6~7세기 삼국의 관료제 운영과 신분제

김영심(Kim Young-Shim) 한국고대사학회 2009 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.54

본고에서는 삼국의 관료제 운영의 특징을 의관제 및 관등제, 신분제의 연결고리 속에서 살펴보았다. 국가의 공식행사에 참여하는 관료들이 서열에 따라 착용하는 冠에 대한 문헌 기록과 고고학자료와의 비교를 통해 삼국의 衣冠制에 대해 먼저 검토하고, 삼국이 관료제를 운영해가는 특징을 파악하기 위해 관등승진 상한제와 함께 신분제의 폐쇄성 완화 조치에 주목하였다. 등승진 상한제와 함께 신분제의 폐쇄성 완화 조치에 주목하였다. 고구려의 의관제에 관한 기록은 가장 소략한 편이나, 冠制를 중심으로 기록된 것이 특징적이며, 관등의 높낮이에 따라 관의 형태나 관모의 색깔이 결정되었다. 신라는 色服志의 의관제 규정이 어느 시기에 해당되는 것이냐를 두고 논란은 있지만, 관등에 따라 복색이 정해져 있었으며 冠制는 관등과 관직의 이원적 기준이 적용되었다. 백제는 관등을 기준으로 해서 세 부류로 복색을 정하고, 그 내부에서 차이를 나타내기 위해 복색 이외에도 帶色, 冠色, 冠飾 등을 통해 차이를 가시화하였다. 관료 개개인의 서열을 외부적으로 드러냄으로써 관료사회의 질서를 정립하는 것이 의관제가 고대사회에서 가지는 중요한 기능의 하나가 아닐까 한다. 관료제의 운영과 관련해서는 삼국이 관등제 및 신분제를 운영해나감에 있어서 보이는 유사한 양상에 초점을 두었다. 관직에 대한 관등 규정인 1관직 복수관등제는 복수의 관등 중 최상위의 관등이 신분별로 사여될 수 있는 관등의 상한과 일치하기 때문에 관등 승진 상한제와 맥락이 통한다. 각 신분별로 수여받을 수 있는 관등군 내에서 개인의 능력을 인정해주려는 의도에서 출발했다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 같은 신분층이 수여받을 수 있는 관등의 범주에 한정된 것이었기 때문에 한편으로는 신분의 고착화에 기여한 측면도 있다. 관등의 수여에 신분이 가장 중요한 영향을 미쳤음은 분명하다. 삼국별로 관등제의 정비시기에 차이가 있고, 정비의 과정도 동일하지는 않았겠지만, 관료제 운영에서 신분제의 영향을 무시할 수 없을 것이다. 그러나 동일한 신분 내에서 수여받는 관등에 차이가 있는 것은 분명히 신분 이외에도 가문의 역량이나 개인적 능력이 영향을 미쳤음을 의미한다. 따라서 같은 신분층이 받을 수 있는 官等群 내에서 가문의 역량이나 개인의 능력이 발휘될 기회를 제공한다는 점에서 1관직 복수관등제나 관등 승진 상한제는 폐쇄적인 신분제 속에서 유동성을 확보하기 위한 장치였다고 할 수 있다. In this paper, I focused on the distinctive features of the three kingdoms' bureaucratic system through the relationship among the formal attire system, the official rank system, and the status system. Firstly, I surveyed the three kingdoms' formal attire system through the examining the documents and archaeological evidences on the official hats used by bureaucrats who participated in the countries' official ceremony. Secondly, I changed my focus onto the promotion limit system and the flexible status system in order to see the progress of the three kingdoms' bureaucratic systems. The documents on Koguryo's formal attire system is the scarcest among the three kingdoms, and was written focusing on the official hat system. According to the position in the official rank system, the pattern and color of official hats was determined. In Shilla, it was not clear when they established the formal attire system. According to the official ranks, the dress color was determined. The official hat system adopted the dual standards of official ranks and official posts. In Baekje, they adopted the three dress color system according to the official ranks. They also sub-categorized the official ranks by using the different belt-color, hat-color and hat ornaments. By differentiating the ranks among the bureaucrats officially through the belt-color, hat-color, and hatornament, they might have intended to bring on the order to the bureaucratic system. In view of operation of bureaucratic system, I focused on the similarities among the three kingdoms in the practice of official rank system and status system. The plural ranks for one position system was connected with the promotion limit system in the official rank, because the highest rank among the plural ranks for one position was actually the bounds of the official ranks available to a certain status. This system might have the purpose of giving the flexibility to the link system between the official ranks and the status system in oder to absorb the individual variability in the capabilities. However, the variability was confined to the limit of official ranks of a status, it might have petrified the status system. Determining the official ranks for individuals, the status was the most important factor. Though there were some differences in the periods of establishment of the official rank system, and in the process of its amendments, the importance of the status system in the operation of bureaucratic system were not easily ignorable. There also existed a lot of variances in the individual's official rank within the status. From this fact, we can infer there must be some other factors, such as the capability of the family and individuals, in determining the official ranks. The plural ranks for one position system or the promotion limit system can be interpreted as a palliative for the closed status system by allowing the opportunity for exerting the capability of family and individuals within the limits of linkage system between status and official ranks.

<포항 중성리 신라비>에 등장하는 喙部 소속 壹伐의 성격과 특징

김재봉 동아시아고대학회 2023 동아시아고대학 Vol.- No.71

본 논고는 <중성리비>에 등장하는 喙部 소속 壹伐의 성격과 특징을 밝히기 위해서 구성되었다. <중성리비>에서 나타나는 壹伐은 외위 一伐과 형태가 일치한다. 하지만 이 壹伐은 왕경 6부인에게 수여되었기 때문에 지방민에게 수여된 관등인 외위로 볼 수 없다. 연구자들은 기존의 논리로 설명하기 힘든 <중성리비> 壹伐의 성격을 밝히기 위해서 많은 노력을 기울였다. 그 결과 壹伐이 一伐干支 이전에 있었던 초기 관등이며 그 역할은 수장층인 干支를 보위하는 최고위 관등이라는 사실이 밝혀졌다. 하지만 이와 같은 연구들은 왕경 6부 중에서도 비주류 4부(本波部, 牟梁部, 斯彼部, 漢祇部)의 壹伐만을 상정하고 이루어진 연구이기 때문에 아무런 비판 없이 수용하기는 곤란하다. 壹伐을 연구하는 대다수의 학자들은 <중성리비>에서 壹伐의 소속부가 牟旦伐喙과 本波部인 것으로 보고 있다. 그리고 牟旦伐喙은 6부 중에 하나인 牟梁部로 보고 있다. 하지만 <중성리비>에 관한 다양한 학설, 6세기 초 신라 금석문의 서술 방식, <중성리비>의 다른 구절과의 연관성을 종합적으로 고려해 보았을 때, 牟旦伐喙을 牟梁部로 해석하기는 힘들다. 牟旦伐喙은 牟旦伐과 喙으로 분리해서 해석하여야 한다. 이 경우에 牟旦伐은 소송을 제기한 ‘원고’를 의미하고 喙은 6부 중에서도 주류 2부(喙部, 沙喙部)에 속하는 喙部에 해당한다. 이렇게 본다면 壹伐의 소속부는 喙部와 本波部가 된다. 이 사실은 <중성리비>의 壹伐이 주류부와 비주류부에서 모두 사용되었다는 것을 의미한다. 비주류부 壹伐은 기존 연구에서 파악한 것처럼 수장층인 干支를 보좌하는 최고위 관등의 성격을 가지고 있다. 그러나 이 성격을 주류부 壹伐에 그대로 적용할 수는 없다. 주류부 壹伐이나 비주류부 壹伐은 모두 초기 관등인 壹伐에서 기원하였다. 따라서 주류부 壹伐 역시 비주류부 壹伐처럼 초기에는 干支를 보좌하였을 것이다. 하지만 주류부 壹伐의 이와 같은 특징은 <중성리비> 시기에 이미 사라지고 없었다. <중성리비>에서는 주류부 壹伐의 상위에 위치하는 ‘某干支’ 형태의 관등이 등장한다. 이 ‘某干支’ 형태의 관등은 干支가 주류부의 관등 체계 내에 편입되면서 탄생한 관등이다. 원래 주류부 壹伐이 보좌하여야 할 干支들은 ‘某干支’ 관등을 수여받고 국왕의 아래에 편제되었다. 이 과정에서 주류부 壹伐은 干支를 보위한다는 기존의 의미를 상실하게 되었다. 그 결과 주류부 壹伐은 주류부 내부의 관등 체계 안에 융화되지 못한 이물질 같은 존재가 되었다. <중성리비>에서 壹伐이 특정한 직책 없이 ‘원고’인 牟旦伐로만 등장하는 것은 이러한 상황이 반영된 결과이다. 본래의 기능을 상실한 주류부 壹伐은 520년 율령 반포를 통해서 외위 一伐로 재편되면서 그 의미를 다시 회복할 수 있었다. 율령이 반포 되면서 외위가 정비되고 이에 따라 주류부 壹伐은 외위로 전환되었다. 주류부는 자신의 역할이 명확하지 않았던 壹伐을 외위로 전환함으로써 주류부 내의 관등 구조를 개편하고 외위의 하위 관등을 정비하고자 하였다. 이 과정에서 주류부 壹伐이 형태를 바꾼 외위 一伐은 외위 관등인 干을 도와서 지방 통치에 관한 업무를 수행하였다. 외위 一伐의 이러한 역할은 주류부 壹伐이 이전에 상실한 干支를 보좌하는 직무가 외위의 특징에 맞춰서 새롭게 부활한 것이다. 한편 비주류부 壹伐은 비주류부의 관등이 주류부에 편... The discussion was organized to reveal the characteristics of the Ilbeol belonging to Tak-bu in <Jungseongribi>. The Ilbeol in <Jungseongribi> is consistent with the Oewi Ilbeol. However, as this Ilbeol was awarded to the Six-Bu people of the capital, it cannot be regarded as an Oewi awarded to the local people. Researchers have put considerable effort into revealing the nature of <Jungseongribi> Ilbeol, which is difficult to explain using existing logic. As a result, it was found that the Ilbeol was an early official rank before the Ilbeol-Ganji, and its role was the highest official rank to assist the Ganji. However, it is difficult to accept these studies without any criticism because they are conducted on the assumption of only the Ilbeol of four non-mainstream Bu (Bonpa-Bu, Moryang-Bu, Sapi-Bu, and Hangi-Bu) among the capital’s Six-Bu. Most scholars studying Ilbeol believe that it belongs to the ModanbeolTak and Bonpa-Bu in <Jungseongribi>. In addition, ModanbeolTak is viewed as one of the six Bu, namely, Moryang-Bu. However, considering the various theories on <Jungseongribi>, the method of describing Silla’s monument in the early 6th century, and its relationship with other phrases of <Jungseongribi>, it is difficult to interpret ModanbeolTak as a Moryang-Bu. ModanbeolTak should be interpreted separately as ModanbeolTak and Tak. In this case, Modanbeol refers to the plaintiff who files the lawsuit, and Tak corresponds to Tak-bu, which belongs to the two mainstream Bu (Tak-bu and Satak-bu). In this way, the affiliation of Ilbeol becomes Tak-bu and Bonpa-Bu. This means that the Ilbeol of <Jungseongribi> is used in both the mainstream and non-mainstream Bu. As identified in previous studies, the non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol has the characteristics of an official rank that assists the Ganji, meaning head. However, this character cannot be applied to the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol. Both the mainstream and non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol originated from the early official rank. Therefore, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol would have assisted the Ganji in the beginning, similar to the non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol. However, these characteristics of the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol had already disappeared during the <Jungseongribi> period. In <Jungseongribi>, the official rank in the form of “Mo-Ganji,” which is located above the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, appears. This official rank in the form of “Mo-Ganji” was created when Ganji was incorporated into the official rank system of the mainstream Bu. Originally, the Ganji assisted by the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol was given the “Mo-Ganji” official rank by the king and organized thereunder. In this process, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol lost its existing meaning of assisting the Ganji. As a result, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol became a foreign substance that could not be integrated into the internal system of the mainstream Bu’s official rank. The mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, which had lost its original function, was reorganized into an Oewi Ilbeol through the declaration of Yulryeong in 520, and its meaning was restored. With the declaration of Yulryeong, the Oewi was organized, and accordingly, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol was converted to Oewi Ilbeol. The mainstream Bu tried to organize its own structure and organize the lower Oewi by converting the Ilbeol, whose role was unclear to the Oewi. In this process, the Oewi lbeol that changed shape in the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, helped the Oewi official rank, Kan, to execute local governance. This role of the Oewi Ilbeol is a new revival of the duty of assisting the Ganji, which has been previously lost in the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, according to the characteristics of the Oewi. However, the non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol had the characteristics of an early official rank that assisted the Ganji before the official rank of the non-mainstream Bu was incorporated into the mainstream Bu. However, after the 530s, as the mainstream...

『삼국사기』직관지 관등규정의 유형과 정비과정

박수정(Park, Soo-Jeong) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.63

『삼국사기』직관지의 관등규정은 같은 관직이라 해도 통일적으로 서술되어 있지 않았다. 이를 분석하면, 직관지 관등규정의 유형은 크게 세 가지로 구분될 수 있다. 첫째는 ‘일반형’으로, ‘관등~관등’의 형태를 취한다. 둘째는 ‘古官制를 포함한 유형’으로, 금하, 상당, 상신처럼 17관등에 포함되지 않는 명칭이 사용된 유형이다. 셋째는 ‘重位制를 포함한 유형’이다. 이 세 가지가 모두 “位自○○至□□爲之”라는 동일한 형식으로 표현되어 있음에도 불구하고 이와 같은 다양한 형태를 띠는 것은 각각의 관등규정이 동시에 성립된 것이 아니기 때문일 것이다. ‘古官制를 포함한 유형’은 다른 관등규정에 비해 이른 시기에 성립된 것으로 보인다. 특히 금하는 색복지의 법흥왕대 冠制에 보이는데, 파진찬 대아찬 금하는 緋冠이고 상당 이하는 조영이라 하였다. 금하가 대아찬·상당과 구별된다는 점에서, 이는 진골이면서 干(飡)群관등 소지자 중 관부의 장관에 해당하는 직분을 부여받은 사람을 의미하는 것으로 생각된다. 특히 冠制규정의 금하는 아찬 이하 干群소지자를 염두에 둔 표현일 것이다. 또한 이들은 진골 上堂과 구분되는 지위에 있었는데 上堂은 차관급 직분을 부여받은 干(飡)群관등 소지자를 가리킨다. 상당은 진골과 6두품이 모두 될 수 있었으므로 진골만이 가능했던 衿荷와는 차이가 있다. 중요한 것은 법흥왕대 冠制규정에서 衿荷가 緋冠의 하한으로 되어있는 점이다. 이는 이 시기 이미 관등의 서열에 앞서는 골품제적 관제의 원칙이 합의되어 있었던 것을 나타낸다. 6정 장군의 관등규정 ‘진골 상당~상신’은 大幢과 각 停이 갖추어지기 시작하는 진흥왕~진평왕대 사이에 만들어진 것으로 생각된다. 관등규정에 진골이라는 제한이 붙은 것은 이 시기 이미 골품제에 의한 승진제한 규정이 마련되어 있었던 사실을 보여준다. 조부령 내성사신의 관등규정 또한 본래는 ‘금하 이상’이라는 형태로 진평왕대 만들어졌을 것이다. 또한 진덕왕 5년 당시 조부령, 창부령, 영객부령의 관등규정이 각각 ‘금하~태대각간’, ‘대아찬~대각간’, ‘대아찬~각간’으로 다른 점이 주목된다. 이는 이 시기에는 위와 같은 구체적인 관등규정이 마련되어 있지 않았던 사실을 반영하는 듯하다. 진평왕대 마련된 ‘금하 이상’이라는 규정이 이 시기까지도 계속해서 적용되고 있었던 것이다. 영-경-대사-사의 4등관제에 대한 ‘일반형’의 관등규정은 중국 제도를 도입하기 시작한 진덕왕대에 마련되기 시작했을 것이라고 생각된다. 그리고 신문왕대 이르러 직관지에 기록된 것과 같은 보다 정비된 관등규정이 성립되었을 것이다. 마지막으로 ‘重位制를 포함한 유형’은 ‘일반형’ 관등규정보다 후대에 구체화되었던 것으로 여겨진다. ‘중위제를 포함한 유형’은 중위제가 마련된 통일전쟁기 이후의 것으로 생각되는데, 이는 17관등제의 변화상을 반영한 것이기도 하다. The rules of the official rank(官等; Kwandŭng) is not consistently written in Jikkwanji(職官志; a biograby of the office positions) from Samguksagi(三國史記), even if it is about the same position. After examining these records, the types of the regulations in Jikkwanji could be divided into three categories: 1)the general type, 2)the type includes old official system(古官制), and 3)the type includes Jungwi system(重位制). First, the ‘general type’ refers to the form that shows a position’s range of the ranks such as “Ryeong(令) is...for someone in the ranks from Daeachan(大阿湌) to Daekakkan(大角干)”, and covers the most of the regulations in the book. The ‘type includes old official system’ is a type that used titles other than the 17 ranks of Silla like “from Geumha(衿荷) to Taedaekakkan(太大角 干)” for Joburyeong(調府令) and Naeseongsasin(內省私臣), or “from Jingol(眞骨) Sangdang(上堂) to Sangsin(上臣)” for generals of the six Jeong(停). Lastly, the ‘type includes Jungwi system’ is a type that uses Jungwi to more literally show the regulation’s details. Basically these three types are written in the same format. Yet, the reason these regulations could be categorized into three types would be that each types were not established at the same time. Kŭmha, one of the types includes old official system, could be also found in the record from Saekbokji(色服志; a biograby of the clothes and color), which illustrates the attire system(冠制) during the reign of King Beopheung(法興王). Yet, according to the attire system during his reign, Geumha was differentiated from Daeachan and Sangdang. This statement may refer to a person, as a Jingol with a rank from Kan(干, or chan(飡)) group and under Achan(阿飡), is promoted to a minister in a ministry. In regard to the record that Geumha was the lower limit for wearing red attire(緋冠), there was an agreed rule to put the bureaucracy under the Golpum system(骨品制) before the official rankings. In other words, the type includes old official system shows the situation that the official ranks and positions were differentiated from each other during the age of King Beopheung, the time at which the 17 ranks were established. The general type was a format used when the official ranks and positions were differentiated from each other and the bureaucratic system was properly installed between the periods of King Jindeok (眞德王) and King Sinmun(神文王). Adding the type includes Jungwi system on this system, arguably, reflects the more subdivided official ranks by the addition of Jungwi.

신라 중위제의 추이와 지배신분층의 변화

서의식 한국역사연구회 2003 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.50

Silla had the system of multiple official ranks; Nama, Great-Nama, and Achan, The system was designed to restrict the lower-class to a certain rank, and promoted them to upward-rank by its multiple ranks. This thesis explores the transition of the Multiple official Rank System of Silla in 6-7th centuries. One of its main proposals is that the transition of Nama's multiple ranks, from 7 ranks to 9 ranks, was the result of the complete provision of the Silla official Rank System to 17 ranks. Another is that the change of applied-rank of that system, from Great-Nama to Achan, was the result of the transition of the ruling class from 'Khan, the Captain of small region' to 'Jingol, the member of royalty ; its meaning is the real bone class'. First, Nama (later, Great-Nama) was the highest rank for the non-Khan class. Second, Achan was the highest rank for the non-Jingol class. The first restriction taking precedence over the second, 'Jingol' came to seize the ruling power. The rank to which the multiple official rank system was applied was always one. And it's transition is the evidence of the change of the ruling class of Silla. This procedure witnessed the appearance of royal families and 6th Head-Grade Class as a political system.

고려시대 본품항두(本品行頭)

이진한 한국역사연구회 2004 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.54

In this article, the Bonpum Hangdu/本品行頭 figures of the Goryeo dynasty will be examined. In major national ceremonies, these Bonpum Hangdu figures were positioned in the most prominent places among fellow figures who shared the same Hangryeol ranking, and during those occasions the Hangdu figures were put in charge of certain special tasks. It was an honorable treatment for these figures, to let them take charge in such tasks. Previously, the official ranking indicated by a Bonpum Hangdu post was believed to be the Bonpum ranking of that person as well. And one of the previous understandings regarding the Bonpum Hangdu figures was that, for example, when a Bonpum Hangdu figure was appointed to a post like the post of Yaebu Shirang/禮部侍郞(holding the rank of Jeong 4th Pum) and also to a post, say, Uh-Seungseon/右承宣(holding the rank of Jeong 3rd Pum), such person would be considered as a Bonpum Hangdu figure of the Jeong 3rd Pum ranking group, instead of being recognized as a Bonpum Hangdu figure for the Jeong 4th Pum ranking group. But according to a series of analyses with related examples, it seems to be clear that the official rank indicated by the Bonpum Hangdu post itself did not function as an indicator of the rank. Such Bonpum Hangdu post had to be given to a person with yet another Bonpum post. And the rank of that Bonpum post served as an indicator of to which Bonpum that person should be belonged, as a Hangdu figure. For example, if a person was assigned to posts of Yaebu Shirang and Uh-Seungseon at the same time, the Jeong 4th Pum rank would serve as a Bonpum rank, and the Uh-Seungseon post, regardless of its inherent rank, would only serve as an indication that this person was a Hangdu figure. So, the person in question was to be considered a Bonpum Hangdu figure, representing the officials holding the rank of the Jeong 4th Pum. What should be noted is that even though the Bonpum Hangdu posts carried official ranks, they did not serve as an indicator of the person's official status in terms of ranking. This was a unique characteristic of the Goyeo administrative system, and should be considered an instrumental concept that would help us distinguish the concurrent titles(posts) from the Bonpum posts. The concurrent titles did not mean the title of the person, and the Bonpum posts were what truly indicated that person's ranking.

고려시대 내시(內侍)의 운영과 문반관직

김보광(Kim Bo-kwang) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.75

In the Koryo dynasty, there was a unit serving king in many ways. It was called Nae-si (內侍), which means the Palace Attendant. They were chosen from the civil official. So they held two posts: the Palace Attendant and a civil official title. Then, why did the palace attendance hold a civil official at the same time? It is the main issue of this paper. The Koryo dynasty imported many parts of political systems of the Tang dynasty. Among of them, there were systems of ranking and official titles. The ranking titles[ san-gye, 散階] in the Tang functioned as positions of each official and official titles[職官] meant duties of the officials. However, the Koryo adopt to in a different way. For example, when an official was appointed at any post of unit for local administration like commissioner[sa, 使], deputy(or vice) commissioner[ bu-sa, 副使], controller-general[ pan-gwan, 判官] and chief-secretary[ chang-so-gi, 掌書記] and so on, he had to hold two kinds of official titles: one is a capital official, the other is a post for local administration. In this case, a capital official is a title for his rank and a post for local administration means his duty. We can see this feature in managing to the Palace Attendant. The Palace Attendant served the King as the messengers of King’s command or the managers of Royal temples and storages and so on. But they didn't have any financial rewards for their services as the Palace Attendant. And a civil official which the Palace Attendant held didn’t perform any duty given itself. Instead of its own duty, it was decided to take positions of the Palace Attendant in kinds of the national ceremonies or to set level of salary of the Palace Attendant. As the result, a title called the Palace Attendant of the Koryo shows their tasks like managing the temples, a civil official what he has decides his salary and rank. This is the reason for an official been the Palace Attendant to have a civil office at the same time. If one official hold two posts, we say; “he held concurrently officials[兼職].” So I think this phrase to be applied to the relation between the Palace Attendant and a civil official title. In addition, the Palace Attendant has a keypoint distinguished from other officials. It is an appointment form. Whatever they are on the civil's or the military’s, ordinary officials are appointed by administrative forms which was called Bi (批) or Pan(判) document depended on whether the courtier[Consultants-in-ordinary, cham-sang-gwan, ?上官] or not. But the Palace Attendant is appointed by King’s edict, Sunji (宣旨). And the Palace Attendant is also listed up on the Special Register for Nae-si[ Nae-si-jok, 內侍籍].

三國의 固有語 官職名語彙 小考

김상윤(Sang-yoon, Kim) 어문연구학회 2012 어문연구 Vol.72 No.-

『삼국사기 직관상』에는 고구려·백제·신라의 관직명이 나타나 있다. 본고는 이 관직명에서 찾아볼 수 있는 차용표기로 이루어진, 고유어 관직명 어휘를 분석하여, 이를 고대국어 어휘체계와 음운체계 연구에 일조코자 한다. 삼국의 관직명을 살펴보면, 그 어휘 형성이 대체적으로 중국의 직관과 일치하는 점이 많다. 무엇보다도 官等을 品階로 표시한 것을 비롯하여, 동일명의 관직명 어휘가 허다하다. 또한 어휘형성에 있어 접두어·접미어적 특성이 있는데, 이는 일찍부터 중국의 문물의 영향이 아닌가 생각된다. 그러나 그 반면 이러한 관직명 어휘에는 지명이나 인명에서처럼 많은 것은 아니지만, 차용표기로 이루어진 고유어 관직명을 찾아볼 수 있다는 점이다. 특히 삼국이 同軌語 관직명을 異寫表記하였는데, 이는 높은 국어의식의 발로라 하겠다. 고구려의 관직명 어휘를 살펴보면, 고구려는 일찍부터 직관이 발달하였음을 알 수 있다. 이러한 직관은 『삼국지·周書·隋書·통전·신당서』등과 같은 고기록에 보이는데, 이는 각각 등급과 명칭에 차이를 두고 있다. 관직명에는 '對盧·烏皂·兄·使者·皂衣·先人'등을 근간으로 하여, 여기에 접두어나 접미어를 사용하여 14품의 관직명을 이루고 있다. 그러나 관직명은 신라의 관직명처럼 순수 고유어명이 아니라, 한자어와 고유어의 관직명이 혼합되어 있다. 난해의 관직명은 생략하고 해독이 가능한 고유어 관직명만을 대상으로 삼았다. 차용표기된 고유어 관직명 어휘로 '相加-古鄒加-烏拙-小兄-小使者-仙人-褥薩' 등을 예거하였다. 백제의 관직명은 고구려나 신라에 비하여 비교적 단일하고 정제된 편이다. 1품인 '佐平'을 제외하고는 2-6품까지는 '-率' 접미어로, 7-11품까지는 '-德'으로 그 이하는 '督·軍·武·虞' 등의 접미어로 이루어져 있다. 차용표기된 고유어 관직명 어휘로 '佐平'을 비롯하여 '-率' 접미어 '達率'과 '德率'만을 예거하였다. 신라의 관직명은 순수고유어로 이루어진 것으로 그 연원이 오래임을 짐작할 수 있다. 대체적으로 한자의 차용표기로 이루어져 있으며, 이사표기가 많은 것이 특징이다. 특히 제3대 유리왕대에는 직관을 17등급으로 분류하고 1-9품까지는 '尺'과 '干'의 합음인 '飡'(粲)을 접미하였다. 차용표기된 고유어 관직명 어휘로 '伊伐飡-伊尺飡-迊飡-波珍飡-阿飡-一吉飡-沙飡-級伐飡-大奈麻-大舍' 등을 예거하였다. The purpose of this study is looking for official title in the three ancient kingdoms of characteristics and analyse for vocabulary. It seems that there had been lots of influence of China on the titles of official posts in the three ancient kingdoms of korea. Such influences can be seen very clearly in the titles or the terms of official ranks, especially in the characteristics of their affixes and suffixes. This probably resulted from the Chinese systematic influences for a long time from the earlier periods of Zhou and Han Dynasties down to the modern periods Sui and Tang Dynasties. However, our three ancient kingdoms must have established their own unique conceptions concerning the official post and its title and term. At the earlier times in Goguryeo they developed the governmental organizations and, according to the official regulations, established the official titles of 14 ranks by adding affixes or suffixes to the five basic titles, '對盧·兄·使者·皂衣·先人'. In the Baekje they had relatively a simple and refined system in comparison with those of Goguryeo and Shilla, so they, excepting the 1st rank '佐', added suffix '-率' to the rank from the 2nd to the 6th, '-德' to those from 7th to 11th, and added such suffixes as '督·軍·武·虞' to the lower ranks. On the other hand, in Shilla they used purely their own vernacular language in expressing their official titles, which might have quite a long history. On the whole theirs are characterized by using expressions with several different characters to mean the same, mainly owing to their adoptions from the Chinese characters only in sound. Especially in the era of the third king Yuri, they divided the official ranks into 17 grade and to the ranks from the 1st to the 9th added suffix '湌 or 粲' which is a complex sound of '尺 and 干'. If we look into the vocabularies expressing the official titles in the three ancient kingdoms, there are several characteristics in common. Above all, the titles of the official posts in the three kingdoms Goguryeo, Baekje, and Shilla consist of the same orbital or level languages. presumably it is chiefly due to their sharing certain common features with each other in the cultural and lingual phenomena despite the influences of Chinese civilization.

고위공직자범죄수사처 설치 및 운영에 관한 법률의 해석상의 문제점 -사건이첩요청권과 사건이첩권 및 다른 수사기관의 통보의무를 중심으로-

김현철 ( Kim¸ Hyun-cheol ) 경상대학교 법학연구소 2021 法學硏究 Vol.29 No.3

본 논문에서는 수사처법상 수사처장의 사건이첩요청, 다른 수사기관의 범죄사실 인지 통보, 수사처장의 사건이첩시의 구체적 처리절차, 이첩 또는 통보 받거나 이첩 또는 통보한 기관의 권한과 관련하여 문제되는 점에 대하여 살펴본 후 수사처법상 검사의 지위와 관련하여 수사처검사에게 영장청구권 등 강제수사권한이 인정되는지, 인정된다면 어느 범위에서 인정되는지에 대하여 살펴보았다. 이첩요청의 요건과 관련하여 수사의 진행 정도는 사건 관계인의 조사 정도, 구체적 증거의 확보 정도, 강제수사에의 착수 여부 등을 종합하여 판단하고, 공정성 논란이 있는지 여부는 수사과정에서의 인권침해, 봐주기수사, 편파수사 여부 등 수사기관의 행태 뿐만 아니라 피의자의 신분, 수사과정에서의 태도 등을 고려할 때 수사처로 이첩하는 것 자체에 공정성 논란이 있을 수 있는지도 고려하여 판단하여야 하며, 인적ㆍ물적 역량을 이첩요청 여부 결정에 고려하는 것은 바람직하지 않다는 의견을 제시하였다. 그리고 다른 수사기관의 범죄사실 인지 통보의무에서의 인지는 내사단계가 아닌 실질적으로 수사개시를한 경우로 봄이 타당하다고 할 것이다. 다른 수사기관에의 이첩과 관련하여 수사처가 공소제기와 유지 권한을 보유하지 않고 수사권만 보유한 경우뿐만 아니라 수사권 및 공소제기와 유지 권한까지 보유한 경우도 수사처법 제24조 제3항에 따라 다른 수사기관에 이첩하는 경우 수사 완료 후 수사처법 제24조 제1항에 따라 다시 수사처로 이첩하여 줄 것을 요청할 수 없다는 견해를 구체적 논거들과 함께 제시하였다. 수사처검사의 영장청구권 등 강제처분 권한과 관련하여 수사처검사는 영장청구권이 있는 형소법상 검사에 해당하고, 수사처가 직접 수사를 하는 경우 수사처가 수사권과 공소제기 및 유지권까지 가지고 있는 경우뿐만 아니라 수사권만 가지고 있는 경우도 수사처검사는 영장청구권 등 강제처분 권한을 가지나 수사처가 수사처 수사대상 범죄에 대하여 이첩요청을 하지 않거나 다른 수사기관에 이첩하여 다른 수사기관이 수사를 하는 경우는 수사처에 수사권만 있는 경우뿐만 아니라 공소제기 및 유지권까지 있는 경우도 수사처검사가 아닌 검찰청법상 검사가 영장청구권 등 강제처분 권한을 가진다는 견해를 구체적 논거들과 함께 제시하였다. 한편 수사처장의 판단에 따른 재량에 의한 사건이첩 요청이나 다른 수사기관으로의 사건이첩은 수사처장의 판단에 따라 사건을 수사처에서 처리하거나 다른 수사기관에서 처리하게 하는 재량을 줌으로써 수사처가 수사대상 사건과 피의자를 임의로 선택할 수 있는 여지를 주므로 문제가 있다. 독립성과 중립성이 보장된 수사처에서 고위공직자범죄등을 처리하기 위해 국민의 대표기관인 국회의 입법에 의해 별도의 수사 및 공소제기 기관으로 수사처를 설립한 이상 고위공직자범죄등은 수사처에서 전담함이 타당하므로 향후 다른 수사기관이 고위공직자범죄등에 관하여 수사처의 범죄수사와 중복되는 범죄수사를 하는 경우 수사처에 의무적으로 이첩하여 수사처에서 수사가 이루어지도록 하고, 다른 수사기관으로 이첩을 허용하는 규정을 삭제함으로써 고위공직자범죄등을 수사처에서 전속적으로 처리하는 것으로 수사처법을 개정함이 타당하다는 견해를 제시하였다. In this thesis author studied the issues concerning concrete procedures of the request for a case transfer, the obligation of the investigative agency to notify the criminal facts, and a case transfer regulations, the authority of the agency to which the transfer or notification was received or which transferred or notified in the Act on the Establishment and Operation of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials. And author studied whether the prosecutor of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials have the right to request forced disposition authority such as the right to request warrant etc. in relation to the status of the prosecutor under the Act on the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials and, if so, to what extent. Author presented an opinion that in relation to the requirements of a transfer request, the degree of investigation should be judged by aggregating the degree of investigation about a person involved in case, the degree of securing concrete evidence, whether a compulsory investigation is launched, and the fairness controversy should be judged by considering whether there could be a controversy over fairness in transferring a case to the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials itself taking into account the identity of the suspect and his attitude in the investigation process, as well as the behavior of investigation agency, such as human rights violations, easy-going investigations, and biased investigations, and it is not advisable to consider human and material competence in the decision to request a transfer. And it is reasonable that recognition in the obligation of the other investigative agency to notify the criminal facts of other investigative agencies should be interpreted as practically launching an investigation, not an internal investigation stage. Author presented an opinion with concrete argument that in relation to the transfer to other investigative agency, the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials can not request to transfer to the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials pursuant to Article 24 (1) of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials Act after completing the investigation in case of having the right to investigate, prosecute and maintain as well as having the right to investigate without having the right to prosecute and maintain. Author presented an opinion with concrete argument that in relation to forced disposition authority such as the right to request warrant etc. prosecutor of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials is a prosecutor who has the right to request a warrant etc. under the Criminal Procedure Act, and prosecutor of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials has the right to request warrant etc. when the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials investigate directly in all cases which the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials has the right to investigate without having the right to prosecute and maintain as well as has the right to investigate, prosecute and maintain, but not prosecutor of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials but prosecutor under the Public Prosecutors' Office Act has the right to request warrant etc. when another investigative agency investigate in all cases which the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials has the right to investigate, prosecute and maintain as well as has the right to investigate without having the right to prosecute and maintain. Meanwhile request for a case transfer by the discretion according to judgment of the head of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials is a problem because it gives room for the head of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials to select arbitrarily the case and the suspect under investigation. Author presented an opinion that in the future the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials Act needs to be revised to transfer mandatory to the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials if other investigative agency conducts a criminal investigation that overlaps with the criminal investigation of the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials, and to be revised to delete regulation which permits for the Criminal Investigation Agency for a high-ranking Public Officials to transfer to other investigative agency a case. It will be in line with the purpose of establishing a separate investigation and prosecution agency which independence and neutrality is guaranteed by the legislation of the National Assembly, the representative body of the people, to deal with high-ranking public officials' crimes.

고려 원종‧충렬왕대 대몽골 사신 인선의 특징

정동훈 한국중세사학회 2019 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.57

This study compared the lists of envoys dispatched to the Mongol Empire and the officials in King Wŏnjong and Chungnyŏl’s reign(1259~1308), proving that the following three propositions are true. First, the official rank of envoys was much higher than in previous years. The rank of the envoys during this period averaged junior 3rd(3b), far higher than the senior 5th(5a) in the Goryeo-Jin relationship in 12th century or the junior 4th(4b) in the Goryeo-Khitan relationship in 11th century. Sometimes low-rank officials were chosen for irregular and practical envoys, but most of them with regular and ceremonial duties were dispatched second or third-rank officials. Within this period, the rank of envoys gradually increased as time went by, accounting for more than half of the cases in which Jaechu(宰樞) were dispatched in the early 14th century. Second, officials who had been to the mission had an advantage in promotion. Among the third-rank officials on the verge of entering the Jaechu level, the probability of being promoted was higher than if they had a career as a missionary. As a result, 99 out of a total of 193 bureaucrats who served as jaechu during this period had experience of being dispatched to the Mongol Empire. And the higher the official position, the higher the rate. Third, high-ranking officials, including the prime ministers of the Goryeo Dynasty were frequently sent to the Mongol Empire, and the period was also long. In particular, at the end of King Chungnyŏl’s reign, prime ministers were dispatched to Beijing almost every year. This phenomenon illustrates that the relationship between Goryeo and the Mongol Empire had been operated in an unprecedented close manner. The political situation in Korea at the time, even who would sit on the throne, was greatly influenced by the relationship with the Mongol Empire. Therefore, it was essential and routine to dispatch responsible high-ranking officials to discuss pending issues and to confirm friendly relations between the two countries.

18세기 관청 하급실무직의 貢人權 운영 사례 연구

김미성 부경역사연구소 2017 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.40

This article presents some case studies of the low-ranking officials who became Gongin(貢人). Although the low-ranking officials had worked as non-payment duties during the early Joseon period, Joseon government started to employ salaried employees at the low-ranking officials and started to pay wages to them after the two big war. In addition, the government also permitted or encouraged the government officials to participate in commercial activities to overcome the financial problem during the late Joseon period. As a result, some merchants who pursued commercial profits could take the low-raking official’s seats. Especially, the positions which were related to material accounting duties became transaction objects with economic rights. Some low-ranking officials, especially the officials who were involved in the supply system of government goods, became Gongin(貢人) due to the business similarity. The officials’ first route to become Gongin was that the low-raking officials acquired the rights to supply the particular Gongmul(貢物) by themselves. It includes three following cases: the officials who was given Gwangit-gongmul(官衿貢物), the officials who established the Gongin’s rights afterwards without given Gwangit-gongmul(官衿貢物), and the officials who got the Gongin’s tasks because of the Gongin’s break up. The officials’ second route to become Gongin was led by Gongin. In some cases, the government demanded Gongin to install their workers in the low-ranking official’s position, the eight Jeyonggam(濟用監) warehouse keepers(庫直), for example. This case study on the conversion of the low-ranking officials into Gongin(貢人) could show an example of diverse merchants who were called as Gongin(貢人). Also it means that the supply system of government goods were deeply connected with nationwide commercial structure during the late Joseon period. 이 논문은 관청 하급실무직 중 貢人化한 사례들을 확인하고 이를 유형별로 정리하였다. 身役으로 운영되던 관청 하급실무직은 조선후기에 이르러 고립제로 운영되기 시작하였다. 또 조선후기에는 재정문제의 해결을 위해 각 관청이 상업활동에 참여하였고 하급실무직들은 그 실무를 담당하였다. 이를 바탕으로 하급실무직에는 상업세력이 유입하였고, 특히 물자 출납을 관리하던 직임은 이권화하였다. 일부 하급실무직은 관수물자의 조달과정에서 貢人과 업무적으로 유사성을 지녔기 때문에 해당 직임이 貢人化하는 사례도 나타났다. 하급실무직이 貢人化한 첫 번째 경로는, 본래의 직임자가 공인권을 창설하여 운영하는 것이었다. 여기에는 처음부터 官衿貢物이 부여된 직임자 유형, 官衿貢物이 없는 직임자가 作貢을 통해서 貢人化한 유형, 貢人의 해산으로 인하여 해당 직임자에게 貢人의 업무가 이속된 유형이 포함된다. 하급실무직이 貢人化한 두 번째 경로는, 貢人이 해당 직임자를 책립하며 하급실무직 자리에 공인세력이 유입한 것이다. 貢人의 奴子로서 濟用監庫直 8명을 차정한 사례가 그 대표적인 예이다. 이와 같이 물자출납과 관련된 하급실무직이 貢人의 일원으로서 활동하였던 사례는, 貢人의 범주 속에 포괄된 다양한 상인계층의 한 단면을 보여주며 동시에 관수물자의 조달과정이 전국적 상품유통구조와 밀접하게 연동되었음을 보여준다.