in three aspects: the plausibility of radical democracy with respect to its differences from deliberative democracy as well as power politics, the realization of agonistic politics without harming the plurality of human values or without resorting to liberal constitutionalism, and the applicability of agonistic contestation especially in South Korea which is experiencing both political indifference and ideological antagonism.

Spatial Understanding of New Mineral Extraction and Local Contestation: Experience from the Peruvian Northern Highlands, Cajamarca

서지현 한국라틴아메리카학회 2015 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.28 No.3

This article aims to examine one of the most prominent socio-environmental conflicts against the large-scale mining projects by the multinational capital in the Peruvian northern highlands, Yanacocha’s Conga mining project in Cajamarca. In particular, the spatial focus of this article demonstrates how neoliberal spaces of capitalist accumulation have been uncovered in the multi-sited contestation expressed by local communities against the project. In other words, the article describes how the power asymmetry between the multinational capital and the state on the one hand, and local communities on the other, has been disclosed in converging spaces of capitalist accumulation and the contestation of local communities. The power asymmetry is revealed by looking at the spatial relationship between the new mineral extraction and local contestation in neoliberal Peru.

Chevron and Auer Deference from the Standpoint of Republican Theory

프리만, 트로이 크리스찬 경희대학교 법학연구소 2020 경희법학 Vol.55 No.4

Over the past decade, America’s cornerstone administrative law doctrines of judicial deference to agency interpretations of law, as chiefly associated with the United States Supreme Court cases of Auer v. Robbins and Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. cases, have come under fire. Such criticisms have come from members of the Supreme Court itself, including from the late Justice Scalia, who notably was the author of the opinion of the Court in Auer. This article connects and elucidates the theoretical aspects of republican political and legal theory that underpin many such criticisms. Relying upon the writings of Philip Pettit and other republican theoreticians, as well as judges and scholars of various disciplines, this article explains how republican theories can be used as a basis for determining whether individual rights, both fundamental and mundane, and the republican-inspired constitutional structures meant to serve as a hedge around them are being undermined by one or both of Auer or Chevron deference. Whereas Chevron deference is the most written about subject in American legal scholarship, this article does not attempt to analyze all arguments for or against deference. This article does attempt to explain how well the agency deference aspects of the American administrative litigation system lines up with republican political and legal theoretical norms. Most notably, implicated norms include separation of powers and the right of democratic contestation. Ultimately, the first conclusion drawn is that the Chevron doctrine is a key weakness of the American administrative litigation system that impermissibly stacks the odds against claimants, undermines fundamental notions of fair play necessary to properly check the oppressive behavior of the administrative state, and severely limits the ability to realize the benefits of separation of powers. If Chevron is deemed to be a key weakness of the American administrative legal system, the second conclusion of this article is that Auer is abhorrent to it. For Chevron deference instructs courts to give controlling weight to an agency’s reasonable interpretation of ambiguous statutory law passed by Congress. While that has some separation of powers implications, the problems get even worse with Auer, which mandates that judges give controlling weight to an agency’s interpretation of its own regulation. The Auer doctrine not only implicates serious separation of powers issues due to the agency writing, interpreting and implementing the relevant regulation, it also undermines the basic right of each person living in a democracy to contest power wielded against such person by the administrative state under the individual right of democratic contestation.

헤게모니 경합의 장(場)인 정신보건: 중국 개혁시기 여성주의 NGO와 의료전문가의 자살예방 접근방식에 관한 민족지적 연구

이현정 ( Hyeon Jung Lee ) 현대중국학회 2011 現代中國硏究 Vol.12 No.2

2003년 사스 사건에서 알 수 있듯이, 최근 들어 중국 사회의 건강, 질병, 의료의 문제는 의학적 차원을 넘어 개혁정부의 정치행정과 안보문제, 나아가 경제활동의 성격을 드러내는 중요한 사안이 되고 있다. 본 논문에 서는 1999년 세계보건기구의 발표 이후, 중국의 자살문제를 둘러싸고 두 사회 집단-NGO 농가녀문화발전중심과 북경심리위기연구예방중심-이 중국 내 자살문제의 진단과 예방에 관한 헤게모니를 둘러싸고 경합해 온 지점과 과정을 살펴본다. 먼저, 농가녀문화발전중심은 전국부련의 여성주의적 관점 및 대중 활동의 전통 속에서 농촌 여성의 자살 및 이들의 성차별 적 상황에 초점을 두고 마을 공동체에 기반한 예방프로그램을 운영해왔다. 반면, 북경심리위기연구예방중심은 서구의 생의학적 관점에 근거하여 자살자 개인의 정신병리학적 원인에 주목해왔으며 약물치료와 상담치료를 포함한 정신의학적 프로그램을 진행해왔다. 흥미로운 점은 2000년대 초반까지 자살문제의 공론화 및 예방프로그램 마련에 있어 상호 공조적인 관계를 유지하던 두 집단이 2003년 중반 중국 정부가 정신의학적 관점을 축으로 하는 국가 정책을 수립하는 과정에서 분열을 겪게 되었다는 사실이다. 정부의 선택은 국제적 압력 및 근대화의 요구, 그리고 정치적 위험 모면이라는 다면적 맥락 속에서 이해될 수 있다. 결국 정부, NGO 및 의료전문가들의 역학관계 속에서 중국 사회 내 자살에 대한 헤게모니적 이해방식은 사회적이고 정치적인 성격으로부터 점차 개인적이고 의학적인 내용으로 변화해왔다고 할 수 있다. As seen in the case of SARS in 2003, the issue of health, disease, or medicine in Chinese society has recently been an important subject to address the changing character of political administration, national security, and economic activity in China. Focusing on the recent epidemic of suicide in rural China, this ethnographic study investigates the process by which two influential social groups-NGO Cultural Development for Rural Women, and Beijing Suicide Research and Prevention Center-have competed for social hegemony in suicide diagnosis and prevention. Based each on socialist feminism and biomedical psychiatry, these two groups have operated, respectively, community-based prevention programs and psychiatric interventions during the 2000s. Despite ideological and practical differences, they were originally cooperative, sharing the same goals. However, the friendly relationship had to cease when diverse interventions by domestic and international groups increased and the Chinese government eventually decided to adopt the psychiatric perspective as its official position. From the government`s perspective, the psychiatric approach appeared to be the best solution since, emphasizing individual pathology as the cause of suicide, psychiatry would save the government from the possible political risk. The government`s decision has also gained widespread support of the international society and attracted the huge investment of transnational pharmaceutical companies. In conclusion, this paper argues that the process of hegemonic competition with regard to the problem of suicide in China reveals the complex political and economic dynamics in which the Chinese government ultimately seeks the modern state in the global era.

사회적 공간으로서 청계천의 의미 형성과 변화

류호철(Ryu Ho Cheol) 역사문화학회 2008 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.11 No.1

1937년부터 1977년까지 구간별로 은거(隱渠)되어 거대한 구조물 아래 묻혀 있던 청계천이 2년여의 공사를 거쳐 다시 모습을 드러냈다. 사람들은 청계천 ‘복원(復原)’이라고 일컬어진 공간의 재구성(再構成)에 지대한 관심을 보였고, 역사ㆍ문화ㆍ환경 관련 시민단체들과 여러 언론매체들도 재구성 방향에 관한 담론경쟁 및 의미경합 과정에 적극적으로 개입하였다. 청계천 ‘복원’이 이처럼 커다란 사회적 관심을 받은 것은 그것이 단순히 물이 흐르는 하천에 머무는 것이 아니라, 오랜 세월에 걸쳐 수많은 사람들과 복잡하고 다양한 관계를 맺으며 지속적으로 문화적(文化的) 의미를 누적해온 공공 공간이었기 때문이다. 정계천은 조선시대 초기부터 은거공사(隱渠工事)가 마무리되던 1977년 무렵까지 문화가 형성되는 장으로, 그리고 그것에 얽힌 갖가지 문화들이 누적되는 사회적 공간으로 기능해온 것이다. 이 연구는 조선시대 초기부터 그것이 은거되어 볼 수 없게 되는 때까지 청계천의 전반적인 의미변화 양상을 역동적인 경쟁 과정으로 분석해보려는 시도이다. 특정한 사회적 공간의 의미변화에 관한 생각은 그것을 보는 시기와 주체, 사회적 상황 등 여러 가지 요인에 따라 매우 다양하여 간단하게 말하기는 어려운 것이겠으나, 이 연구에서는 관련 기록과 신문기사, 영상자료 및 장기간에 걸쳐 그것을 경험해온 몇몇 사람들의 진술 등을 통해 사회적 공간으로서 청계천의 의미변화 과정을 살펴보고자 한다. Cheong-gey-cheon(淸溪川) was hidden under huge concrete structure from 1937 through 1977. And it has been restructured under the name of 'restoration'(復原). So many people took an interest in the process, especially NOGs related to history, culture and environment and mass media participated actively in it. People were interested in the restructuring process, as Cheong-gye-cheon is not just a stream of water, but a public space with which people have interacted and on which they have accumulated different meanings. As it were, it has played a role as a public space of culture until 1997 when it was completely hidden. This paper focuses on the general meaning changes of a space as a dynamic process of meaning contestation. It is not simple to argue about the meaning changes of a specific public space because it depends on different factors such as a point of time, its subject, and another various circumstances. So I try to find out general meaning changes of the space through surveying related publications, newspaper articles, videos and interviews with several old people who have experienced Cheong-gye-cheon for a long time. Culture is a dynamic process of meaning formation and also a process of competition for the definition of a subject. This case study is somewhat meaningful as we have an opportunity to think over the relation between a public space and culture changing dynamically in it.

입양의 효력이 있는 허위의 친생자출생신고에 대한 친생자관계부존재확인청구

김종국 경희대학교 법학연구소 2008 경희법학 Vol.43 No.3

L'adoption ne prend effet que par la déclaration de l'adoption, puisqu'elle relève d'un acte solennel exigeant remplir une condition de forme avec une manifestation de la volonté. On voit toutefois, dans la pratique, souvent que l'adoptant déclare l'enfant adopté comme un enfant légitime à l'occasion de l'inscription dans les registres de l'état civil. La question est alors de savoir quelle mesure puisse être prise afin de supprimer la filiation en cas de conflit entre l'adoptant et l'adopté. En effet, on peut se demander s'il est possible de recourir à une action en contestation d'une filiation légitime au lieu d'action en révocation de l'adoption en cas d'existence des motifs graves, bien que l'on aurait déjà remis pour un enfant adopté une fausse déclaration de naissance d'un enfant légitime. C'est parce qu'il n'est pas conforme à la règle, en raison de l'inscription dans les registres de l'état civil, de recourir à une action en révocation de l'adoption afin de nier une filiation légitime. On pourra envisager plusieurs solutions qui dépendront des circonstances réelles : ① l'action en contestation d'une filiation légitime sera recevable en cas de manquement des conditions réelles de l'adoption ; ② elle devra être rejeté aux motifs d'absence des intérêts d'action dans le cas oû les conditions réelles de l'adoption sont remplies et la révocation de l'adoption n'est pas justifié par des motifs graves ; ③ elle devra toutefois être recevable en cas d'existence des motifs graves justifiant la révocation de l'adoption, même si toutes les conditions réelles de l'adoption sont bien remplies.* Professor, College of Law, Kyung Hee University. L'adoption ne prend effet que par la déclaration de l'adoption, puisqu'elle relève d'un acte solennel exigeant remplir une condition de forme avec une manifestation de la volonté. On voit toutefois, dans la pratique, souvent que l'adoptant déclare l'enfant adopté comme un enfant légitime à l'occasion de l'inscription dans les registres de l'état civil. La question est alors de savoir quelle mesure puisse être prise afin de supprimer la filiation en cas de conflit entre l'adoptant et l'adopté. En effet, on peut se demander s'il est possible de recourir à une action en contestation d'une filiation légitime au lieu d'action en révocation de l'adoption en cas d'existence des motifs graves, bien que l'on aurait déjà remis pour un enfant adopté une fausse déclaration de naissance d'un enfant légitime. C'est parce qu'il n'est pas conforme à la règle, en raison de l'inscription dans les registres de l'état civil, de recourir à une action en révocation de l'adoption afin de nier une filiation légitime. On pourra envisager plusieurs solutions qui dépendront des circonstances réelles : ① l'action en contestation d'une filiation légitime sera recevable en cas de manquement des conditions réelles de l'adoption ; ② elle devra être rejeté aux motifs d'absence des intérêts d'action dans le cas oû les conditions réelles de l'adoption sont remplies et la révocation de l'adoption n'est pas justifié par des motifs graves ; ③ elle devra toutefois être recevable en cas d'existence des motifs graves justifiant la révocation de l'adoption, même si toutes les conditions réelles de l'adoption sont bien remplies.* Professor, College of Law, Kyung Hee University.

평화구축의 규범 구조에 대한 중국의 접근 방식 분석: 자유주의적 평화구축에 대항한 규범 논쟁을 중심으로

강수정 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2023 中國硏究 Vol.94 No.-

China's rise in the field of peacebuilding has sparked a lively debate about China's role in the existing normative order of liberal peacebuilding. However, the existing studies have largely looked into China's role through the dichotomous framework of challenger versus supporter, ignoring the nature and scope of its challenges against liberal peacebuilding. Based on the theoretical discussion of norm contestation, this study presents an analytical framework that can help to understand China's complex and multidimensional role beyond such a dichotomous framework. Based on the analytical framework, this article analyzes China's approach to the normative structure of liberal peacebuilding, focusing on its normative contestations against liberal peacebuilding since the 2000s. For this analysis, this study investigates China's discourses and behaviors in the field of peacebuilding since the 2000s through a systematic review of China's relevant policy documents, foreign ministry briefings, white papers, official speeches and statements, as well as the extensive reviews of relevant literature. Through this analysis, this article shows the following results: First, since the 2000s, China has generally refrained from validity contestation against the normative basis of liberal peacebuilding. Second, however, China has been actively pursuing content contestation against the sequencing and content of peacebuilding by readjusting the priorities of the components of peacebuilding and incorporating a new element beyond liberal peace into the peacebuilding agenda. Third, China has also publicly raised on application contestation against the principles of implementing liberal peacebuilding, expressing clear opposition to peace solutions externally created or imposed. 평화구축 분야에서의 중국의 부상은 기존의 자유주의적 평화구축 규범 질서에서 중국의 역할에 대한 활발한 논쟁을 불러일으켰다. 하지만 기존 연구들은 자유주의적 평화구축에 대항한 도전의 본질과 범위를 무시한 채, 도전자 대 지지자라는 이분법적 구조를 중심으로 중국의 역할을 바라봤다. 본 연구는 규범 논쟁의 이론적 논의에 근거하여, 그러한 이분법적 틀을 넘어서 자유주의적 평화구축의 전반적인 규범 구조에 대항한 중국의 복잡하고 다차원적인 역할을 이해하는 데 도움이 될 수 있는 분석 틀을 제시한다. 본 연구는 이러한 분석 틀에 기반하여, 2000년대 이후 자유주의적 평화구축에 대항한 규범 논쟁을 중심으로, 자유주의적 평화구축의 규범 구조에 대한 중국의 접근 방식을 분석하는 데 초점을 맞춘다. 이러한 분석을 위해, 본 연구는 본 연구는 중국의 관련 정책 문서 및 외교부 브리핑, 백서, 공식 성명 및 발언문들에 대한 체계적인 검토와 광범위한 관련 문헌 조사를 통해, 2000년대 이후 평화구축 분야에서 중국의 담론과 행동을 분석한다. 이를 통해, 본 논문은 다음과 같은 분석 결과들을 보여준다. 첫째, 2000년대 이후 중국은 일반적으로 자유주의적 평화구축의 규범적 기초에 대한 ‘타당성 논쟁’을 자제해왔다. 하지만 둘째, 중국은 평화구축의 구성 요소들의 우선순위를 재조정하고 자유주의적 평화를 넘어서는 새로운 요소인 ‘국제체제의 개혁(민주화)’을 평화구축의 의제에 편입시키는 방식으로, 평화구축의 순서와 내용에 대한 ‘내용 논쟁’을 적극적으로 추진해왔다. 또한 셋째, 중국은 외부에서 만들어지거나 부과된 평화 솔루션들에 대한 분명한 반대를 표명하면서, 자유주의적 평화구축의 실행 원칙들에 대항한 적용 논쟁을 공개적으로 제기해왔다.

Spatial Understanding of New Mineral Extraction and Local Contestation

Ji-Hyun Seo 한국라틴아메리카학회 2015 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.28 No.3

This article aims to examine one of the most prominent socio-environmental conflicts against the large-scale mining projects by the multinational capital in the Peruvian northern highlands, Yanacocha’s Conga mining project in Cajamarca. In particular, the spatial focus of this article demonstrates how neoliberal spaces of capitalist accumulation have been uncovered in the multi-sited contestation expressed by local communities against the project. In other words, the article describes how the power asymmetry between the multinational capital and the state on the one hand, and local communities on the other, has been disclosed in converging spaces of capitalist accumulation and the contestation of local communities. The power asymmetry is revealed by looking at the spatial relationship between the new mineral extraction and local contestation in neoliberal Peru.