유대교의 희생제의와 음식: 동물의 정결과 피의 금기를 중심으로

안연희 ( An Youn Hee ) 한국종교문화연구소(종교문화비평학회) 2017 종교문화비평 Vol.32 No.32

이 글은 음식이 종교적 정체성의 강한 지표로 작용하고 있는 유대교의 사례를 통해 삶의 근간이며 동시에 문화체계인 음식과 종교의 관계에 대해 살펴본다. 〈레위기〉 등에 표현된 유대교 음식법(카슈루트)의 특징은 피에 대한 금기와 먹기에 적합한 정결한 동물과 부정한 동물을 구분하고 세세하게 규정한 것이다. 고대 유대교에서 그러한 음식법 준수는 야훼에 의해 구별된(거룩한) 집단이라는 이스라엘 공동체의 정체성을 확인하는 적합한(거룩한) 생활양식이었다. 이러한 음식법의 체계와 특징은 유대교 희생제의와도 밀접한 관련이 있다. 희생제의는 고대 유대교에서 이스라엘 공동체와 그 신의 관계를 확증하는 가장 거룩한 행위로 여겨졌다. 따라서 희생제의와 관련된 제단, 지성소, 성전, 희생제물 등은 가장 거룩하고 성스러운 것이었고, 그 상징적 위상은 〈미쉬나〉가 보여주듯이 성전파괴와 실질적인 희생제의의 종말 이후에도 지속되었다. 유대교의 희생제의에서 번제, 화목제, 속죄제 등의 동물제사는 가장 큰 비중을 차지한다. 흠 없는 정결한 것으로 선별된 희생 제물은 제의적으로 적절하게 도살한 후 그 피를 제단 둘레에 뿌린다. 특별히 속죄제에서는 사제가 그 피를 성소 안에 가져가 휘장에 뿌리고 분향단 뿔에 바른 뒤 제단 아래 쏟는다. 그 다음 절차는 피를 뺀 제물 전체를 불살라바치는 제사와 기름기와 내장 일부를 불살라 바치고 고기는 제사장과 제물을 드린 이들이 먹는 제사로 나뉜다. 유대교 희생제의에 작용하는 거룩함과 정결함, 부정의 위계 속에서, 피는 거룩함의 영역에 속하므로 금기의 대상이지만, 흥미롭게도 온전히 신적 영역에만 속하도록 불 살라 올려지지는 않는다. 이는 피를 먹는 걸 금하고, 먹기에 적합한 동물을 규정한 유대교 음식법과 연결된 체계이다. 유대교 성서는 피가 생명 자체이고 성스러운 언약의 증인 (증표)이며, 동물이 인간을 대체할 수 있는 속죄제의 제물이므로, 거룩한 제단에 바쳐져야 하며 인간이 먹어서는 안 된다고 기술한다. 그러나 거룩한 피를 흘리지 않고 정결한 동물을 음식으로 먹을 수 없다는 점에서, 육식에는 이미 피의 성화가 전제되어 있다. 또한 유대교의 희생제의에서 신과 인간의 음식 분할은 신이 불살라 올려진 향기와 기름기를 취하고 인간은 고기를 먹는 데, 이때 제단에 뿌려지거나 바르는 피의 위치는 애매하고 양가적이다. 피는 거룩한 것으로 구별되어야 하지만, 완전히 분리될 수는 없다. 피는 거룩한 것으로 금기의 대상이지만, 피 안에 탈성화가 함축되어 있지 않다면 육식은 허용될 수 없을 것이기 때문이다. 피의 금기는 어떤 점에서는 결국 응고된 피를 포함할 고기를 먹기 위한 것이라고 할 수도 있겠다. 음식법의 관점에서 보면 희생제의는 적합한 육식의 조건이다. 유대교 카슈루트의 동물의 정결과 피의 금기는 희생제의의 체계에 근거하고 있다 This article examines the relationship between religion and food through the case of Judaism with the dietary laws as a strong indicator of religious identity. The food is an indispensable necessity in human life and also retains a cultural system in it. The Jewish dietary laws (Kashrut) expressed in the Torah including 〈Leviticus〉, is characterized as the taboo for the blood, and shows the way to distinguish the clean and the unclean animals whether suitable for eating and to eat cleanly. In ancient Judaism, compliance with such dietary laws was a proper (holy) way of life confirming the identity of the Israeli community, distinguished by Yahweh. The system and characteristics of these food laws are closely related to the Jewish sacrifice. The sacrifice was considered the most sacred act in ancient Judaism, which confirms the relationship(covenant, sacred bond) between the Israelite community and its god. Thus, the altar associated with the sacrifice, the sanctuary, the temple, and victims for sacrifice were the most holy, and the symbolic center of sacrifice persisted even after the destruction of the Temple and the end of substantial sacrifice, as Mishnah showed. In Jewish sacrifice system, the animal sacrifices such as burnt offerings, peace offerings, and sin offering occupy(have) the large portion of it. The sacrificial animal without blemish is killed ritually at the entrance of the sacred tent, and blood is splattereds against the four sides of the altar by the priest. In particular, in the case of the sin offering, he takes the blood into the sanctuary and sprinkles seven times toward the sacred veil, and then smears some on the horns of the altar before pouring the rest at the foot of the altar. As for the next procedure, the one type of the sacrifice is that the entire sacrifice is to be burned after extracting the blood, and the other type is that the fat and some guts are to be burned and the meat is to be divided and distributed among the priests and offerers. In the hierarchy of the holy(the sacred), the clean, the unclean, acting on the Jewish sacrifice, the blood is a subject of taboos because it belongs to the realm of holiness, but interestingly, it is not burned up to (belong entirely to) the divine realm. It is a system linked to kashrut that defines animals suitable for eating while preventing blood from eating. The Jewish Scripture states that blood is not only a life itself, a witness of a sacred covenant, but also an offering of substituted animals for the sacrifice instead of humans, so it must be dedicated to holy altars and not be eaten by humans. However, in the fact that “pure” animals can not be eaten as food without shedding “sared” blood, there is already a sanctification of blood on meat. In addition, in the division of food between God and man in the sacrifice of Judaism, God takes smoke and fat as burnt offerings, and man eats meat, and the position of blood sprinkled or poured around the altar is ambiguous and ambivalent. The Blood should be distinguished properly as holy, but can not be completely separated in realty. In Jewish religious system, the blood is the object of taboo for its holiness, but the meat is unacceptable unless it is implied in desacralization in blood. The taboo of blood may, at some point, be a system for eating meat that inevitably contains clotted blood. From the point of view of the food law, the sacrifice is a condition of proper meat eating. Animal purity and taboos, a hallmark of Judaic dietary law, are based on a system of sacrifices.

`희생제의(Sacrifice)`의 관점에서 본 도교의례: 제물(祭物, sacrifice)과 사제(司祭, sacrificer)의 기능과 의미를 중심으로

최수빈 ( Choi Soo Been ) 한국종교문화연구소(종교문화비평학회) 2017 종교문화비평 Vol.31 No.31

본 논문은 육조시대를 중심으로 중국의 도교의 의례를 희생제의의 일반적 구조의 시각에서 분석하고자 한다. 특별히 이 글은 희생제의를 구성하는 기본요소들-제주(祭主, sacrifier, 희생제의 주체), 제물(祭物, sacrifice, 희생제물), 사제(司祭, sacrificer, 희생제의 집도자)-가운데 제물과 사제에 주목하여 도교의 제사(sacrifice, 희생제의)를 고찰하고자 한다. 간단히 말해 도교제사에서 제물과 사제의 성격과 역할의 변화는 바로 정체성 문제, 곧 도교인들의 자기이해나 자기규정을 그대로 반영하고 있으며 동시에 성스러운 세계와 세속세계의 관계에 대한 도교인들의 사고를 보여준다. 도교전통에서 `제물(공물, offerings)`은 비교적 초기에 도교의 정체성에 대한 논란과 결부되어 매우 중요한 논의의 대상이 되었다. 본격적으로 경전과 의례서들이 작성되기 시작한 육조시대 초기에 동물희생이나 혈제(血祭, blood sacrifice)를 바치는 행위를 세속적이며 비정통적인 제사행위로 규정하면서 도교의 정통(orthopraxis)적 제의와 구분하고 있다. 이러한 경향은 여러 도교 경전이나 의례서, 계율 등에 반영되어 적어도 송대 이전까지는 기본적으로 동물희생과 혈제를 금했던 것으로 보인다. 동물희생이나 혈제를 대신하는 제물들 중 가장 대표적인 것은 <오편진문(五篇眞文)>과 같은 문서나 경전들이다. 경전은 가장 핵심적인 제물로 간주된다. 본 논문에서는 경전이나 문서를 중심으로 도교의례에서 사용되는 제물(공물)의 기능과 변용, 그리고 그것의 의미를 제시하고자 한다. 이들 제물의 기능과 성격은 성(聖)스러운 신들의 세계와 세속 세계, 그리고 이들 양자 사이의 관계 맺음에 대한 도교인들의 사고를 반영하고 있다. 도교 희생제의에서 가장 핵심적 역할을 담당하는 것은 역시 사제(sacrificer), 곧 도사이다. 도교 제사가 유교 제사와 가장 다른 점은 도교 제사에서는 사제(sacrificer)의 역할이 필수불가결하다는 것이다. 유교의 제사의 경우 제주와 사제가 거의 일치되는 것에 비해 도교의 경우는 의례의 주체(sacrifier)가 되는 신자와 의례를 집도하는 사제(sacrificer)로서의 도사의 역할이 확실히 구분되며 도사의 역할이 결정적으로 중요하다. 도사는 기본적으로 중개자의 기능을 담당하는 인물로서 도단(道壇)이라고 하는 희생제의의 중심 공간에서 제사의 대상인 신(神)적 세계와 제의에 참여하는 대중들 사이에서 소통을 이루어낸다. 이러한 소통과 매개는 기본적으로 도사 자신의 `변신(變身)`, 곧 자기변화(self- metamorphosis)`를 통해서 이루어진다. 그리고 이러한 `변신`을 구현하는 방법으로서 존사(存思)라고 하는 특수한 시각적 명상법을 사용한다. 제사 중에 도사의 육체와 정신은 신적 세계와 이 세상을 연결하는 통로의 역할을 한다. 도사의 참된 참회와 정신적 육체적 변화를 통해서만 대중들의 죄를 없애고 그들에게 이로운 결과를 가져다 줄 수 있는 것이다. 제의 과정 중에 도사는 세속적 자아소멸과 성화(聖化, consecration)를 달성함으로써 제의의 이타적 목적, 곧 대중들의 복락이나 사자구제와 같은 목적을 이룰 수 있다. 이러한 자기희생적 사제의 역할은 결국 제물의 기능을 대신하는 것으로 풀이될 수 있다. This paper is for examining the Daoist rituals in terms of the general structure of sacrifice in Six Dynasty period. Especially this paper is focused on the functions and meaning of sacrifices(祭物/供物, offerings) and sacrificer(Daoist, 道士) that are said to be pivotal elements of the structure of sacrifice. Basically Daoist tradition has prohibited the blood sacrifice. Daoism consistently had distinguished itself from popular cults by formally refusing the blood sacrifice until the Southern Song Dynasty, at least. The development of the distinctive of Daoist rituals centered on the anti-animal sacrifice evidently shows the self- understanding and self-identification of Daoist people in middle age, when Daoism began to establish the basic religious structures, distinguished from Confucianism and Buddhism. Daoist tradition developed various offerings-scriptures, writings, incense and so on- as the substitutes for animal sacrifices. Especially, it developed a unique role for the sacrifice of scriptures or documents like as the Five True Talismanic Writings(五篇眞文). Recitation of several scriptures within the re-created universe of Sacred Space(actually Daoist altar) established by the placement of the Five True Talismanic Writings, followed by the burning of these talismans represents an realization of removing the guilts of people as well as Daoist masters themselves and the harmonious recovering of the universal order. This paper also attempts to clarify the functions and significances of Daoist Masters who play pivotal roles as priests in Daoist ritual The roles of priests (Daoist Masters) are regarded to be indispensable to perform the ritual effectively unlike the Confucian sacrifices, in which the sacrifier(祭主) plays the role of sacrificer(司祭) at the same time. The Daoist masters as mediators between the divine world and participants in ritual perform various symbolic actions to communicate with gods and recover cosmic order and harmony on the principle of `self-metamorphosis`, using the originative method of Daoist meditation, which is called Cunsi(存思, Visualization). The Daoist as masters can achieve the altruistic purpose of ritual both for welfare of the living and relief of the dead by accomplishing the annihilation of secular self and self-consecration. Daoist masters in ritual can be interpreted as symbolic substitutes for sacrifices(offerings) in terms of functions and meanings.

희생제의 설화의 원형성 연구 ― 인신공희 설화 중심 ―

이정재 한국구비문학회 2009 口碑文學硏究 Vol.0 No.28

This paper is a research of Human sacrifice as an archetype in the oral literature of korea. There are a lot of oral lit. of sacrifice and studies of these. I introduced about that researches and materials. For the identity of human sacrifice as an archetype I have to try to clear two points. One is the popularity and universality of that folktale of sacrifice in the world. I used first the Type-Index and Motiv-index written by Aarne and thompson. In addition search the folktales in the Chinise and Turkeys Index, written each eberhard and Boratave. It help for my rpoint of view of world wide tendence of that kind of folktale. Sencondly I have to use cultural theory of sacrifice. I mentioned a lot of theoritikers and theories. It help so much that I able to explain the secret of Human sacrifice. There are many kind of form of sacrifice; Sacrifice of child, Foundation sacrifice, periodic sacrifice to a monster, Sacrifice to appease spirits(gods), Sacrifice to rivers and seas ect.. Why man did the human sacrifice to the god like being. They belive they able get the power against the unfriendly nature and gods that help the human activities through the death of human. 한국의 인신공희 설화를 대상으로 그 내용과 특징을 정리하고 세계의 유사 자료와 비교를 하여 그 원형성을 확인하였다. 인신공희 설화는 희생제의 설화로 세계적 보편성과 한국적 특이성을 함께 가진다. 이에 대한 검토를 국내의 자료와 국외의 자료를 검토하여 정리하였고, 희생제의의 문화이론적 검토를 통하여 그 해석을 가하였다. 인간을 그 누군가에 산채로 바친다는 것을 희생이론을 검토하여 그 원형적 제의의 모습을 확인할 수 있었다. Leeuw나 westermark, Mauss 등에 의해 저해적 자연과 그의 형상화된 괴물과 악마 신에의 적극적인 대응으로서의 인신공희의 의미를 밝혔다. 르네 지라르의 희생양 이론이 나오면서 한편으로는 그 전통적 유구성이란 사회학적 확실한 이유를 알게 되었다. 희생양의 원리는 인간사회에 필수적으로 존재할 수 밖에 없는 하나의 사회기제로 역할하고 있었고 현재도 그렇다. 인신공희설화 혹은 그와 유사한 희생양이야기가 여전히 존재하는 이유가 여기에 있고, 인간사회의 원형적 메시지를 지속적으로 전달해주기 위한 기능을 담당해왔음을 알게 한다. 또한 희생의 전통은 한국의 경우 시대의 과정을 통해 다른 모습으로 변화를 계속해왔고 그 흔적으로 관련된 수많은 설화와 문화사적 사건들을 남기고 있다. 인신희생은 제의적 형식과 제물의 종류를 시대마다 바꿔 구비문학의 역사를 함께 해왔다. 불교적 이념을 수행하던 과정에서 나온 보은희생설화는 물론 창사설화, 종주조설화 또한 나라의 경제와 재정에 깊이 연관되었을 항해형설화와 제방희생설화 등은 그의 문학적 변용이 빗은 결과들이다. 충효열을 담보했던 실로 다양하고 풍부한 희생효열설화는 또 다른 차원의 문학적 변용을 거친 인신희생의 변화다. 심청전은 그의 문학적 승화와 허구법의 극치를 보여준 예이다. 또한 이를 기반으로 한 고소설과 현대소설에의 전통 역시 인신희생의 원형성에 기인된다고 보았다.

전남지방 당산제의 변모양상 연구

이현수(Lee Hyun-soo) 한국민속학회 2003 韓國民俗學 Vol.38 No.1

The content of significant changed-aspects of ritual common sacrifice performed in Jeon-nam Province is as follows : (1) The date of the sacrifice is being changed from the day before January 15th to January 15th and the time of the sacrifice is being changed from night to daytime of from midnight to early evening. (2) The location of the sacrifice is being changed from the mid-slope or the top of a mountain to a place located on a plain or in the center of a village and the places at which the sacrificial ritual is conducted are being reduced from many to a few. (3) The condition of selecting a priest is being alleviated and, as some villages don't have any volunteers, the head of a village or director is charged with conducing the ritual. The number of priests is decreasing and is now 2~3 as compared with 5~6 in the past. (4) The offering of the sacrifice is being simplified. Nowadays, there are few villages that conduct a garden festival(madangbapgi) as a means of financing the sacrifice. Consequently, the cost of the sacrifice is deducted from village funds. (5) The combination of Confucian sacrifice and a festive sacrifice is the most general style used in a sacrifice. There is hardly any superstitious sacrifices remaining. There are, however, a few combinations of a Confucian sacrifice and superstitious sacrifice. There are some major reasons for the change of ritual common sacrifice. First, the weakening of faith as the heart of the community. Second, the effect of economic ideas of efficiency and waste control. Third, the weakening of community consciousness considering the public and the individual. Fourth, a decrease in the rural population. My research in this area will be limited to the above at this time although I plan additional research with another thesis on Korean village sacrifice in relation to various nation-wide data.

閨房歌辭와 婦謠의 비교 연구

이현수 한국고시가문학회 2004 한국시가문화연구 Vol.0 No.13

The content of significant changed-aspects of ritual common sacrifice performed in Jeon-nam Province is as follows: (1) The date of the sacrifice is being changed from the day before January 15th to January 15th and the time of the sacrifice is being changed from night to dame of from midnight to early evening. (2) The location of the sacrifice is being changed from the mid-slope or the top of a mountain to a place located on a plain or in the center of a village and the places at which the sacrificial ritual is conducted are being reduced from many to a few. (3) The condition of selecting a priest is being alleviated and, as some villages don't have any volunteers, the head of a village or director is charged with conducting the ritual. The number of priests is decreasing and is now 2~3 as compared with 5~6 in the past. (4) The offering of the sacrifice is being simplified. Nowadays, there are few villages that conduct a garden festival(madangbapgi) as a means of financing the sacrifice. Consequently, the cost of the sacrifice is deducted from village funds. (5) The combination of Corfucian sacrifice and a festive sacrifice is the most general style used in a sacrifice. There is hardly any superstitious sacrifices remaining. There are, however, a few combinations of a Confucian sacrifice and superstitious sacrifice. There are some major reasons for the change of ritual common sacrifice. First, the weakening of faith as the heart of the community. Second, the effect of economic ideas of efficiency and waste control. Third, the weening of community consciousness considering the public and the individual. Fourth, a decrease in the rural population. My research in this area will be limited to the above at this time although I plan additional research with another thesis on Korean village sacrifice in relation to various nation-wide data.

리더 자기희생의 측정도구 개발 및 추종자의 학습효과 검증 : 대한민국 육군 장교를 대상으로

조성룡(Seong Lyong Cho),백기복(Ki Bok Baik) 대한리더십학회 2011 리더십연구 Vol.2 No.2

본 연구의 주된 목적은 리더 자기희생이 하급자(추종자)들에게 학습되고 전파되는지를 대한민국 육군 장교들을 대상으로 수행된 두 실증연구를 통하여 밝히려는 것이었다. 먼저 에서는 지휘성공사례집 등에 기초하여 군에서의 희생적 행위들을 추출한 후, 48개 기초문항들을 구성하였다. 이어서 두 차례에 걸친 군 전문가 리뷰를 통하여 최종 33개 문항을 도출한 후, 파일럿 서베이를 실시하여 요인분석을 실시한 결과, 군 리더의 자기희생은 헌신형, 직무형, 수범형의 세 차원으로 이뤄져 있음을 밝혀냈다. 에서는 을 통하여 개발된 자기희생의 측정도구를 활용하여 리더의 자기희생이 추종자들에게 학습, 전파되는지를 검증하였다. 가설검증 결과, 리더의 자기희생 및 그 하위 구성요소인 헌신형 희생, 직무형 희생, 수범형 희생은 추종자 자기희생에 유의한 정(+)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 추종자의 자기 효능감은 리더 자기희생이 추종자에게 학습, 전파되는 과정에서 부분매개 역할을 하는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 끝으로 본 연구의 이론적 및 실무적 의의에 대하여 기술하였고, 연구의 한계 및 향후 연구 방향을 제시하였다. The main purposes of the present study were two-fold: to develop a measure of self-sacrificial leadership and to identify how a leader's self-sacrificial behavior can be transferred to followers through the learning process. In, which purported to develop a measure of self-sacrificial leadership with Korean military officers, a series of research processes were conducted to identify leaders' self-sacrificial behaviores, ending up with a 33-item measure of self-sacrificial leadership. We also performed a pilot test with a primary military sample in order to find factors underlying the self-sacrificial leadership, resulting in three factors such as Contribution-Type Self-Sacrifice, Task-Related Self-Sacrifice, and Modelling-Type Self-Sacrifice. In, we have conducted a full-range empirical study with Korean military officers and tested hypotheses that leaders' self-sacrifice will be transferred to followers' self-sacrifice and that self-efficacy will mediate the relations between leader self-sacrifice and followers' sacrifice. And it was found that leaders' self-sacrificial behaviors are significantly associated with followers' self-sacrificial behaviors. In addition, the followers' self-efficacy was found to partially mediate the relationship between leaders' self-sacrifice and followers' self-sacrifice. Limitations of the current study and future research direction were discussed.

효행 설화에서 나타난 불편한 ‘희생’의 의미와 한국인의 ‘효’ 의식 재고

전주희 한국구비문학회 2022 口碑文學硏究 Vol.- No.64

본 연구는 ‘희생’의 개념을 명확히 함으로써 효행 설화에서 나타나는 불편한 희생 모티프의 의미와 새로운 ‘효’의 개념을 탐색한다. 이를 위해 인류학에서 논의되어온 종교 희생 제의에 관한 연구를 참고하여 희생이 발생하게 된 문화사적 맥락을 탐구하고 그것의 본래 개념을 제시하였다. ‘희생’은 희생하는 자, 희생물, 희생을 받는 자의 삼자 관계 안에서 이루어지는 기능적 커뮤니케이션이다. 이들의 삼자 관계는 ‘증여’ 행위를 바탕으로 성립되고 있으며, 그것은 효행 설화에서 나타나는 자녀와 부모의 관계에도 적용될 수 있다. 곧 ‘자녀가 부모에게 필요한(결핍된) 무엇을 제공하는’ 과정이 주요한 서사의 흐름이기 때문에, 이들이 ‘희생’을 통해 형성하는 ‘증여 관계’는 유용한 분석의 틀이 된다. 효행 설화에서는 희생을 주고받는 증여의 삼자 관계가 명확하게 드러나는 것도 있지만 그렇지 않은 경우도 있다. 전자의 경우는 희생을 받는 신의 역할이 나를 낳아준 창조자인 부모로 대체된다. 후자의 경우, 희생이 증여 관계가 모호해지는 은유적 차원으로 확장되면서 인물의 지극한, 그래서 불편한 효행이 곧바로 희생으로 인식된다는 문제가 생긴다. 게다가 희생의 보상이 부모가 아닌 제삼자(하늘, 국가, 사회)로부터 주어짐으로써 희생이 지니고 있던 본래의 제의적 기능이나 목적은 사라지고 그 자리에 사회 윤리, 인간 도덕의 가치가 들어서게 된다. 그러나 결과적으로 효행 설화에서 희생은 내가 받은 생명을 부모에게 결코 되갚을 수 없다는 부채 의식에 기인한다. 희생 제의가 오로지 피와 살을 지닌 생명으로서만 갚을 수 있는 ‘삶’과 ‘생명’의 귀중함을 역설적으로 드러낸다는 점에서, 효행 설화의 희생 모티프는 윤리적 실천이나 의무를 중시해온 그동안의 효 관념을 확장할 가능성을 보여준다. 이제 효는 윤리적 의무와 책임이 강조되는 실천보다는 그러한 실천을 가능하게 하는 ‘정념’을 바탕으로 재고되어야 한다. 곧 가장 귀중한 가치인 생명을 주고받은 부모와 자녀는 그 존재의 귀중함을 인식하는 상호 존중의 ‘감정’을 바탕으로 하여 새롭게 인식될 필요가 있다. This article clarifies the original meaning of sacrifice through its historical context and facilitates a proper understanding of the Tales of a Good Child and its abhorrent sacrifice motif. Furthermore, it shows a new, contemporary concept of filial piety by investigating the cultural history of sacrifice, consulting the studies on religious sacrificial rites discussed in anthropology and clarifies the original concept of sacrifice. Sacrifice is a functional communication in a triad relation of a sacrificing person, an object of sacrifice, and a person who receives the sacrifice. This triad relation is established based on giving and taking, and it applies to the relation between parents and children represented in the Tales of a Good Child. The give-and-take relation created by the sacrifice of children provides a proper frame for analyzing those tales because the process through which children offer what parents want forms the primary flow of the narratives. A few cases can be clearly identified with the triad relation of sacrifice in the tales, but other cases cannot be easily identified. In the case of the former, the role of the god who had received the sacrifice is changed to that of a creator, like parents giving birth to a child. The latter case is called ”metaphorical sacrifice,” and is drawn from the original meaning of sacrifice, which has become ambiguous with the triad relation. It caused the filial but awkward behavior of a good child appear like a sacrifice without a second thought, inspiring the passion of sacrifice. Another critical point is that the reward for this sacrifice is not received from the parents directly but from a third party unrelated to this sacrifice or a metaphorical third party. That is, the relation of giving and taking with sacrifice is changed in the tales at the level of literary discourse. In this way, the primary context and purpose of the ritual sacrifice have vanished. Instead, the social ethics and morality of human beings are replaced there. In conclusion, sacrifice in the Tales of a Good Child comes from a debt consciousness that we can never return our lives to our parents. The Tales of a Good Child can possibly become free from the traditional thoughts of filial piety in the sense that the sacrifice ritual reveals the preciousness of ”living” and ”life” we received paradoxically, which is only repayable with an object of sacrifice having blood and flesh. Now filial piety needs to be based on ”passion,” enabling such practices rather than the practices emphasizing ethical obligations and responsibilities. Therefore, contemporary filial piety must be recognized anew as the mutual respect emotion helping parents and children be aware of the preciousness of their own lives and their relationship, which was formed by giving and taking life.

‘희생’의 전근대적 함의와 근·현대인의 성경 이해

서신혜(Shin-Hye Seo),이선희(Sun-Hui Yi) 대한성서공회 2020 성경원문연구 Vol.0 No.46

This research explains the meaning and usage of the word ‘sacrifice’ used in the Bible in the pre-modern era, and explains how it is linked with the understanding of the Bible. The Korean word for sacrifice is composed of two letters - one meaning ‘untainted pure color’ and the other meaning ‘livestock’. The sacrifice was an essential step to complete the ancestral ritual. There was so much emphasis on the blood and life of the sacrifice that the alternative word for the ancestral ritual was ‘flesh feasting’ because they believed that the sacrifice served to connect human beings and god. The class of the ritual was determined by the type and the scale of the sacrifice. In the late Joseon Dynasty, when Confucianism was firmly established in the society, the general public thought that it was necessary to offer at least ‘grilled meats’ in place of sacrifice in an ancestral ritual. The Korean Bible was translated at a time when there remained a general acceptance of such perception of sacrifice, and this word ‘sacrifice’ was used to explain the gospel. The word was useful in explaining how Jesus became the sacrifice and reconciled the connection between God and human beings who were sinners. Such concept of sacrifice also helps understand how Jesus as the sacrifice is pure, complete, and righteous. In the current version of the translated Bible in 1998, however, the words that were translated into “sacrifice” in the older versions have often been revised to “offering” or “ancestral ritual”. This not only makes the context awkward but also limit the meaning of ‘sacrifice’ mentioned above. It calls for special attention when trying to replace Chinese-based words (Chinese loanwords) that are not in frequent use with ones in wider use. When a word happens to convey the core ‘concept’ for the understanding of the Bible with no alternative, the word should not be changed and its meaning has to be appreciated. The word ‘sacrifice’ is a very good example of such.

염상섭 소설에 나타난 희생의 의미 연구

조미희 ( Mi Hee Jo ) 한국언어문화학회 2015 한국언어문화 Vol.0 No.58

This Study is an analysis of a novel of Yeom Sang-Seop in Sunflower, this is a story of a woman just married, and her honeymoon journey with her husband. This study is trying to look at what the strange behavior of the people driven away from excessive typed characters. Focus is repeatedly presented in the works which people sacrifice their “sacrifice for love” is doing just that allow excessive behavior. It believed to be able to find a clue to the concept of “sacrifice for love” in the modern sense. Therefore, the essence of sacrifice for love is unconditional and unlimited love towards the sacrifice, not only to satisfy the selfish desires of the cost of sacrificing himself to come back. This sacrifice can be trusted to bring the dual effect of an infinite expected to receive the benefits in the future at the same time that the selfsatisfaction that sacrifice for love nowadays. These properties are expressed in sacrifice is not selfish to look at it would have meant an absolute and unique altered by human selfishness inherent in the notion of sacrifice has already been sacrificed, that is, to interpret one of the essential components of that sacrifice for love. To do this sacrificial act of a person is equivalent to a sacrifice for his attempt to shake off the debt abandon his consciousness with the act you want to receive guarantee their stability through sacrifice. That is the essence of sacrifice is the sacrifice for himself as a sacrifice for the other. Passionate love and sacrifice eventually return to self- sacrifice for the pure love ln that true sacrifice is impure and corrupt elements nestled together and the combinationof feeling that can not be purified extract has been inserted into them. Analysis of the excellence of these senses is to draw yeomsangseop provide an opportunity to approach closer to the abyss of his literary value.

唐代의 郊祀制度 : 제도의 확립과 쇠퇴를 중심으로

金渶信(Kim Hanshin) 중국고중세사학회 2004 중국고중세사연구 Vol.11 No.-

The Suburban Sacrifice was a typically Confucian ritual that embodied the ancient Chinese reverence for Heaven. The Confucian Heaven as defined by Dong Zhongxu(董仲敍) had intellectual faculties, and its rational intention was to punish and instruct human beings. This Confucian cosmology, on which the Suburban Sacrifice was based, was founded in the Han dynasty, and continued to prevail among the intellectuals during the early Tang period. For example, not only the dispute raged over the main deity of Suburban Sacrifice but also Wuzetian's preference for Mingtang(明堂) or 'Hall of Light' were founded on the cosmology. However during the Tianbao(天寶) era(742~756), many elements of Taoism were introduced to the state rituals, and so the Suburban Sacrifice became an ambivalent ritual that possessed both Confucian and Taoist properties. The turning point was An Lushan(安祿山)'s rebellion, which divided the Tang era between its earlier and later periods. From then on, obvious changes were observed in the Suburban Sacrifice. First, more serious consideration was given to the sacrifice rituals to the Ancestral Temple (宗廟) than the Suburban Sacrifice, which required large numbers of people and was very difficult to perform, especially under the economic and political hardships of the day. Moreover, the reconstruction of the Ancestral Temple was thought to be more urgent, and so according to Jiu Tangshu(舊唐書) the amount spent on the Suburban Sacrifice decreased, while that spent on the Ancestral Temple increased considerably. Second, after the rebellion, the intellectuals began to challenge the Confucian cosmology. Tu yu(杜佑), the author of Tong Dian (通典), criticized the ideal polity throughout the Confucian rites as unworkable. He also cautioned the intellectuals about the excessive emphasis on the cosmology. In the early ninth century, radical intellectuals such as Han Yu(韓愈) and Liu Zongyuan(柳宗元) issued further challenges in their personal essays. Liu Zongyuan particularly expressed his aversion to the superstitious and supernatural phenomena in his book, Fei Guoyo(非國語). Little by little, such criticism of the Confucian cosmology undermined the theoretical foundation of the Suburban Sacrifice. Once the Confucian cosmology lost its mystic and authority, the Suburban Sacrifice lost all its earlier importance and became merely a convention. Therefore, the intellectuals of the later Tang period began to grope around for a new divine nature of the Emperor from other religions instead.