한국전쟁 포로와 사진: ‘동양공산주의자’ 인종 프레임과 폭력성 재현

전갑생 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2018 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.56

War photographs act like a ‘messenger of collective memory’ in a ‘coverage of war.’ How are the images of prisoners of war who have survived from cruel violence and massacre remembered to us? In a narrative history on prisoners of the Korean War, the non-repatriated prisoners saw a prison camp as a ‘holy place of anti-communism,’ whereas it was recognized by the repatriated prisoners as the setting of an epic on ‘heroes who had resisted imperialism.’ These two prisoner groups of different natures had a completely different memory from each other. A collective memory was transformed into politics of memory. What does the existence of war prisoners really mean? The pictures of prisoners of the Korean War produced by the armed forces of Korea, the United States (navy, army and air forces), the United Kingdom and North Korea show us images of collective memories and transformed places. A photograph of prisoners offers a range of production data like basic information of five W's and one H, camera model and major parts (for example, film) and printing. Produced images hold memory and expansion effects, which vary depending on who classified, used or disposed of them in a which way for what purposes. Photographs of the Korean War have been metaphorically used in a variety of ways for a psychological warfare or politics, according to a nation or certain group's intentions. As a consequence, pictures of war prisoners have sometimes raised conflicts between generations or have been disregarded according to values the nation of the present or past commemorates. Keeping such a critical attitude in mind, this study attempted to find out the angles that soldier photographers had sought from the camera's viewfinder and the ways that an angle was caught on a subject and the subject was expressed. The U.S. Army's ‘criteria for classifying war prisoners’ had been applied in classifying the prisoners of the Korean War. These criteria for classifying prisoners are a racial or violent frame consisting of ‘Orient communists’ and ‘vicious reds/hardcore communists,’ which were suggested by the United Nations Forces and the Korean Army. This frame was valued for its utility in a psychological warfare for politics of memory. Four sequences can be generated from the classification of prisoners. The first scene is in a frame of race and violence. The photographs under the control of the U.S. Army, North Korean People’s Army or Chinese People's Volunteer Army demonstrate a cycle of violence as they were used in distinguishing or discriminating between the East and the West in accordance with slogans or policies such as ‘Orient communists’ and ‘American imperialist invaders.’ This corresponds to a double exposure consisting of race and violence. Such a double exposure is maximized between a prisoner and another, administrators and prisoners, and guards and prisoners in a prison camp or compound. The second scene is about a theory to produce ‘Orient communist’ prisoners. A prisoner who had been watched through a double exposure in the cycle of race and violence became a prisoner of a new category called transformed ‘vicious prisoners,’ which was like a birth of a new species. The pictures of prisoners taken by the photographers of the U.S. Army look as if the ‘vicious prisoners’ were conspiring to seize control of the prison camp by raising a ‘riot.’ The third scene is about ‘potential enemy’ and fellowship. Even though the war prisoners of the North Korean People’s Army and the Chinese People's Volunteer Army were classified into a new category due to the principle of ‘voluntary repatriation’ and there was a ‘sense of fellowship’ between them and the Korean and U.S. Armies pursuant to the policies on war prisoners, they were treated as ‘potential enemies.’ Those people named ‘anticommunist prisoners’ were enemies invented or retrained by intelligence operations by the Korean ...

4~7세기 삼국 간 전쟁포로의 동향과 그 의미

장창은(Jang, Chang-Eun) 한국고대학회 2021 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.67

삼국은 4~7세기 중반 상호 간 공방전을 전개하였다. 그에 따른 전쟁포로의 발생이 빈번하며, 『삼국사기』에는 그 숫자 정보가 남아 있다. 이 논문에서는 생포를 의미하는 ‘虜’ ㆍ‘獲’ㆍ‘掠’ㆍ‘俘’와 ‘虜掠’ㆍ‘虜獲’ㆍ‘虜得’ㆍ‘掠取’ㆍ‘俘虜’ㆍ‘俘獲’ 관련 기록을 순수 전쟁포로로 파악하였다. ‘殺虜~人’ㆍ‘殺掠~人’은 ‘죽이거나 사로잡음’으로 해석해 편의상50%만 포로 인원으로 산정하였다. 4~7세기 삼국 간 전쟁 포로 인원의 득실을 따져보면, 고구려는 15,611여 명 획득, 백제는 14,960여 명 획득, 신라는 31,571명 상실로 산정되었다. 고구려와 백제가 신라에 비해 전쟁포로의 획득에 우세하였다. 4세기에 고구려는 백제에게 1,011명의 전쟁포로를 획득하였고, 200명을 상실해 811 명의 전쟁포로를 더 얻었다. 5세기도 고구려가 백제로부터 9,500명의 포로를 얻었다. 광개토왕으로부터 이어진 백제에 대한 고구려의 우위가 장수왕대(412~491)까지 지속되었음을 알 수 있다. 고구려는 백제에 대한 우위를 이어가 6세기 초 1,300명의 전쟁포로를 빼앗아 갔다. 7세기대는 삼국 간에 본격적인 영역 쟁탈전이 전개되었다. 고구려는11,000명의 포로를 획득하였고, 7,000여 명을 상실함으로써 4,000여 명의 이득을 보았다. 백제는 1,300여 명의 포로를 획득하였고, 13,730명을 빼앗겨 12,430여 명의 손실을 입었다. 신라는 16,730여 명의 포로를 확보하였고, 9,300명의 포로를 상실해 7,430 명의 이득을 보았다. 전쟁포로의 신분은 전투원과 비전투원으로 나뉘며, 전투원은 일반 군인과 지휘관급으로 구분된다. 지휘관급으로 보면, 백제의 피해가 가장 컸다. 비전투원 대부분은 백성들이었다. 고구려가 획득한 포로는 백성 18,650명, 군인 4,150명이다. 반면에 백성 3,000 명, 군인 4,200명의 포로를 빼앗겼다. 곧 고구려는 백제 및 신라와의 전쟁에서 백성의손실을 거의 입지 않았다. 이는 전쟁포로가 발생한 삼국 간 전투가 주로 고구려의 선제공격으로 전개된 데 따른 결과였다. 백제가 획득한 전쟁포로는 백성 20,800명, 군인 19,700명이었다. 백제는 백성 10,650 명, 군인 14,871명의 손실을 입었다. 백제는 7세기 전반기까지 고구려에, 이후에는 신라에게 백성ㆍ군인을 가리지 않고 다수의 전쟁포로를 빼앗겼다. 특히 648년에 김유신군과 벌인 일련의 전투에서 군인포로 10,000명을 잃었다. 사비기 백제가 동원할 수 있는군사가 40,000명임을 감안할 때 큰 타격이었다. 신라가 획득한 전쟁포로는 백성 3,000 명, 군인 13,728명으로 군인이 많다. 이는 신라가 얻은 전쟁포로가 대부분 수세적 국면에서 발생한 전쟁 때 승리의 결과물로 얻은 군인포로임을 의미한다. 신라가 상실한 포로는 백성 28,800명, 군인 19,501명으로 백성의 손실 비중이 더 높다. 전쟁포로들은 생포해 온 국가의 일반 백성들보다 신분적 처지가 열악해 奴婢와 같은신분으로 살아갔다. 이들은 농민으로서 살아가거나 축성 등 각종 노역에 동원되었다. 대부분의 경우 국가에 귀속된 공노비로서 존재하였을 것이다 The Three Kingdoms launched a mutual battle in the 4~7th centuries. Consequently, the occurrence of prisoners of war is frequent. The number information remains in the Samguksagi. In this paper, records related to ‘虜’ㆍ‘獲’ㆍ‘掠’ㆍ‘俘’ and ‘虜掠’ㆍ‘虜獲’ㆍ‘虜得’ㆍ‘掠取’ㆍ‘俘虜’ㆍ‘俘 獲’ which mean capture, were identified as pure prisoners of war. ‘殺虜~人’ and ‘殺掠~人’ were interpreted as ‘killing or capturing’ and only 50% of the prisoners werecalculated. Considering the gains and losses of the prisoners of war between the Three Kingdoms in the 4~7th centuries, Goguryeo was calculated with 15,611 people, Baekje with 14,960 people, and Silla with 31,571 people lost. Goguryeo and Baekje dominated the acquisition of prisoners of war compared to Silla. In the 4th century, Goguryeo acquired 1,011 prisoners of war from Baekje, and lost 200 prisoners of war, resulting in 811 more prisoners of war. In the 5th century, Goguryeo acquired 9,500 prisoners from Baekje. It can be seen that Goguryeo’s dominance over Baekje from King Gwanggaeto lasted until King Jangsu. Goguryeo continued its dominance over Baekje and took 1,300 prisoners of war in the early 6th century. In the 7th century, a full-fledged battle for territory took place between the three kingdoms. Goguryeo acquired 11,000 prisoners and lost 7,000 people, resulting in 4,000 benefit. Baekje acquired 1,300 prisoners and lost 13,730 people, resulting in 12,430 losses. Silla acquired 16,730 prisoners and lost 9,300 prisoners, benefiting 7,430. The status of prisoners of war is divided into combatants and non-combatants, and combatants are divided into general soldiers and commanders. At the commander level, Baekje suffered the most. Most of the non-combatants were people. The prisoners obtained by Goguryeo were 18,650 people and 4,150 soldiers. Goguryeo lost 3,000 people and 4,200 soldiers. Goguryeo suffered little loss from the people in the war against Baekje and Silla. This was the result of the battle between the three kingdoms, where the prisoners of war occurred, mainly unfolded as a preemptive attack by Goguryeo. Baekje’s prisoners of war were 20,800 people and 19,700 soldiers. Baekje suffered losses of 10,650 people and 14,871 soldiers. Baekje lost large-scale prisoners of war to Goguryeo until the first half of the 7th century and later Silla, regardless of people or soldiers. In particular, 10,000 soldiers were taken away in a series of battles against Kim Yu-shin in 648. Considering that there are 40,000 soldiers that Baekjecan mobilize during the Sabi capital period, it was a big blow. Silla’s prisoners of war were 3,000 people and 13,728 soldiers, with many soldiers. This means that most of the prisoners of war obtained by Silla were soldiers prisoners obtained as a result of victory during the war that took place in a defensive phase. The number of prisoners lost by Silla was 28,800 people and 19,501 soldiers, with a higher proportion of the people’s losses. The prisoners of war lived as slaves because their status was inferior to the general people of the country they had captured alive. They were mobilized for various labor such as living as farmers or building castles. In most cases, it would have existed as a public slave belonging to the state.

타자의 아카이브로부터 돌아온 포로들 - 미 육군 통신부대 POW 필름을 중심으로 -

김려실 ( Kim Ryeo-sil ) 한국문학연구학회 2021 현대문학의 연구 Vol.- No.73

한국전쟁은 전면전쟁을 피해 제한전쟁으로 수행되었기 때문에 군대와 민간 양쪽에서 포로가 대량 발생했으며 정전협상에서 포로 처리 문제가 핵심 쟁점이 된 ‘포로전쟁’이었다. 그동안 영토전쟁에 대한 연구에 비해 포로전쟁의 양상에 주목한 연구는 많지 않았다. 냉전 종식 이후 반공이데올로기가 퇴색하면서 한국전쟁사는 다시 씌게 되었고 포로 문제도 재발견되었다. 본 논문에서는 미 육군 통신부대가 생산한 POW 푸티지를 분석하여 포로전쟁과 포로에 대한 기억의 문제를 조명했다. 미 국립공문서관 보존되어 있는 POW 필름 중 65편을 포로관리 및 대우, 폭동 및 분산작전, 포로교환으로 분류한 다음, 메타 데이터, 선행연구, 포로의 수기 등을 참조하여 생산 맥락과 이미지의 의미를 논했다. 최근 이들 필름은 각종 국가적 전시 공간에서 시청각 전시의 원천이 되고 있다. 그러나 포로를 주제로 한 전시에서 기억의 부활과 대비되는 선택적 망각은 우리 사회가 포로에 대한 기억을 선별해왔다는 점을 보여준다. 타자의 아카이브를 경유한 기록이 문화적 기억이 되려면 어떤 조건이 필요한지 면밀한 검토와 실천이 요청된다. The Korean War unfolded in two aspects: territorial war and prisoner of war, but few studies have focused on the latter. Since this war was conducted as a limited war, avoiding the all-out war, a large number of prisoners of war occurred in both the military and the private sector. Few studies have paid attention to the aspects of the ‘prisoner war’ compared to those on the territorial war. As anti-communist ideology faded after the Cold War, the Korean War history was rewritten and the POW issue was rediscovered. In this paper, POW films produced by the U.S. Army Signal Corps was analyzed to shed light on the problems of POW and memories of prisoners. I classified 65 POW films preserved in the National Archives of America as management and treatment, riot and distributed operations, and prisoner exchange. And then I cross-analyzed the production context and the meaning of the images of POW films by referring to meta data, prior research, and handwriting of prisoners. Recently, POW films has been used as a important source of audiovisual exhibition at various national memorials in Korea. However, the selective oblivion, which contrasts with the resurrection of memories in the POW themed exhibition, shows that our society has screened memories about Korean War prisoners. Careful review and practice of what conditions are required for records from other’s archives to become our cultural memories.

한국전쟁과 여성 포로 표상의 젠더 정치

오태영 한국문학연구학회 2023 현대문학의 연구 Vol.- No.81

한국전쟁 포로와 포로수용소에 관한 연구가 지속되어오고 있음에도 불구하고 ‘여성 포로’에 관한 연구는 전무하다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 비록 그 수가 남성 포로에 비해 현격히 적었지만 여성 포로는 엄연히 존재했다. 한국전쟁은 포로 전쟁이라고 할 만큼 개전 초기부터 포로 처리를 둘러싸고 남/북한과 미국 사이에 이견과 갈등이 존재했고, 그런 만큼 당시 신문지상을 통해 포로수용소 및 포로에 관해 확인하는 것은 어려운 일이 아니다. 하지만 그러한 기사의 대부분은 이념의 경계 구획 속에서 포로를 위치시키고 규정하며 낙인찍는 과정을 보여준다. 여성 포로의 경우에도 기본적으로 친공/반공이라는 이분법적 도식 속에서 여성 포로를 위치시키고, 그녀들을 관찰하거나 그녀들의 목소리를 전하고 있다. 또한, 남성 군인을 잣대로 하여 그녀들이 군대식 규율 권력을 훼손하는 존재라는 점을 부각시키면서 반공 여성 포로의 표상을 스테레오 타입화하고 있었다. 1990년대 이후 남성 포로의 체험과 기억을 담고 있는 기록과 증언에서 여전히 좌우 이념의 경계 속에서 남성 시각 주체에 포착된 대상으로서 여성 포로를 재현하여 인식하게 만들고 있다. 이는 냉전-분단 체제기를 거쳐 탈냉전-신자유주의 체제기에 접어든 1990년대 이후에도 여전히 한국전쟁에 관한 남성 젠더의 체험과 기억, 증언과 글쓰기가 여성을 타자화하여 성적으로 대상화하고 있을 뿐만 아니라 이념의 경계선을 작동하고 있음을 드러낸다. 한편, 여성 포로의 문학적 표상은 공산주의 이념에 물든 ‘빨갱이’나 지성과 미모를 갖춘 ‘팜므 파탈’의 이미지로만 재현되지 않는다. 여성 포로가 스스로 자신의 신념을 말하는 주체로서, 포로 이후의 트라우마적 기억을 극복하는 주체로서 움직이고 있다는 점에서 여성 포로의 문학적 표상은 전후 냉전-분단 체제기 남한사회의 젠더 정치의 이분법적 위계 구도에 균열을 발생시킬 수 있는 가능성을 보여준다. Although research on Korean War POWs and POW camps continues, it is no exaggeration to say that there is no research on ‘female POWs’. Although their number was significantly smaller than that of male prisoner’s, there were definitely female prisoners. The Korean War can be called a prisoner’s war, so there were differences of opinion and conflict between South and North Korea and the United States over the treatment of prisoners from the beginning of the war. As such, it is not difficult to find out about POWs and POW camp through newspapers at the time. However, most of such articles show the process of positioning, defining, and stigmatizing prisoners within ideological boundaries. In the case of female POWs, they are basically placed in a dichotomous scheme of pro-communism/anti-communism, and they are observed or their voices are conveyed. In addition, by using male soldiers as the standard, they were stereotyping the representation of anti-communist female prisoners by emphasizing that they were beings that undermined military disciplinary power. Since the 1990s, records and testimonies containing the experiences and memories of male prisoners still represent and recognize female prisoners as objects captured by male visual subjects within the boundaries of left and right ideologies. This means that even after the 1990s, which went through the Cold War-division regime and entered the post-Cold War-neoliberal regime, the male gender’s experiences, memories, testimonies, and writings about the Korean War not only otherize women and sexually objectify them, but also operate the borderline of ideology. Meanwhile, the literary representation of female POWs is not only represented by the image of a ‘communist’ steeped in communist ideology or a ‘femme fatale’ with intelligence and beauty. In that female POWs act as subjects who speak out their own beliefs and overcome traumatic memories after captivity, the literary representation of female POWs is shows the possibility of causing cracks the dichotomous hierarchical structure of gender politics in South Korean society during the Cold War-division regime.

진압(鎭壓)과 석방(釋放)의 정치

김학재(Kim Hak-Jae) 한국제노사이드연구회 2009 제노사이드연구 Vol.5 No.-

1. POW’s camps and POW’s war experience during Korean War The twentieth century was the century of war, and it was also the century of camps. And the civilian population suffered at least as much as combatants, and one significant element of war experience is therefore not battle in the trenches, but the prison camp. If we consider the East Asian context, there are lots of the same problems and there are even more complex ones. The Korean War is another example, one which provided one of the defining moments of the Cold War between East and West and where POW(Prisoners of War) problems became one of the most important and international concerns of the time. What is interesting is that many POWs of the Korean War had the same nationality, but were divided by their ideology. These POWs also became vehicles for cultural and ideological propaganda of both blocs. POW Camps during the Korean War, were the space which the logic of ‘state of exception’ and ‘universal human rights’ were colflicted. On the one hand, ‘POWs’ were recognised as ‘nations’ who fight with enemy, and they protected under principle of human rights bakcked by international sovereignity. On the other hand, they were treated as ‘Homo Sacer’ in ‘state of exception’ and excluded by sovereign power of nation-state. Under this condition, POW camps in the Korean War undertook fuctions of refugee camp, concentration camp, war criminal camp, political prison, and immigration center. Therefore, I saw POW camps were a microcosm of divided nation state, and I will regard POW camp as a base of Korean modern political system, and condensation of violence which has effected korean society for many decade. 2. Who are the Korean Prisoners of War When the Korean War begins, there was a standard which determine POW’s status. The Geneva Convention of 1949 on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, introduced a concept of humanitarian treatment of POWs. But the Geneva Convention of 1949 was originally designed for a war between individual (sovereign) nations. The Korean War, however, has both feature of International Cold war and national Civil War, and the nation(state)-building process was proceeding. United Staes, and UN did not recognised north korea as a sovereign state, and this made ambiguous and exceptional condition of POW’s status. UNC attempted to apply the ‘humanitarian’ provisions of the Geneva Convention to POWs. However, in reality, there was no clear standard to determine who is POW and who is not. UNC defined ‘all captured personnel’ as POW and in the early stages of the Korean war, almost all person captured by the UN force were permanently registered as POWs. But there were many fundamentally different categories of person. UNC thought that Korean war was fundamentally different from previous wars. They regard that they faced politically and psychologically total war. In this condition, ‘humanitarian treatment principle’ made some POWs as War Criminals. And most of POWs were exposed nakedly to the inhumanitarian, brutal violence of the UNC guards, and of another POWs. In 1951, after armistice negotiation began, US suggested the principle of voluntary(of free) repatriation of POWs, which means some of POW would not be repatriated. This is the first case that never happened before. As a result, the prisoners of war problem has proven the greatest obstacle to a truce. At this moment, passive ‘protectionism’ went to active ‘liberalism’, but the alienation between theory and reality maximized. Actually, POWs treated by many exceptional measures, and exploited as a informant and agent of psychological warfare. When they became ‘civilian internee’ or ‘political refugee’, they were regarded as ex-communist sympathizer. 3. The development of Pong-am incident and reaction of UNC When Civilian Internees in Pong-am island camp resisted against UNC guards in 1951.12.14, 85 prisoners were killed and 113 wounded. They were a

1607년 朝 日간 국교재개시 被虜人의 역할

방기철 호남사학회 2011 역사학연구 Vol.42 No.-

이 글은 1592년 일본의 침략으로 시작된 7년 여에 걸친 전쟁 후, 일본의 국교재개 요청에 대한 조선 정부의 대응과정에서 피로인들이 어떠한 역할을 했는지를 살펴 본 것이다. 전쟁 중 일본은 10만여 명 이상의 조선인을 일본으로 납치했고, 전후 6,000~9,000여 명 이상이 조선으로 돌아왔다. 당시 조선은 일본과 국교가 단절된 상태였으므로, 일본에 대한 정보를 확보할 수 있는 루트가 거의 없는 상태였다. 따라서 대일정보의 상당 부분을 일본에서 생활하다 돌아온 피로인들에게 의존할 수밖에 없었다. 쓰시마는 종전과 거의 동시에 조선 정부에게 통상재개를 요청했다. 뒤이어 일본 중앙정부와의 국교재개를 요청했다. 조선은 전후 일본에 대한 적개심이 남아 있었지만, 일본과의 화의는 피할 수 없다는 생각을 가지고 있었다. 일본과의 국교재개에서 가장 중요한 문제는 일본의 재침이 있을 것인지의 여부였다. 이 문제는 새로 집권한 도쿠가와 이에야스가 일본을 완전히 장악한 것인지와도 관련된 문제였다. 조선 정부는 대일정보 확보를 위해 쓰시마에 사신을 보내 일본의 정세를 파악하기도 했지만, 이와 함께 조선으로 돌아온 피로인들에게 대일정보의 상당 부분을 의지하기도 했다. 피로인들은 자신들의 경험을 바탕으로 일본의 재침가능성 여부, 쓰시마와의 통상문제, 일본의 정세 등을 조선 정부에 알려 국교재개에 일정한 역할을 담당하였다. 조선 정부는 피로인들을 믿을 수 없는 존재로 규정하고, 국교재개에 적극적인 인물들을 처벌하기도 했다. 하지만 조선 정부의 대일정책은 피로인들이 제시한 바와 같이 쓰시마와의 통상 재개를 허가했고, 일본에 사신을 파견하여 국교를 재개했다. 이러한 사실들은 조선 정부의 대일정책에 피로인들의 정보 제공이 상당한 부분 반영된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 이런 점에서 전후 조선과 일본이 국교를 재개하여 200여 년에 걸쳐 교린우호의 평화 관계를 유지할 수 있었던 데에는 피로인들의 역할이 상당히 큰 것이었다고 생각한다. This study set out to investigate the roles of a war prisoner in the process of Joseon government's reactions to Japan's request for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries after about seven years of war that started by Japan's invasion in 1592. During the war, Japan abducted more than 100,000 Joseon people to the islands, and 6,000~9,000 of them returned back to Joseon after the war was ended. Since the diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan were severed during the period, Joseon had few routes to secure information about Japan and accordingly had to depend on a war prisoner, who returned back to Joseon after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. Tsushima Island requested the resumption of trade to the Joseon government almost right after the war was over, being followed by Japan's central government that asked for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries. Even though Joseon still had antagonism against Japan after the war, it thought it was inevitable to resume interactions with Japan. The most important issues in the resumption of its diplomatic relationships with Japan were whether Japan would invade Joseon again in future and whether Tokugawa Ieyasu(德川家康), who recently grasped the power in Japan, would completely own the country in his hands. The Joseon government dispatched envoys to Tsushima Island to secure some information about Japan and understand what was going on in the country, while depending on a war prisoner, who returned back to Japan after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. A war Prisoner performed certain roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries regarding whether Japan would invade again, trade with Tsushima Island, and political situations of Japan based on their experiences. Thinking that a war Piroinser were not to be trusted, the Joseon government even punished some of them who were active with the resumption of diplomatic relationships with Japan. Like they suggested, however, it carried out such policies on Japan as allowing for the resumption of trade with Tsushima Island and that of diplomatic relationships with Japan by dispatching envoys to it. Those measures taken by the Joseon government suggest that its policies on Japan reflected a considerable of information provided by a war prisoner. In that sense, it is safe to say that a war prisoner played very huge roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan after the war and the peaceful state over 200 years or so between the two countries.

연구논문 : 1607년 조(朝),일(日)간 국교재개시 피로인(被虜人)의 역할

방기철 ( Ki Cheol Bang ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2011 역사학연구 Vol.42 No.-

이 글은 1592년 일본의 침략으로 시작된 7년 여에 걸친 전쟁 후, 일본의 국교재개 요청에 대한 조선 정부의 대응과정에서 피로인들이 어떠한 역할을 했는지를 살펴 본 것이다. 전쟁 중 일본은 10만여 명 이상의 조선인을 일본으로 납치했고, 전후6,000~9,000여 명 이상이 조선으로 돌아왔다. 당시 조선은 일본과 국교가 단절된 상태였으므로, 일본에 대한 정보를 확보할 수 있는 루트가 거의 없는 상태였다. 따라서 대일정보의 상당 부분을 일본에서 생활하다 돌아온 피로인들에게 의존할 수밖에 없었다. 쓰시마는 종전과 거의 동시에 조선 정부에게 통상재개를 요청했다. 뒤이어 일본 중앙정부와의 국교재개를 요청했다. 조선은 전후 일본에 대한 적개심이 남아 있었지만, 일본과의 화의는 피할 수 없다는 생각을 가지고 있었다. 일본과의 국교재개에서 가장 중요한 문제는 일본의 재침이 있을 것인지의 여부였다. 이 문제는 새로 집권한 도쿠가와 이에야스가 일본을 완전히 장악한 것인지와도 관련된 문제였다. 조선 정부는 대일정보 확보를 위해 쓰시마에 사신을 보내 일본의 정세를 파악하기도 했지만, 이와 함께 조선으로 돌아온 피로인들에게 대일정보의 상당 부분을 의지하기도 했다. 피로인들은 자신들의 경험을 바탕으로 일본의 재침가능성 여부, 쓰시마와의 통상문제, 일본의 정세 등을 조선 정부에 알려 국교재개에 일정한 역할을 담당하였다. 조선 정부는 피로인들을 믿을 수 없는 존재로 규정하고, 국교재개에 적극적인 인물들을 처벌하기도 했다. 하지만 조선 정부의 대일정책은 피로인들이 제시한 바와 같이 쓰시마와의 통상 재개를 허가했고, 일본에 사신을 파견하여 국교를 재개했다. 이러한 사실들은 조선 정부의 대일정책에 피로인들의 정보제공이 상당한 부분 반영된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 이런 점에서 전후 조선과 일본이 국교를 재개하여 200여 년에 걸쳐 교린우호의 평화 관계를 유지할 수 있었던 데에는 피로인들의 역할이 상당히 큰 것이었다고 생각한다. This study set out to investigate the roles of a war prisoner in the process of Joseon government`s reactions to Japan`s request for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries after about seven years of war that started by Japan`s invasion in 1592. During the war, Japan abducted more than 100,000 Joseon people to the islands, and 6,000~9,000 of them returned back to Joseon after the war was ended. Since the diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan were severed during the period, Joseon had few routes to secure information about Japan and accordingly had to depend on a war prisoner, who returned back to Joseon after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. Tsushima Island requested the resumption of trade to the Joseon government almost right after the war was over, being followed by Japan`s central government that asked for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries. Even though Joseon still had antagonism against Japan after the war, it thought it was inevitable to resume interactions with Japan. The most important issues in the resumption of its diplomatic relationships with Japan were whether Japan would invade Joseon again in future and whether Tokugawa Ieyasu(德川家康), who recently grasped the power in Japan, would completely own the country in his hands. The Joseon government dispatched envoys to Tsushima Island to secure some information about Japan and understand what was going on in the country, while depending on a war prisoner, who returned back to Japan after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. A war Prisoner performed certain roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries regarding whether Japan would invade again, trade with Tsushima Island, and political situations of Japan based on their experiences. Thinking that a war Piroinser were not to be trusted, the Joseon government even punished some of them who were active with the resumption of diplomatic relationships with Japan. Like they suggested, however, it carried out such policies on Japan as allowing for the resumption of trade with Tsushima Island and that of diplomatic relationships with Japan by dispatching envoys to it. Those measures taken by the Joseon government suggest that its policies on Japan reflected a considerable of information provided by a war prisoner. In that sense, it is safe to say that a war prisoner played very huge roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan after the war and the peaceful state over 200 years or so between the two countries.

한국소설에 나타난 애국포로의 서사와 반공국가의 불안

이민영(Lee, Min Young) 한국현대문학회 2018 한국현대문학연구 Vol.0 No.55

본 연구는 냉전체제의 예외로 기록되는 열전의 의미를 탐색하기 위해 애국포로의 서사에 주목한다. 애국포로는 정전협정 전후 사용되었던 개념으로 적군인 포로의 이름에 애국의 기표를 부여하고 있다는 점에서 문제적이다. 애국포로는 반공포로석방사건과 긴밀하게 연관되면서 등장하는데, 반공포로송환과 관련된 문제들은 냉전의 체제 내부에서 남한정부와 미국정부간의 불일치의 지점을 극명하게 드러낸다. 남한정부는 반공포로석방사건을 통해 포로의 중립지역 이송을 거부하고 진영중간지대를 부인하는 태도를 드러낸다. 이러한 극렬한 반공의 담론은 미국과 중국이 전쟁의 협정에 조인하는 순간까지 북진통일을 주장하는 모순적인 상황을 만들어낸다. 본고에서는 남한체제를 선택한 포로들에게 ‘애국’의 명칭이 부여되고 있다는 점을 전제로, 북한출신 의용군포로와 남한출신 의용군포로, 그리고 남한출신의 국군포로를 중심으로 하는 서사를 통해 애국포로 서사의 의미를 규명해보고자 했다. 이를 위해 김광주의 『석방인』, 김송의 저항하는 자세 , 박영준의 용초도근해 의 포로서사를 분석하였다. 애국포로의 서사는 민족주의와 반공주의를 결합하면서 분단사회가 전제하는 국가건설의 목표를 구현한다. 이 과정에서 애국포로의 반공주의는 전쟁의 필요성을 합리화한다. 분단체제와 국민국가 사이에 놓인 간극을 강조하면서 애국포로들은 국가건설을 완성할 것을 주장하는 것이다. 하지만 이와 같은 애국포로들의 욕망은 휴전 후 냉전의 체제를 안정화하고 분단의 체제를 수용하는 과정에서 자유진영의 반공론과 불일치한다. 애국포로의 서사는 애국포로들이 지닌 미래에 대한 불안을 감지하고 이를 병리적 신경증으로 구체화함으로써 애국의 모순을 드러낸다. 그리고 이러한 분열과정의 끝에 소거되고 마는 애국포로의 정체성을 드러낸다. 이는 분단체제 하에서 구성된 반공담론의 불안한 기반을 드러내면서, 냉전체제 내부의 국민국가와 분단국가 사이에 존재하는 시차들을 삭제한다. This study focuses on the narrative of patriotic-prisoner in order to explore the meaning of Hot war recorded as an exception of the Cold War system. Patriotic-prisoner is problematic concept in that it is given the sign of patriot on the name of the enemy prisoners, which was used before and after the armistice agreement. Patriotic-prisoner appeared in close association with the release of anti-communist POW in Korea. Issues relate to the repatriation of anti-communist POW clearly demonstrate the moment of disagreement between the South Korean government and the US government within the Cold War framework. The South Korean government refuses to transfer prisoners to the neutral territory by releasing anti-communist POW and denied the middle zone of the camp. On the premise that the name of the patriot is given to the POW who have chosen the South Korean system, this paper tries to clarify the meaning of the patriotic-prisoner narrative of POW of South Korea and POW of North Korea. The narrative of patriotic-prisoner colligated nationalism and anti-communism, while embodying the goal of nation-building of the divided state. In this process, anti-communism of patriotic-prisoner rationalized the need for war. Emphasizing the gap between the divided state and the nation-state, patriotic-prisoner insisted the completion of the nation building. However, the desire of patriotic-prisoner is inconsistent with the anti-communism of the state in the free world as stabilizing the Cold War system and accepting the divided state. The narrative of patriotic-prisoner reveals the contradictions of patriotism in Korea and embodies the contradictions with pathological neurosis. It shows the identity of patriotic-prisoner which sank into oblivion at the end of the schizophrenia. Revealing the unstable foundations of the anti-communism discourse constituted under the divided state, it eliminates the parallaxes existing between the national state and the divided state within the Cold War system.

6·25남북전쟁 미귀환 국군포로 문제의 시론적 고찰

이신철 ( Shin Cheol Lee ) 수선사학회 2003 史林 Vol.20 No.-

BㆍC급 전범재판과 조선인

김용희(Kim Yong-Hee) 한국법학회 2007 법학연구 Vol.27 No.-

본 논문은 태평양전쟁기 BㆍC급 전범재판에서 일본의 전쟁 책임을 추궁 받아 전쟁 범죄자가 된 조선인 집단에 관한 연구이다. 태평양전쟁 중 BㆍC급 전범재판은 일본을 포함한 아시아 49개 법정에서 개정되었으며 약 5,700명이 전범으로 기소되었다. 조선인 포로감시원 3,000명 중 129명이 전범으로 일본의 전쟁 책임을 떠안게 되었으며, 조선인 군속들은 대부분 건강하지 못한 포로를 위험한 작업에 사용하여 사망케 한 행위, 억류 시민 또는 피구금자에 대한 구타 등으로 기소되었다. 포로수용소의 전범관계에서 조선인 군속이 차지하는 비율이 높은 이유는 일본군이 포로수용소 편성 과정에서 조선인과 대만인만으로 포로감시원을 편성해 포로학대에 대한 전쟁책임을 회피해 보고자 하는 술책, 명령자와 함께 명령 실행자도 처벌하는 연합국측의 재판방식에 있었다. 물론 연합군 포로 4명 중 1명이 사망할 정도로 가혹했던 포로수용소의 강제노동은 당연히 심판 받아야 한다. 그러나 포로의 강제노동에 관한 정책을 입안하고 강행했던 대본영 관계자들은 면죄부를 받고 최말단 포로감시원을 속죄양으로 삼은 BㆍC급 전범재판은 공정한 재판이 되질 못했다. 본 연구를 통하여 필자는 일본당국의 치밀하고도 비인간적인 식민지정책을 인식하는 계기가 되었다. 이것은 필자만의 경험이 아니라, 이 논문을 접하는 많은 사람들이 공감하는 바일 것이다. 또한 조선인 포로감시원들이 보여준 삶의 궤적을 통해 나라 잃은 식민지국가의 국민이 국제사회의 냉엄한 현실 속에서 어떻게 버려지는지에 관하여도 인식하는 계기가 되었다. 과거 조선인 전범집단에 대해 내려졌던 법적, 역사적 책임을 지금에 와서 면제하여 준다 하더라도 그들이 겪어야만 했던 지난날의 참혹한 상처는 지워질 수 없는 것이다. 결 국 인간은 어떠한 상황에서도 인류애와 인간이 지니는 보편적 가치를 추구하는 삶을 살아야 한다는 역사적 교훈을 시사하고 있다. This paper aims to study the support group of Korean persons who were held responsible in place of Japanese for the war crimes in the B and C class crimes trial of Pacific War. Generally speaking, the war crimes are atrocities which, in the middle of war or in the period of war, soldiers, police, public servants, or civilians violate the laws of war in territories of warring nation or neutral nation. And the A class criminals who are related to conspiracy of the war and the brutal atrocities in action are supposed to be tried at the International Military Tribunal in accordance with the joint resolution by the Allied Powers, the B class criminals who are related to killing, mistreatment and looting in violation of the laws of war and the C class criminals who are related to the inhumanities such as killing, mistreatment and looting against civilians are supposed to be tried in accordance with a local law in the court established at the place of crime. The B and C class crimes trials about the Pacific War were opened at 49 tribunals in Asia, including Japan, and about 5700 persons were indicted for the war crimes. 129 of the 3000 Korean guards were held responsible for the war in place of Japanese. Most of them were indicted for the atrocities such as ‘the act which killed the unhealthy war prisoners by making them do the dangerous work and the assault on the detained civilians or detainee. A lot of Korean civilians attached to the military were related to the war crimes in a prisoner’s camp. It was because the Japanese army intended to evade its responsibility on the war by organizing only Korean and Taiwanese persons as guards in a prisoner’s camp, and the Allied Powers judged the executors together with the orderers. The compulsory labor in a prisoner’s camp that was harsh enough to make 1 of 4 prisoners of the Allied Powers be killed must be judged. But the persons of the headquarters who were related directly to the war and framed policies of compulsory labor were exonerated from their responsibility. On the contrary, the low-ranking guards were judged as the B and C class war criminals. Accordingly. the trials were unfair. This paper causes to have a correct understanding of the colonial policy, inhuman and delicate, that Japan formulated in the war. Including me, many persons who read this paper will have the same feeling. Also, the harsh lives that the Korean guards had lived in a prisoner’s camp furnishes an opportunity that we can recognize stark realities of life in the international society which colonized people had suffered all sorts of hardships. Although the legal and historical responsibility that the support group of Korean persons were held for the war crimes in place of Japanese are now exonerated, the serious wound they received in the past will yield to no remedy. Accordingly, this paper gives a historical lesson that we human being must lead to a general life with universal love and value of mankind in any situation.