蒙古의 漢族統治와 女眞官僚의 寄與

서병국(Suh Byung-Kuk) 역사실학회 2004 역사와실학 Vol.26 No.-

After the fall of South sung(南宋) by Mongolian regime, the political aspect of the bureaucracies from Kitan(契丹) is found, but they were the common official, the figure of Kitan bureaucracy to become active in the beginning of Mongolian regime was not found. This shows that Mongolian regime reduced the appointment of Kitan bureaucracy sharpely and Kitan people was appointed within the restricted limit. Such as the appointment of Kitan bureaucracy was reduced, the other hand the appointment of Jurchen(女眞) bureaucracy began to be regularized from Sejo's time before the enthronement. Kin Dynasty(金朝) bordered on with South Sung and Jurchen person knew correctly the actual circumstance of South Sung, Mongolian regime appointed Jurchen person to the bureaucracy. Jeom Hap Jung San(粘合重山) was dispatched as the envoy to Jinggis Khan and turned him, he was person who helped Ya Yul Cho Jae(耶律楚材) from Kitan to reneder the greatest achievement in the policy establishment of Mongolian regime. After O Don Se Yeong(d奧敦世英) surrendered Jinggis Khan, didn't kill the prisoner of Kin Dynasty, and Bo Wha(保和), younger brother willing participated in the encouragement of agriculture, such as three men were the Chinesenized Jurchen bureaucracy. At the time of Sejo(世祖), the appointment of Jurchen bureaucray was regularized, their bureaucratic aspect are as follows. Jo Yang Pil(趙良弼) persuaded the enthronement of Sejo, Yi Jeong(李庭), rendered the disinguished services at the time that enthroned Seongjeong(成宗), Yu Guk Geol(劉國傑) participated in the anmihilation to South Sung. These aspects are the important activity of Jurchen bureaucracy. Jo Yang Pil was dispatched as an envoy to Japan and found out a real condition of this land. Yu Guk Geol had been unofficially decided to have heavy responsibility in time of the expedition to Japan in 1359 year. O Go Son Tak(烏古孫澤) who was Jurchen bureaucracy in the time to the expedition to South Sung, transported the com of Habuk(河北) to Kangnam(江南) and discharged his duties that transported Cho(?, money) to Hyenam(淮南). As these Chinese full name of Jurchen bureaucracy shows, these men were Chinesenized already, but recognized Mongolian regime as a lawful political regime that didn't recognize the chronic distination of Chinese Babarian(華夷). These men showed a devotional attitude in the expedition to South Sung and the conquer to Japan and the installation or the enthronement of the emperor. After Mongolian regime abandoned the conquer to Japan, Jurchen bureaucracies were continually appointed in connection with the Chinese reign that was a important task of Mongolian regime. These bureaucracies contributed on many quarters, example agriculture, knowledge, history compilation. Jurchen burearcracies were the proxy ruler to the Mongol's Chinese, instead these men pressed the Mongolian regime for the Chinesenization. The largest obstacle of the Chinsenization who these men desired was that Mongolian nomadic customs were maintained like that. At the time of Jurchen's demand to Chinesenization, Chinese bureaucracies kept silence. This means that Jurchen bureaucracies were recognized the bureaucratic ability by Mongolian regime, but Mongolian bureaucracies adhered to adherence the customs of themselves continually and didn't abandon that. The national adherence of Mongol shows whole aspect through the respect to Lamaism(喇痲敎). Mongolian's bureaucracies bowed the knees to Lama(喇痲僧), Pae Sul No Chung(??魯?), Jurehen bureaucracy refused to bow the knee to him only. We can analyze it that the Chinesenized Jurchen bureaucracies showed dissatisfaction about the unchinesenization policy of Mongolian's regime, but the mental discord of this bureaucracies will be not small. Because of refusing the Chinesenization demand of Jurehen bureaucracy the nomadic culture of Mongol was maintained like that. We didn't more find th mention about them in 『Yuan Sa(元史)』 not more, after the refusal of Mongol regime,

대통령의 관료 통제와 정책공간

한승주 ( Han¸ Seungjoo ),최흥석 ( Choi¸ Heungsuk ),이철주 ( Lee¸ Cheouljoo ) 한국행정학회 2021 韓國行政學報 Vol.55 No.3

대통령의 입장에서 행정관료 조직은 자신의 정책을 집행하고, 정책목표를 구현하기 위한 수단적 존재이다. 많은 전문성으로 무장한 관료조직이 지나친 자율성으로 대통령 리더십을 빛바래게 하지 못하도록 정치적으로 통제할 대상이기도 하다. 본 연구의 목적은 대통령의 관료 통제가 그의 정책공간에 결과적으로 무슨 영향을 주는지를 분석하는 것이다. 여기서 정책공간이란 대통령이 현실적으로 추구할 수 있는 정책 실현의 범위를 의미한다. 대통령은 관료에 대한 통제를 통해 관료조직의 자율성을 어느 정도 제한하고 자신의 정책공간을 확장시키려할 것이다. 그런데 대통령의 관료 통제가 늘 정책공간의 확대로 이어질 것인가? 이와 관련하여 본 연구는 대통령의 통제가 의도와는 다른 방향으로 관료조직의 행태를 변화시켜 대통령의 정책공간을 오히려 수축시키는 결과를 낳을 가능성을 탐색한다. 중상위직 공무원의 인식을 통해서 실증 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 관료에 대한 대통령의 통제는 관료조직의 자의적, 폐쇄적 행태를 억제하고 대통령의 정책에 대한 대응성을 높여 대통령의 정책공간을 확장시킨다. 둘째, 그러나 동시에 대통령의 정치적 통제는 소극적 묵종, 책임회피 등 관료의 소위 도구적 행태를 강화시켜 대통령의 정책공간을 축소시킬 수 있다. 그리고 셋째, 대통령의 정치적 통제와 정책공간 사이의 긍정적 상관관계에서 관료의 도구적 행태가 부정적 매개 작용을 하고 있음을 발견하였다. Government bureaucracy is a vehicle with which the president implements policies and tries to achieve his or her political goals. It is a subject of the president’s political control, as its expertise-based political powers could possibly overshadow the presidential executive leadership. This study analyzes the effects of the president’s control of government bureaucracy in his or her policy space. The policy space of the president stands for the scope of public policies that he or she could pursue while taking into account their implementational feasibility. The president would try to control bureaucracy so as to delimit its autonomy and concurrently expand his or her policy space. However, would the presidential control of bureaucracy be necessarily conducive to the expansion of the policy space? This study also focuses on the possibility of contraction of the policy space, as the attempt to control could result in unexpected behavioral responses on the part of bureaucracy. The empirical analysis using a survey of mid- and high-ranking public officials reveals, first, that the presidential control of bureaucracy is positively associated with the expansion of the policy space, as it suppresses bureaucracy’s arbitrary and bigoted behaviors. Second, at the same time, however, presidential control would result in contraction of the policy space, as it reinforces the instrumentality behavior of bureaucracy in the forms of passive and lukewarm compliance, as well as avoidance of responsibility. And third, the instrumentality behavior of bureaucracy negatively mediates the association between presidential control of bureaucracy and presidential policy space.

관료제에 관한 역사적 고찰: 엘리아스(Norbert Elias)의 과정사회학을 중심으로

안지호 ( Ahn Jiho ),임도빈 ( Im Tobin ) 한국행정사학회 2018 韓國行政史學誌 Vol.42 No.-

이 연구는 지금까지 행정학에서 관료제의 대표적인 방법론인 베버(Max Weber)의 틀에서 벗어나 관료제 문제를 다룬다. 베버 역사사회학의 특징은 시간의 공간화라는 특징을 갖는다. 구체적으로 베버는 이념형이라는 개념적 도구를 통해 역사의 다양한 관료제의 상을 간단한 유형으로 치환한다. 연구자는 베버가 경제와 사회에서 수행 했던 작업과는 반대로 공간의 시간적 접근을 통해 베버가 지나치게 합리성을 강조하여 상대적으로 소흘히 다루었던 가산관료제의 논의를 풍부히 하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 연구자는 관료제를 서유럽이라는 공간을 중심으로 가산관료제에서 근대관료제로의 변화 과정을 설명하였다. 장기지속의 시간차원에서 관료제의 변화과정을 다룸으로써 이 연구는 다음과 같은 연구 목적을 가지고 있다. 첫째, 지금까지 행정학에 다루어온 관료제의 연구대상을 가산관료제로 확대하여 역사연구의 외연을 확장하고자 한다. 둘째, 연구방법론과 관련하여 베버의 공간 중심의 관료제 연구를 넘어 시간을 중심으로 한 엘리아스(Norbert Elias) 과정론적 관점에서 관료제 분석함으로써 관료제 연구의 새로운 접근을 소개한다. 마지막으로 이 연구는 가산관료제의 정점이라고 할 수 있는 절대왕정 체제, 즉 가산적 중앙집권제의 논의를 통해 전근대적인 북한의 권력구조와 행정체제를 이해하고 분석 할 수 있는 이론적 기반을 마련한다. This study breaks away from Weber's methodology, which is representative methodology of bureaucracy in public administration, and attempts to approach phenomenon of bureaucracy. The characteristic of Weber's historical sociology is the spatialization of time. Specifically, Weber replaces the image of various bureaucrats in history with a simple diagram through the conceptual tool which is idealogical form. Through temporal approach of space, the researchers tried to enrich the discussion of patrimonial bureaucracy that Weber treated with neglect. For this purpose, the researchers tried to deal with the process of transition from the aggravation to the modern bureaucracy centering on the bureaucracy in Western Europe. By dealing with the process of change of bureaucracy in the time dimension of long -term sustainability, this study has the following research purposes. First, the researchers expend the subject of study of bureaucracy to patrimonial bureaucracy so that researchers expand the historical research. Second, in addition to methodology, the researchers deal with bureaucracy theory with Elias' process- oriented view that centers on time. Finally, this study will be practical help to understand and analysis premodern North Korean power structure and administration system through the discussion of the absolute monarchy system, which is a peak of patrimonial bureaucracy.

朝鮮時期의 官僚制度 및 그 운영의 특성

오종록(Oh Jong-Rok) 한국사연구회 2005 한국사연구 Vol.130 No.-

An advanced central governing system centered around the king was established during the Chos?n dynasty to control the entire nation. However, a closer look at the system reveals that Chos?n was based on a hierarchical bureaucratic system which had the king at the top, followed by high and mid-level bureaucrats and then middle class individuals such as technicians, s?ri and hyangni (clerks). Many historical sources can be found which detail how rights and interests were distributed among the various members of the bureaucracy. The rights and interests of those who were responsible for the management of the nation were distributed in accordance with their political and social status. The distribution of rights and interests in such a manner was regarded as being a well-balanced system. Therefore, the people of Chos?n did not perceive the corruption committed by members of the bureaucracy as being completely wrong, but as something that was to some degree natural. The notion of vested bureaucratic rights and interests was based on the absolute monarchial system established at the beginning of the dynasty. However, as the royal power began to weaken from the 16th century onwards, a new notion of those who should enjoy various rights and interests took root in which one had to belong not only to a privileged social class but hold an official government position. As a result, the yangban emerged as a privileged class during the 17th century. While these changes were proceding, the kwaj?n (科田, rank land) system, under which members of the bureaucracy were granted an amount of land that reflected their official rank, was first changed to the chikch?n (職田, official land) system and then eventually abolished. The amount of nokbong (祿俸, officials salary) was also gradually decreased and in essence existed in name only. Although membership in the bureaucracy was the only way for clans to preserve their social status, it became natural for members of the bureaucracy to use their status within the bureaucratic structure to safeguard their own rights and interests, given that the previous rewards for serving as a government official had all but disappeared. When such practices first emerged, the Samsa (三司, Financial Commission) enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy when it came to its function of controlling corruption, However, from the 18th century onwards, the Samsa could no longer be counted on to control these corrupt practices. This study analyzed the Chos?n bureaucracy from the standpoint of the publics consciousness of corruption. The researcher's findings with regards to the characteristics of corruption within the management of bureaucratic institutions were different from those found in previous studies. These findings can be summarized as follows: Chos?n was a kingdom which was based on agriculture, and in which agricultural products represented the main financial resource. The tools with which to redistribute state wealth, which was amassed from these agricultural products, had as their primary function the preservation of the royal family. In addition, within the niche in which these redistribution tools functioned, members of the bureaucracy, as well as the s?ri and hyangni class, were allowed to secure the resources they needed to ensure the continuation of their lifestyle. The degree of the rights and interests which each member of the bureaucracy enjoyed was heavily dependent on his social status and official rank. In conclusion, the central governing system of Choson was premised on the continuation of the feudal system.

경로의존성에 입각한 경찰관료제 진화과정 분석

윤희중(Yoon Hee Jung) 한국공안행정학회 2011 한국공안행정학회보 Vol.20 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 경로의존성에 의하여 경찰관료제의 진화과정을 살펴보는데 있는데, 주로 관리적 측면에서 1991~2010년에 걸쳐 경찰청을 대상으로 정부조직과 비교하여 설명하였다. 신제도주의는 맥락지향적이며 제도의 역동성에 초점을 두고 연구한다. 특히 인과관계를 중시하는 역사적 제도주의에 따르면, 제도는 기존의 제도가 발전경로를 제약하는 경로의존성에 입각하여 자기강화에 의해 지속성을 띠면서 진화한다. 제도의 진화과정에서는 중대한 전환점, 변이, 요동, 핵심부, 주변부의 개념에 주목할 필요가 있으며, 관료제도는 4단계(발아기, 형성기, 안정기, 전환기)를 거쳐 진화한다. 이러한 논의를 기반으로 경찰관료제의 안정기와 전환기의 특징이 복합적으로 나타나는 1990년대 이후의 경찰관료제 진화과정 특성을 살펴보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 정권교체기 국가지도자의 이념과 인식변화는 경찰관료제 경로형성에 영향을 미쳤다. 둘째, 김대중 정부 이전의 외환위기는 경찰관료제의 진화과정에서 중대한 전환점이다. 셋째, 경찰조직의 변화구조에서 핵심부는 정권변화에 영향을 덜 받는 반면 주변부는 치안정세에 따라 바뀌었다. 넷째, 정권에 따라 참모조직과 계선조직은 활용정도가 다르게 나타났다. 다섯째, 노무현정부의 경찰관료제는 역대정부의 경로와 일치하지 않았다. 여섯째, 경찰관료제는 진화과정에서 지속적으로 자기강화 과정을 거치고 있다. 일곱째, 경찰관료제의 인력변화는 정부 초기에 인력규모를 감소시키고 있지만 전체 경찰관 수를 보면 관성적 속성이 반영되었다. The purpose of this study is to consider evolutionary process in the police bureaucracy approached from the path-dependency. Mostly I compared the management aspect with the institution of government and the National Police Agency from 1991 to 2010. The New institutionalism is context-orientated, research focusing on dynamic of institution. especially According to historical institutionalism which are known for emphasis on a causal relationship, the existing institution approached from the path-dependency that restrict evolutive path. this institution evolve step by step while maintaining the stable continuity by Self-reinforcement. In evolutionary process of institution, there are concepts such as critical juncture, mutation, fluctuation, core and periphery which claims our attention. Bureaucratic institution is undergoing four different stages: germinating period, formative period, steady period and transition period. Based on the discussion approached from the path-dependency, police bureaucracy has a complex characteristic of steady period and transition period since the 1990s. During the period, the characteristics of evolutionary process in the Korean police bureaucracy goes as follows: First, the change on an ideology and recognition of a national leader with every change of the administration had effect on the path in the police bureaucracy. Second, the 1997 currency crisis before the Kim, Dae-Jung administration is critical juncture in evolutionary process of the police bureaucracy. Third, The core have been able to blunt the impact of the new regime in the structural changes of police organization. On the other hands, the security situations has changed the periphery. Fourth, By the government, plans for efficient use of staff and line in the police bureaucracy are quite different. Fifth, the police bureaucracy of the Roh, Moo-Hyun administration didn't overlap with the path of the former governments. Sixth, the police bureaucracy shows constantly Self-reinforcement process in evolutionary process. Seventh, the change of police servant has reduced the size of its work force during the early stage of administration. but in the eyes of the police servant trends, inertia of institution have been factored into the police bureaucracy.

Administrative reform in India: retaining the British steel frame

Noor Mohammad Masum 서울대학교행정대학원 2018 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.26 No.3

This study analyses administrative reforms in India to identify the philosophical, cultural and ideological underpinnings of these reforms and their impacts. The study hypothesizes that despite differences in state ideologies, Indian leaders have followed the ‘democratic incremental approach of reform’, which has contributed significantly in achieving the continuity of the bureaucracy and ongoing development in India. There has been continuity in diverse administrative legacies in India. Muslim and British rulers modernized the ancient Indian district administration to serve their purposes while independent India takes pride in the revival of its ancient legacy. Before British rule, Indian rulers— Muslims and Hindus—maintained a semi-retainer bureaucracy; whereas the British adopted the philosophy of a mandarin bureaucracy. After independence, India replaced the British administrative philosophy of a mandarin bureaucracy with ‘the democratic philosophy of a semi-retainer bureaucracy’. In fluenced by this philosophy, Indian leaders retained the inherited steel frame and made only incremental changes. As a result, Indian bureaucracy remains almost as strong as it was during the British era in terms of structural and procedural perspectives. Overall, the bureaucracy is still performing reasonably well in maintaining continuity of administration and, in the process, cultural integration of society, ongoing economic development and political stability in India.

관료제, 민주주의, 그리고 시장주의: 정부개혁의 반성과 과제

임도빈 한국행정학회 2007 韓國行政學報 Vol.41 No.3

This paper reviews the impact of the introduction of multiple reforms over the last 20 years on Korean bureaucracy. The election of President Rho Tae-Woo in 1987 marked a turning point toward the democratization of the country, while the governmental reforms introduced ever since (especially those inspired from New Public Management) are qualified as market oriented emphasizing efficiency rather than democratic values. From this perspective, this paper discusses the impact of these reforms on the bureaucracy of the Korean government on the basis of three democratization criterion of bureaucracy: 1) the principle of protection of bureaucrats from the arbitrary exercise of political power 2) the principle of meeting power and responsibility equally 3) the principle of the autonomy of bureaucrats within personal responsibility. This study discusses various perverse effects found in the bureaucracy which resulted from the natural reaction of a bureaucracy to the irrelevant reforms forced by politicians who were not true democratic actors. The thesis of this study is that government reforms tried in a country, where a true democratization has not yet been realized, should have focused on building a healthy bureaucracy based on the three principles rather than on the efficiency oriented market principle as the Korean case shows. 이 연구는 1987년 이후를 추진된 정부개혁들이 한국의 정치 및 행정민주화와 어떻게 연맥 되는가를 논의하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 민주화와 신자유주의의 충격이 동시에 진행되는 가운데, 두 차례에 걸쳐 상대적으로 진보적인 정권이 구축되었다. 정치민주화 수준이 미흡한 상황 속에서 추진된 신자유주의적 정부개혁이 관료제에 어떻게 작용하였으며, 그 영향은 무엇인가 분석한다. 행정민주화를 권위주의의 타파로 보고, 그 구체적인 척도를 관료들을 자의적 정치권력으로부터 보호, 책임권한의 일치와 자율성의 원칙의 실현이라고 정의하였다. 이러한 관점에서 현 행정실태의 문제점 진단하고 장차 한국의 바람직한 행정 관료제의 역할을 관료민주주의라는 측면에서 제안한다. 즉, 환경변화에 대응하면서 정치 및 행정민주화를 담보하면서 동시에 공공성과 효율성을 함께 제고할 수 있는 한국 고유의 정부개혁의 큰 방향은 무엇인지 미래지향적으로 논의하는 것이다.

전환기 중국 중앙경제관료조직 개혁과정부 조정기능의 변화: 국가경제무역위원회 사례 연구

정주연 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2012 중소연구 Vol.35 No.4

중국의 사회주의경제가 시장경제로 성공적으로 전환해 가면서, 그에 수반된 다양한 제도적 개혁에 대한 연구가 활발히 이루어져 왔다. 이 논문은 그 전환의 중심에 있음에도 불구하고 상대적으로 간과되어 온 정부조직의 개혁, 특히 중앙정부 경제관료조직 개혁에 대한 연구이다. 사례는 중국경제의 시장화가 본격적으로 추진되기 시작한 1990년대에 중국 중앙정부 내 최고 조정기구로 부상했다 2003년에 해체된 국가경제무역위원회이다. 국가경제무역위의 해체를 시장화에 따른 거대 경제관료조직의 쇠퇴와 정부개입의 축소 사례로 이해하는 기존의 관점과는 달리, 이 논문은 관료조직 내의 역사적 경쟁관계의 맥락 속에서 국가경제무역위의 개혁 과정을 분석한다. 결국 국가경제무역위의 해체는 경쟁 부처로의 기능과 권한 재분배로 귀결되었으며, 오히려 그 과정에서 시장화 시대에 더욱 중요한 정부의 조정기능은 약화되었다. 국가경제무역위의 개혁사례는 중국이 급속한 시장경제로의 전환을 겪는 중에도 정부역할의 축소를 위한 관료조직 개혁은 쉽게 일어나지 않을 것임을 시사한다. There has been abundant studies on institutional reform in diverse sectors of China’s transitional economy, yet not much is known about the institutional reform of the Chinese bureaucracy that has managed the transition. This paper attempts to illuminate the institutional changes of the Chinese central economic bureaucracy in the time of economic transition. It focuses on the institutional changes of the State Economic and Trade Commission (SETC), which was the top coordination agency within the Chinese bureaucracy during the 1990s when active marketization of Chinese economy had begun. This paper focuses on the changes in the SETC's coordination function and argues that the SETC reform should be understood in the context of historic rivalry within the Chinese bureaucracy. Despite dominant reform rhetoric, the SETC abolition in 2003 was intended more for the redistribution of power within the bureaucracy than for the reduction of government role under the pressure of economic opening and marketization. The outcomes of SETC abolishment suggest that, despite dominant reform rhetoric, significant retreat of the Chinese central bureaucracy from the economy would not easily take place.

사회적 신분에 따른 북한관료들의 사경제활동 연구 -관계자본의 축적을 중심으로

김영희,김병욱 평화문제연구소 2008 統一問題硏究 Vol.20 No.2

This study examined on the aspect of accumulation of relationship capital of bureaucracies and the cause of connection between bureaucracies`` private economic activity and accumulation of relationship capital, through the concept of social status and Boudieu``s relationship capital. The result of study shows that political bureaucracy has more opportunities to accumulate political capital than economic one, and that the public ownership and operation of bureaucracy have a positive influence on the accumulation of economic capital of bureaucracies, in the North Korean society. Recently, the bureaucracies are interested inthe accumulation of cultural capital, preparing for the change of the North Korean society. There is a tendency to give priority to the accumulation of social capital, regardless of social status. Based upon it, the cause of connection between bureaucracies`` private economic activity and accumulation of relationship capital is the influence of capital accumulation activity and operation of market function by the authority, while the accumulation of relationship capital of the bureaucracies is expected to be expanded along with the existence of centrally concentrated bureaucracy.

한국 발전관료제의 작동메커니즘: 박정희정권(1961-79) 하에서 정치적 요인과 발전제도

이종찬 ( Jong-chan Rhee ) 국민대학교 사회과학연구소 2021 社會科學硏究 Vol.33 No.2

기존의 많은 정치경제 연구들은 박정희정권이 왜 그리고 어떻게 고도 경제성장을 달성하였는가를 한국의 '발전관료제' 혹은 '발전국가' 개념으로 설명하였다. 이는 한국 국가의 시장개입을 충분하게 설명하지 못하여, 비교국가시각에서 볼 때에 한국만이 가지고 있었던 독특한 정치적 요인과 발전제도를 포함하는 작동메커니즘을 분석하지 못하였다. 이 연구는 1960년대의 '국가주도 경공업화'와 1970년대의 '국가주도 중화학공업화' 과정에서 발전관료제의 작동메커니즘을 분석한다. 정치적 요인들은 '정치화된 정책이념', '대통령의 강한 영향력’, 그리고 '차별적인 명령'이고, 이들은 한국 발전관료제의 작동메커니즘을 형성시켰다. 이러한 요인들은 경제관료제, 정책네트워크, 금융제도로 이루어져 있는 발전제도를 설립하고 작동시켰다. 더 나아가서 위의 세 가지 요인들은 한국 경제관료들이 대기업의 투자결정에 깊이 개입할 수 있도록, 관료들의 집단정체성, 이해관계, 그리고 권력관 계를 형성하고 증진시켰다. 따라서 박정희정권 하에서 발전국가의 작동메커니즘은 동아시아의 권위주의 발전국가뿐만 아니라 1950년대와 1960년대에 일본과 프랑스의 발전국가에서 볼 수 있었던 작동메커니즘들과 차별화된다. The puzzling question is why and how the Korean developmental bureaucracy or the strong economic bureaucracy alone had not been sufficient to explain successful state interventions in industrialization for high economic growth under Park’s regime. This study analyzes both state-led light industrialization during the 1960s and state-led heavy and chemical industrial drive during the 1970s, in terms of operational mechanisms of the developmental bureaucracy. These developmental governances comprised positive political factors and distinctive developmental institutions to empower economic bureaucrats’ intervention in the investment decision-making of big business firms. This paper identifies distinctive political factors such as politicized policy ideas, strong presidential influence, and discretionary command. These three exceptional variables had mainly formed operational mechanisms of the Korean developmental bureaucracy. They had a great influence on establishments and operations of Korean developmental institutions such as the economic bureaucracy, policy networks and financial systems. Furthermore, these political factors created and increased collective identity, interests, and power of Korean economic bureaucrats in the process of successful state intervention in the market. As a result, operational mechanisms of the Korean developmental bureaucracy were distinguished from those in advanced developmental states (Japan and France during the 1950s and 1960s), as well as in other East Asian developmental states under an authoritarian regime.