동남아시아 신흥시장 기업의 CEO 젠더와 치안 관리 간의 관계

강영희,나경아 한국국제경영관리학회 2023 국제경영리뷰 Vol.27 No.2

신흥지역의 제도적 환경 특징 중 하나가 치안이 불안하다는 점이다. 본 연구는 동남아시아 신흥시장의 제조기업을 대상으로 CEO 젠더가 치안 관리에 미치는 영향을 살펴보았다. 구체적으로, CEO 젠더와 치안비용 지출 여부, 범죄손실 여부, 매출액 대비 치안비용의 비율, 매출액 대비 범죄손실 규모의 비율을 분석하였다. 이를 위해 세계은행(World Bank)의 기업 설문 데이터베이스에서 4,246개의 인도네시아, 말레이시아, 필리핀, 태국, 베트남, 캄보디아 기업을 표본으로 추출하고 Heckman 2단계 회귀모형을 사용하여 분석하였다. 그 결과, 여성 CEO가 치안비용 지출에는 부정적 영향을 미치고 범죄손실은 증가시키는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, CEO가 여성인 기업은 남성이 CEO인 기업에 비해 범죄손실액이 매출에서 차지하는 비중이 더 크게 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 CEO 젠더에 따라 치안 관리에 대한 지출이 차이가 있을 수 있고 그로 인해 범죄 손실 여부도 다를 수 있음을 시사한다. 아울러 본 연구는 동남아시아 신흥지역의 치안 관리와 CEO 젠더의 관계를 실증 분석함으로써 신흥지역 기업의 치안 관리에 관한 이해를 증진하는 데 기여하였다. Despite the impact of public safety on firm performance, little is known on what determines a firm’s security management in emerging markets. This study aims to investigate the effect of CEO gender on security management of manufacturing firms operating in Southeast Asian emerging markets. Based on the World Bank Enterprise Survey database, we collect a cross-national sample of 4,246 manufacturing firms from Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Cambodia. Using Heckman two-stage regression model, this study analyzes the effects of CEO gender on security expenditure, crime loss, ratio of security cost to sales, and ratio of crime loss to sales. The findings of the current study are as follows: (1) female CEOs tend to have significantly negative association with security expenditure; (2) female CEOs are positively associated with crime loss; and (3) female CEOs are positively and significantly related to the ratio of crime losses to sales. The findings from this study enhance the understanding of security management in emerging markets by analyzing the relations between security management and CEO gender in Southeast Asian emerging markets. In addition, the results of the current research provide important managerial implications that female CEOs of firms in Southeast Asian emerging markets should pay more attention to and invest in corporate security. Based on these implications, firms entering the Southeast Asian emerging markets should establish policies or procedures to deal with security issues.

냉전 초 호주-영국 간 군사협력의 쇠퇴와 동맹 안보 딜레마 : 1950~60년대 말레이시아 관련 군사개입 사례를 중심으로

전윤재 고려대학교 아세아문제연구원 2023 亞細亞硏究 Vol.66 No.3

본 연구는 2차 세계대전 후 호주-영국 간 군사협력이 약화된 동인을 안보환경의 변화에 따른 연루 위험의 심화에서 찾는다. 전후 양국 간 군사협력은 공산 진영의 위협으로부터 동남아시아를 보호해야 할 공통의 이해관계로 인해 확고히 유지되었으며, 특히 양국 모두에 전략적 중요성을 지닌 말레이 반도를 중심으로 이뤄졌다. 이는 미국이 제공해주지 못했던 실질적 안전보장을 호주 측에 담보했으며, 말레이 소요사태 사례에서 드러나듯이 호주-영국 간 군사협력은 방기-연루 위험이 미약한 안정적 상태를 유지하였다. 그러나 인도네시아에 의한 새로운 위협의 출현과 호주-인도네시아 간 분쟁 가능성 등 안보환경의 변화에 따라, 영국과의 군사협력은 불필요한 연루 위험의 원인이 되어 호주의 안보에 부정적 영향을 미치게 되었다. 동시에 미국의 베트남 군사개입 지원에 따른 부담마저 가중됨에 따라, 결국 호주는 영국과의 군사협력을 축소하고 미국에 대한 협력을 강화하는 노선을 선택하였다. This study finds that the weakening of military cooperation between Australia and the United Kingdom after the Second World War was caused by the increasing risk of entrapment due to changes in the security environment. Post-war military cooperation between the two countries was firmly maintained due to the common interest in protecting Southeast Asia from communist threats, especially in the Malay Peninsula, which was of strategic importance to both countries. It provided Australia with a practical security guarantee that the US had not, and as the case of the Malayan Emergency shows, military cooperation between Australia and the United Kingdom remained stable with little risk of abandonment or entrapment. However, due to changes in the security environment, such as the emergence of new threats from Indonesia and the possibility of an armed conflict between Australia and Indonesia, military cooperation with the UK has created unnecessary risks of entrapment, negatively affecting Australia's security. At the same time, as the burden of supporting the US military intervention in Vietnam increased, Australia eventually chose to reduce military cooperation with the UK and strengthen cooperation with the US.

Human Security In Global Governance

Pedro B. Bernaldez 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2011 OUGHTOPIA Vol.26 No.2

인간안보는 지구적 불확실성을 이해하기 위한 새로운 패러다임으로서 안보의 적절한 대상이 국가보다는 개인이 되어야 함을 주장함으로써 ‘국가안보’(national security)라는 전통적 정의에 문제를 제기하고 있다. 인간안보는 안보의 인간중심적 관점이 국가적, 지역적 그리고 지구적 안정성에 필요하다고 주장한다. 인간안보는 국가체제와 비정부기구(NGOs)의 협력을 통해 국제사회를 통치하고자 하는 시스템인 글로벌 거버넌스의 핵심이 될 필요가 있다. 북한을 제외한 동북아시아는 국가건설의 특징이 된 경제발전으로 인해 인간안보를 증진하는데 상당히 적합한 위치에 있다. 동남아시아의 경우 아세안(ASEAN) 10개 국가들은 하위 지역 거버넌스 시스템내에서 다루어야만 하는 인간안보 의제의 필요성을 인식하고 있다. 특히 한국의 경우 인간안보는 김대중 정부와 노무현 정부의 중심에 있었지만 이명박 정부가 출범하면서 변화되었다. 글로벌 거버넌스에서 인간 안보는 동아시아 국가들의 경험으로부터 추론될 수 있을 것이다. 인간안보의 증진과 강화에 초점을 둔 동아시아 지역 질서는 적어도 이론적으로는 구성될 수 있을 것이라는 것이 이 글의 결론이다. Human security is an emerging paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose proponents challenge the traditional notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for security should be the individual rather than the state. Human security advocates hold that a people-centered view of security is necessary for national, regional and global stability. Human security needs to be the main focus of Global Governance, which is the system of governing the international society through the cooperation of states system and non-governmental organizations. Northeast Asia stands to be in a more competent posture to promote human security for its people due to the economic development that has become a hallmark of nation-building, with the exception of North Korea, of course. As for Southeast Asia, the ten members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) recognize the necessity for issues of human security to be tackled in a sub-regional system of governance. For South Korea, specifically, human security has been the locus of the governments of Kim Dae Jung and Rho Moo Hyun but changed course when the Lee Myung Bak’s government was inaugurated. Human security in global governance could be inferred from the experiences of the countries in East Asia. It can be concluded that an East Asian regional architecture that focuses on the promotion and enhancement of human security can be designed at least theoretically.

한국의 대 동남아 외교 전략과 정책분야별 방안에 관한 구상

윤진표(Jinpyo Yoon) 성신여자대학교 동아시아연구소 2015 국가와 정치 Vol.21 No.-

본 연구는 동남아시아에 대한 한국 정부의 정책과 동남아시아의 대 한국 인식을 포함한 양자간의 관계를 다룬다. 또한 본 연구는 동남아시아에 대한 한국의 외교 전략과 정치적 안보, 군사적 협력, 상호협력의 바람직한 정책 방안을 제공하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 종합하면 한국은 ‘신뢰할 수 있고 책임감 있는 중견국’이 되어야 하고, ‘균형있고 통합된 외교적 전략’을 이용해야 한다. 신뢰할 수 있고 책임감 있는 중견국은 강대국의 일방적 행위를 억지하기 위한 반대권 뿐만아니라, 분쟁을 중재하고 지역적 협력을 이끄는 중재자를 가리킨다. 균형있고 통합된 외교적 전략은 수평적 균형과 수직적 통합의 동시적 성취를 의미한다. 수평적 균형 외교는 위험 조정, 신뢰 구축, 국익 그리고 다양한 거버넌스 사이의 균형을 만드는 것이다. 수직적 통합 외교는 상호협력과 한께 국가, 시장, 시민사회를 통합하는 것이다. 한국은 동남아시아를 한반도의 평화와 통일을 위한 조력자이자 한국 경제발전의 파트너, 동아시아 공동체 건설의 협력자로 인식해야 한다. 정치·안보 정책에 있어 한국은 적절한 지원과 협력 방안을 통하여 동남아시아의 지역적 안보를 안정화하고 동아시아 공동체를 발전하기 위해 노력해야 한다. 군사적 협력 정책은 다양한 인적 네트워크의 발전과 차별화된 무기거래와 함께 다차원적인 군사적 자문통로를 포함한다. 교류 협력 정책은 한국과 아세안 국가들 사이의 공통의 인식 공동체를 위한 인적 자원 교류와 교육적 인프라 구조의 지원에 초점을 맞춘다. 이러한 정책 방안을 통해 한국은 동남아시아와의 진실된 전략적 파트너십을 구축할 것으로 기대된다. This study addresses the history of Korea-Southeast Asia relations, Korean government's policy to Southeast Asia, and current Korea-Southeast Asia relations with Southeast Asian perceptions to Korea. This study aims to provide Korean diplomatic strategy and desirable policy measures of political security, military cooperation, and exchange cooperation to Southeast Asia. In sum, Korea should become 'reliable and responsible middle power' and make use of 'balanced and integrated diplomatic strategy'. Reliable and responsible middle power indicates not only veto power to deter unilateral actions of big power countries and but also coordinator to mediate conflicts and lead regional cooperation. Balanced and integrated diplomatic strategy means simultaneous achievement of horizontal balance and vertical integration. Horizontal balance diplomacy is to make balance among risk management, confidence building, national interest, and multiple governance. Vertical integration diplomacy is to integrate state, market, and civil society with reciprocal cooperation. Korea should conceive Southeast Asia as helper for peace and unification of the Korean Peninsula and partner of Korean economic development, and cooperator of East Asian community building. In political security policy, Korea should make efforts to stabilize Southeast Asian regional security and develop East Asian community through appropriate assistance and cooperation measures. Military cooperation policy involves development of various human network and multi-level military consultative channel with differentiated weapons trade. Exchange cooperation policy focuses on human resource exchange and provision of educational infrastructure for common cognitive community between Korea and ASEAN countries. Through the policy measures, it is expected that Korea build genuine strategic partnership with Southeast Asia.

Securitizing Non-Traditional Security (NTS) Threats: China’s Track 2 Diplomacy in Southeast Asia

Aletheia Kerygma B. Valenciano 이화여자대학교 국제지역연구소 2023 Asian International Studies Review Vol.24 No.2

As China continues to strengthen its geopolitical status in Southeast Asia, it has expanded its foreign policy strategies to include track 2 diplomacy, which focuses on multilateral security dialogues and aims to support and strengthen official diplomacy. The existing literature on China’s track 2 diplomacy focuses on its effectiveness as a mechanism for conflict resolution, often overlooking the important question of how it became a foreign policy option for China. Using data drawn from key informant interviews, document analysis, and participant observation, this study examines specifically the role of non-traditional security (NTS) in the expansion of China’s track 2 diplomacy in Southeast Asia. From the lens of the securitization framework, this study argues that China’s track 2 diplomacy in Southeast Asia is, to a certain extent, a result of securitizing the NTS dimension of these issues. Moreover, while track 2 diplomacy functions as a mechanism to manage NTS threats, China has not completely abandoned its traditional security considerations. In fact, it views track 2 as instrumental in pursuing its wider political, security, and strategic goals. This study further explores the prospects and challenges for China’s track 2 diplomacy.

東南亞國家對美中兩國戰略取向的硏究

이국화 대한정치학회 2019 大韓政治學會報 Vol.27 No.3

Over the last 50 years in the late 20th century had been history of opposition and conflicts between East and West camps represented by USA and Russia. On the other hand, next 21th century has been expected that period of contend for supremacy between USA, dominating nation of the world and China, securing status by fast economic growth. Faster than original expectation, aspect of china in all field raised strategic dilemma to several countries of Southeast Asia which would be the first stage of competition between USA and China. Now Southeast Asia is target that USA and China are pursuing aggressive policy involvement. It gathers attention how the Policy targeting Southeast Asia by USA and China will develop, and both sides will interact, and Southeast Asia region and each countries deal with two of them. It is expected that there will be policy reconsidering about Southeast Asia by USA and China due to new government of USA leading by D. Trump and many prospects are already made. Nevertheless there will be microscopic about southeast Asia policy, it is not expected that entails shit of focus targeting Asia. USA prefers status quo to show the leadership of South East area continuously and, China constructed new order of area. China wants to raise it’s voice to the world order. Specifically, at the subregional level in Southeast Asia, ASEAN’s increasingly sophisticated regional security mechanisms, and the competition and cooperation relationships among extra-regional greatpowers are the factors making possible the gradual shift in strategies of Southeast Asian countries away from bandwagon strategies, towards a preferencefor equilibrium strategies. 冷戰後,東南亞國家作爲一個整體被認爲傾向在域外大國間采取大國平衡戰略。在中國崛起、亞太權力發生轉移的背景下,本文通過細化分析每個國家的對外戰略取向發現,東南亞的不同國家在域外大國中美之間的戰略取向其實是不同的。大部分國家選擇在中美之間保持戰略平衡,也有一部分國家在中美之間選擇追隨其中的一方。每個國家的戰略選擇都受自身條件和外部環境的雙重影響,所做出的戰略選擇也是一定條件下最合邏輯的選擇。東南亞國家在崛起國中國與霸權國美國之間的戰略取向也越來越清晰。“制衡”不可取,“追隨”代價大。更多的東南亞國家如緬甸和菲律賓從“追隨”域外大國的陣營加入“大國平衡”的陣營,“大國平衡”逐漸成爲更多東南亞國家維護戰略利益的最優選擇。領土爭端、政治體制、貿易相互依賴程度以及霸權盟友的可獲得性是影響東南亞國家對崛起國和霸權國戰略取向的四個單元因素,它們塑造了東南亞國家可能的戰略行爲,其中的任何一個發生變化都可能改變其戰略取向。但是,考慮到次地區層次上面臨的安全風險以及體系層面的戰略環境,任何戰略取向的改變都需要一定的地區和體系條件。 在東南亞具體的次地區環境中,東盟逐漸成熟的地區安全機制以及域外大國的競合型關系爲更多東南亞國家逐漸放棄“追隨”戰略轉而偏好“大國平衡” 戰略提供了可能。

1950년대 호주군의 상호운용성 기준 변경과 동남아시아 안보협력

전윤재 한국아시아학회 2023 아시아연구 Vol.26 No.3

This study attempted to analyze the critical factor that made the Australian forces emphasize standardization and interoperability with the United States, which has traditionally followed the lead of the United Kingdom. The focus of post-war Australian security policy was to counter to the threat of insurgency and limited war in Southeast Asia by the communists, which required large-scale conventional forces. In a situation where its own military power was limited, the response to the threat had to be made in cooperation with major powers. Despite the post-war decline, the UK contributed to Australia's security through ANZAM, an organization for security cooperation for Southeast Asian defense, and a combined rapid response force. However, after the Suez Crisis, the United Kingdom changed its military strategy to reduce the proportion of conventional forces and overseas deployments by focusing on strategic nuclear forces. The benefits of maintaining interoperability with the UK in terms of joint operations and logistics support were weakened, so Australia declared that it would operate its forces based on the equipment of the U.S. military instead of the British.

APEC의 開放的 地域主義

최석영(崔晳泳) 법무부 국제법무정책과 2004 통상법률 Vol.- No.59