추강 남효온의 생애자료에 대한 변증과 탐색

정출헌(Chung, Chul-heon) 대동한문학회 2011 大東漢文學 Vol.35 No.-

우리는 추강 남효온을 방외인 또는 생육신의 일원으로 기억한다. 성종 9년 昭陵復位 상소를 올렸다가 받아들여지지 않자 세상을 등진 채 술과 방랑으로 지냈고, 결국 그게 빌미가 되어 연산군 10년 갑자사화 때 부관참시된 인물로 기억하는 것이다. 이런 이해 방식은 어느 기록이든 거의 유사하지만, 후손 南公轍이 쓴 묘갈명은 남효온의 삶을 정리한 대표적 생애자료이다. 그리고 우리들은 이같은 기록에 근거하여 한 역사적 인간을 이해하고 평가한다. 하지만 ‘실제의 삶’과 ‘후대의 기억’ 사이에는 크고 작은 차이가 존재한다. 시간의 간극으로 인한 불가피함도 있겠고, 은밀하게 수행된 손질의 결과일 수도 있다. 남공철이 편찬한 묘갈명 또한 이런 혐의로부터 자유롭지 못하다. 때문에 남효온과 관련된 생애자료를 보다 廣密하게 수습ㆍ검토해가면서 남공철이 찬한 묘갈명을 변증하고 생애를 새롭게 재구할 필요가 있다. 이를 위해 본고에서는 남공철이 쓴 묘갈명의 주요 대목을 크게 여섯 단락으로 나누어 꼼꼼하게 변증하려고 노력했다. 남효온의 가계, 성품, 사승, 행적, 교유, 평가가 그것이다. 그런 작업을 통해 드러나지 않은 가계까지 살펴야 하고, 직접 교유했던 벗들의 증언을 통해 성품을 드러내야 하고, 사승관계로 포장된 부분을 면밀하게 살펴야 하고, 드러내기 꺼려했던 행적도 아울러야 하고, 교유의 구체적 양상을 밝히는 것은 물론 시문을 통해 구체적 일상과 내면의 풍경까지 밝혀야 할 필요성을 제기한 것은 나름의 성과라 할 수 있다. 향후 관련된 생애자료를 보다 폭넓게 수집ㆍ정리하여, 쓸쓸하게 삶을 마감한 남효온의 삶을 온전하게 재구하는 集成年譜를 편찬하는 것은 남은 과제이다. We remember Chugang, Nam Hyo-On as an anti-establishment scholar or a member of six surviving loyal officials. Also we recollect him as a historical figure who appealed to King Seongjong to restore the tomb of King Danjong’s mother in vain and turned his back on the world while drinking and wandering. Later in the 10th year of King Yeonsan during the incident of Gabjasahwa, people dug up his corpse and beheaded as a way of posthumous execution. Such understanding about Nam Hyo-On’s life is unchanged in various records. An epitaph by one of his descendants Nam Gong-Cheol is representative life information of Nam Hyo-On. Based on this information we understand and estimate the historical figure. However there exist big and small differences between ‘actual life’ and ‘memories of future generations’. It might be due to inevitability of time gap or the outcome of covertly performed affair. Nam Gong-Cheol’s epitaph is not free from these suspicions. Therefore we need to analyze and demonstrate Nam Gong-Cheol’s epitaph and restructure the life of Nam Hyo-On by researching and examining relevant information on Nam Hyo-On. This thesis is a meticulous effort to analyze Nam Gong-Cheol’s epitaph. I made the main parts of the epitaph six divisions: Nam Hyo-On’s genealogy, personality, mentorship, achievement, association, and evaluation. I will research unrevealed family lineage, disclose his personality through testimonies of his companions, scrutinize some protege and protector relationships, examine some reluctant events, enlighten specific aspects of his association. I will raise the necessity of clarifying concrete every day life and inner feelings, as well. Thus remaining assignment is to compile collective genealogy that can wholly restructure the life of Nam Hyo-On who ended his life solitarily by collecting and arranging pertinent life information more widely.

남효온의 유람일기 연구 - 「유금강산기」, 「지리산일과」, 「송경록」을 중심으로

정영문 사단법인 한국문학과예술연구소 2023 한국문학과 예술 Vol.45 No.-

Nam Hyo-on is a 15th-century Neo-Confucian scholar, poet, intellectual with a deep interest in history, and a person with a deep understanding of Buddhism and veteran. In 1478, at the age of 24, the appeal to King Seongjong became a problem, and he became politically frustrated, and he toured various regions to record his experiences and experiences. His travel records include Yugeumganggi (1485), Songgyeongrok (1485), and Jirisanilgwa (1487), and other poems such as Yucheon Wangbonggi (1487), Yuhae Undaeseo (1487), Yugasugulgi (1489), and a number of trips. This record summarizes not only his own experiences, but also the stories he heard from monks, and records he keeps as historical records. In this paper, we looked at the perception of people, objects, and styles recorded in the third diary tour book. Many people are recorded in Nam Hyo-on's travel diary, but most of them are monks. The monks he recorded in his diary can be divided into 1) monks who can interact overnight, 2) monks who recognize each other with the topic of nothing, 3) monks who insist on their own arguments, and 4) monks who do not want to speak. Among them, Nam Hyo-on criticized the monk for pursuing 'good fortune'. At the root of this criticism is the recognition of the social ills of monks who covet wealth in the face of persistent famine. In the 15th century, when Nam Hyo-on toured Geumgangsan Mountain and Jirisan Mountain, there were many areas where the road was not pioneered, so he had to seek help from guides. Nam Hyo-on, who miscarries with their help, tried to accurately record the judgment of the folktales delivered to the cruise site and the objects he observed. What he heard and saw was a narrative explanation of the spread of Buddhism to a specific area. Because he could not believe the narrative, he needed historical evidence of it, and tried to confirm the truth through historically recognized facts. As a way to record various objects, he borrowed the narrative method of Kim Jong-jik, who was his teacher and left a cruise record first, and tried to grasp the essence rather than the outside. Nam Hyo-on's excursion is based on economic power. He visited Gaegyeong to observe the history and customs of Goryeo, and was able to enjoy stories and music handed down from the Goryeo Dynasty in Jaha-dong and others. 남효온은 15세기 성리학자로 시인이자 역사에 깊은 관심을 가진 지식인이며, 불교와 노장에 대한 이해가 깊었던 인물이다. 1478년 24세의 나이에 성종에게 올린 상소문이 문제가 되어 정치적으로 좌절하게 되었고, 여러 지역을 유람하며 자신의 체험과 견문을 기록하였다. 일기체 형식의 기록으로 「유금강산기」(1485), 「송경록」(1485), 「지리산일과」(1487)가 있다. 이 기록은 자신의 체험만 아니라 승려에게 들은 이야기, 사적으로 보관하고 있는 기록 등을 정리한 것이다. 본 논문에서는 일기체 유람록 3편에 기록된 인물(승려), 명승, 풍류에 대한 인식을 살펴보았다. 남효온의 유람 일기에 기록된 인물들은 대부분은 승려였는데, 그들 중에서 ‘재물’을 추구하는 승려에 대해서는 비판하였다. 이러한 비판의 근저에는 기근이 지속되는 상황하에 재물을 탐하는 승려의 사회적 병폐를 인식했기 때문이다. 남효온이 금강산과 지리산을 유람하던 15세기에는 노정이 개척되지 않은 지역이 많았기 때문에 길잡이의 도움을 구해야만 했다. 이들의 도움으로 유산(遊山)하던 남효온은 유람지에 전하는 설화에 대한 판단, 자신이 관찰한 명승 등을 정확하게 기록하고자 했다. 그가 듣고 보는 이야기는 특정 지역에 불교가 전파되는 과정을 설화적으로 설명하는 내용이었다. 그는 그 이야기를 믿을 수 없었기 때문에 이를 고증하고자 했고, 역사적으로 공인된 사실을 통해 사실 여부를 확인하고자 했다. 다양한 명승을 기록하는 방법으로 그는 자신의 스승이자 앞서 유람록을 기록한 김종직의 서술 방식을 차용하고, 외면보다는 본질을 파악하고자 했다. 이러한 유람은 경제력을 바탕으로 가능했다. 그는 개경을 방문하여 고려의 역사와 풍속 등을 관찰하였고, 자하동 등에서 고려 시대부터 전해지는 이야기와 음악을 향유할 수 있었다.

개성 기행문을 통해 본 16세기 정치 개혁과 개성 이미지의 변화

장지연 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2022 서울학연구 Vol.- No.86

This article analyzes the travel essays on Gaeseong in the late fifteenth century by Kim Si-seup, Nam Hyo-on, Sagadokseo(사가독서/賜暇讀書) officials such as Chae Su & Yu Ho-in etc. It focuses on the difference of the context and reinterpre- taion. When these travel essays were written, each of them had different background and intention of travelling. Kim Si-seup’s essay was virtually identical with general expression of his era: being critical on the former dynasty Goryeo and praising the present dynasty Chosun. Sagadokseo officials had luxury trips served by local officials and intended to be seen having historical trips which will be beneficial for governance. They visited the assassined official Jeong Mong-ju’s home, however, they focused on praising the generosity of their dynasty. Kim Si-seup and Sagadokseo officials didn’ t show criticism on their present dynasty. In the contrast to these two groups, Nam Hyo-on’s travel was quite humble without enough resources which was caused by his marginalized political situation. He expressed sharp criticism on not only the present dynasy but also Jeong Mong-ju in his essay. In spite of all these distinctions, they were reinterpreted after Jungjong’s restoration of righteous governance(중종반정/中宗反正). The Sarim(사림/士林) group tried to rebuild the successful reign of King Seongjong and eradicate deep-rooted cal problems which dated back to King Sejo’s regime. In this course, Kim Si-seup, Sagadokseo officials and Nam Hyo-on were regarded as same symbolic figures of King Seongjong’s reign and their travel essays were reinterpreted as manuscripts which present historical lessons in regards to the virtue of loyalty. Sarim took Jeong Mong- ju as an historical example to restore people who suffered from King Sejo’s seizure of power. This caused the change of Gaeseong’s image to a town of loyalty with histori- cal lessons from various competitive images - such as a properous city, beautiful na- ture and so on. This changed image of Gaeseong in sixteenth century has become a fundamental element of its locality. 본 논문은 15세기 후반 개성을 여행하고 기록을 남겨 후대에 많은 영향을 준 김시습, 채수·유호인 등의 사가독서인, 남효온의 여행기를 분석하고 이것이 16 세기 중종대 이후 어떻게 재해석되었는지를 살펴보았다. 각각은 여행 당시 처지 가 사뭇 달랐고 여행기의 주 관점도 달랐으나, 16세기 이후에는 같은 맥락에서 관심을 받으며 재출간되었다. 먼저 김시습의 여행은 고려를 비판하고 조선의 건 국을 찬양하는 15세기의 일반적인 감상에 머물러 있었다. 호화로운 사가독서인의 여행 역시 비슷하였는데, 이들은 정몽주의 절의에 주목을 하면서도 결국에는 그 절의를 표창하는 현 왕조에 대한 경배에 촛점을 두었다. 이에 비해 정계에서 소 외된 남효온은 현 왕조는 물론이고 정몽주에 대해서까지 날카롭게 비판하여 앞 의 두 여행과 큰 차별점을 보여주었다. 그러나 중종반정 후 이들은 모두 성종대 의 성대한 정치를 상징하는 인물로 묶이며, 이들의 개성여행은 일률적으로 절의 에 대해 환기하고 역사적 감계를 주는 것으로 해석되었다. 연산군대 폐정의 근원 이 되는 세조대의 역사를 바로 세우려는 기묘사림은 정몽주의 사례를 통해 소릉 을 복위하고 사육신을 복권하려 하였다. 이러한 중종대의 흐름은 개성이 갖고 있 던 번화한 도시, 아름다운 자연 등의 다양한 이미지를 절의의 고장과 역사적 교 훈의 도시로 좁히는 결과를 가져왔으며, 이는 18세기 증폭되어 현재까지 개성 로 컬리티의 핵심을 이루고 있다.

논문 : 조선 전기 잡록과 『추강냉화』, 남효온의 깊은 슬픔과 시대정신

정출헌 ( Chul Heon Chung ) 민족문학사학회·민족문학사연구소 2014 민족문학사연구 Vol.54 No.-

조선전기에는 필원잡기(筆苑雜記)·용재총화(용齋叢話)와 같은 잡록류(雜錄類)가 다수 산출되었다. 이들 잡록은 훈구관료 사회의 주변에서 떠돌던 이야기를 채록한한담(閑談)과 소화(笑話)의 자료로 취급되거나 서사문학사의 맥락에서 주목되는 경우가 대부분이었다. 하지만 조선전기의 문명적 기틀을 일궈갔던 훈구관료 문인은 당시 동문선·동국여지승람·동국통감·경국대전과 같은 국가 편찬사업을 주도했던 인물이기도 했다. 그렇다면 당대의 문물. 제도. 시화. 풍속 등의 일화를 망라하고 있는 잡록편찬과 국가적 인문서적의 편찬을 분리하여 생각할 수 없다. 성종대에 활발하게 진행된 국가 편찬사업의 문화적 지평에서 훈구관료 문인의 잡록을 새롭게 읽어야 하는 까닭이다. 하지만 성종대는 정치권력과 문단권력을 장악하고 있던 훈구관료와 새롭게 성장하기 시작하던 신진사류의 갈등이 날카로워지던 시기이기도 했다. 그렇다면 훈구관료를 대표하는 서거정의 필원잡기와 신진사류를 대표하는 남효온의 추강냉화(秋江冷話)는 비록 잡록이란 동질성에도 불구하고 거기에 담긴 일화의 차별성 또한 충분히 예견할 수 있다. 본고에서는 그 점을 염두에 두며 현실정치에서 소외된 남효온이 자신이 직접 겪은, 또는 자기가 보고 들은 일화들을 거두고 있는 추강냉화를 새로운 독법으로 읽고자 했다. 잡록에 실린 일화들이 일견 산만하고 잡다하게 보일지 몰라도 그것 모두는 편찬자 ‘개인의 내면`과 그가 호흡하던 ‘시대의 문제`가 충돌하거나 교감하는 파란(波瀾)의 지점에서 포착된 것들이다. 실제로 추강냉화에 실려 있는 일화들을 통해 개국공신의 후예였던 남효온이 훈구관료의 장벽에 가로막혀 현실정치에서 겪어야 했던 좌절과 소외, 분노와 슬픔, 그럼에도 불구하고 죽을 때까지 견지했던 시대정신이 번득이던 양상들을 확인할 수 있었다. 거기에는 훈구관료에 대한 분노만이 아니라 시대정신을 함께했던 많은 사우(師友)들과의 동류의식과 분화양상도 담겨 있었다. 현실정치에서 배제된 남효온은 잡록이라는 문학 갈래를 우회로로선택하여 자신의 시대를 생생하게 증언하고 있었던 것이다. 남효온의 추강냉화와 다른방식으로 성종의 시대를 기억하고 있는 서거정의 필원잡기를 새롭게 읽어보는 작업은 추후의 과제이다. Miscellanea such as Pilwonjabgi, Yongjaechonghwa were produced in large quantity in early Joseon period. These Miscellanea were mostly treated as materials for records of miscellaneous tales and funny stories surrounding Hungu bureaucrat society or were focused on the context of narrative literature. However, Hungu bureaucrat writers that established the foundation of a new nation`s civilization in early Joseon period were the people who played a leading role in national compilation projects such as Dongmunseon, Donggukyeojiseungram, Dongguktonggam, Kyeonggukdaejeon, etc. Thus compilation of national humanities books, and miscellanea which covered anecdotes of contemporary culture, institution, poetry, paintings, and customs was inseparable. That is why miscellanea of Hungu bureaucrat writers should be interpreted in a new perspective based on cultural horizon of national compilation projects actively proceeded in the reign of King Seongjong. However, King Seongjong`s reign was the period when the conflicts were increasing between Hungu bureaucrats who dominated political power and literary scene, and newly rising neo-confucian scholars. Though Seo Geo-jeong`s Pilwonjabgi and Nam Hyo-on`s Chugangnanghwa share the similarity of miscellanea but we can predict that the two works preserve differentiation in anecdote since they represent Hungu bureaucrat and newly rising neo-confucian scholars respectively. This article is to read Chugangnanghwa with a new reading method by Nam Hyo-on who was isolated from real life politics. He wrote it from his own experience or something he saw and heard. These anecdotes recorded in the book may seem vague and miscellaneous but they captured at the point of turmoils of conflicts and communion of his inner world and problems of the time that he lived. As a matter of fact, we can identify varied aspects of Nam Hyo-on through the anecdotes in Chugangnanghwa who was descendant of founding contributors but from the obstacles of real life politics he had to endure frustration, isolation, fury, grievance and in spite of all that, he adhered to his flaring spirit until he died. They displays not only his rage against Hungu bureaucrats but camaraderie with many fellow scholars who shared the spirit of the times and new aspects how all divided. Nam Hyo-on who was excluded in real politics witnessed his own times vividly by taking detours of literary genres called miscellanea. Reading Pilwonjabgi by Seo Geo-jeong in a new light will be future assignment that reminds us of the era of King Seongjong in different views from Nam Hyo-on`s Chugangnanghwa.

성종 14년(1483), 신진사류, 그리고 道學으로의 轉回-추강 남효온과 그 師友의 동향을 중심으로-

정출헌 한국고전번역원 2018 民族文化 Vol.52 No.-

The Joseon Dynasty which was established with Confucianism as a national policy made steady progress in the history of thought from Buddhism to Confucianism by making use of national power. Thus, a genealogy of Neo- Confucianism was created such as that of Jeong Mongju to Gil Jae to Kim Sukja to Kim Jongjik to Kim Gwangpil and Jeong Yeo Chang to Jo Gwanggjo to Yi Eonjeok to Yi Hwang. However there is little revelation on the true nature of Neo-Confucianism that Neo-Confucian scholars such as Kim Gwangpil had in the period of King Seongjong. The loss of data must be the main reason, but a lack of close examination about material on their lives and the trends of the times were also crucial factors. This article focuses on the change in the study and thoughts of Neo-Confucian scholars in the 14th year of King Seongjong (1438) with the necessity of reflective investigation in mind. Interestingly, Kim Gwangpil moved to Yangju in the same year and finally pursued studies other than Sohak and his close friend Nam Hyo-On built Gyeongjijae, a study in Haengju and actively wrote Neo-Confucian articles such as the Essay on the Mind 心論, Essay on Human Nature 性論, Essay on Life 命論, Essay on Ghosts 鬼神論. Moreover, this is the time when Kim Si-Seup who had a huge impact on Neo-Confucian scholars at the time of Seongjong left Seoul heading towards Chuncheon with a wagon loaded with books, the Six Books 六經 and history books 子史. It was not an accident that Neo-Confucian scholars at the time of King Seongjong scattered in all directions living in the vicinity of Seoul and began to immerse themselves in new life and new study in the same year. It was a sign of the times caused by the deep frustration with political practices and the intellectual desires of Neo-Confucianism with King Seongjong getting into politics. The organization of Bamboo forest scholars and the incident of Seonggyungwan wall poetry in the 13th year of King Seongjong were indications that suggest the change. In the end, these young scholars did not pass Gwageo civil exam in the spring of King Seongjong’s 14th year, and took the opportunity to promote change in the direction of Neo-Confucianism through Neo-Confucian books such as Seongri Gunseo and Seongri Daejeon. However, except fr Kim Gwangpil, leading figures who struggled together such as Nam Hyo-On, Yi Simwon, and Yi Hyeonson ended up having their names removed from the genealogy of Neo-Confucianism. That is why I paid attention on their activities in the 14th year of King Seongjong. 유교를 국시로 내걸고 건국한 조선은 국가권력을 활용하여, 불교로부터 유교로의 사상사적 전환을 꾸준하게 진전시켜나갔다. 그리하여 ‘정몽주→길재→김숙자→김종직→김굉필․정여창→조광조→이언적→이황’으로 이어지는 도학의 계보를 만들어내기에 이르렀다. 하지만 김굉필․정여창으로 대표되는 성종대의 신진사류가 그 계보에서 차지하는 도학의 실체에 대해서는 밝혀진 것이 별로 없다. 자료의 일실이 주된 원인이겠지만, 그들의 생애자료와 시대적 동향에 대한 세밀한 탐구가 부족했던 것도 원인으로 작용했다. 본고는 그런 반성적 고찰의 필요성을 염두에 두고, 성종 14년(1483)에 보인 신진사류의 학문적․사상적 변화에 세밀하게 주목하고자 했다. 흥미롭게도 김굉필은 그 해 楊州로 물러앉아 비로소 『소학』이 아닌 다른 책을 읽어가며 강학활동을 시작했고, 남효온도 幸州에 敬止齋를 지어놓고 「心論」․「性論」․「命論」․「鬼神論」과 같은 성리학적 논설을 활발하게 집필했다. 뿐만 아니라 성종대의 신진사류에게 지대한 영향을 끼쳤던 김시습도 바로 그때 六經과 子史를 수레에 싣고 서울을 등지고 춘천으로 떠나버렸다. 이처럼 성종대의 신진사류들이 같은 해에 뿔뿔이 흩어져 서울 인근에 은거하며 새로운 삶과 새로운 학문에 빠져들기 시작했던 것은 우연이 아니었다. 성종 7년의 親政을 계기로 일어난 성리학에 대한 지적 요구와 정치현실에 대한 좌절이 빚어낸 시대적 징후였던 것이다. 성종 13년에 일어난 竹林羽士 결성과 성균관 壁書詩 사건은 그런 변화를 암시하는 강력한 조짐이었다. 결국 성종 14년 봄의 과거 낙방을 계기로 젊은 그들은 『근사록』․『성리군서』․『성리대전』과 같은 성리서적을 통해 도학으로의 轉回를 도모해갔다. 하지만 김굉필을 제외한 南孝溫․李深源․李賢孫처럼 함께 분투했던 선구적인 존재는 道學의 계보에서 지워지고 말았다. 본고에서 성종 14년의 잊혀져간 그들을 새삼 주목하게 된 까닭이다.

家系ㆍ師友 관계를 통해 본 15세기의 지식인 남효온

김남이(Kim Nam-Yi) 동양한문학회(구 부산한문학회) 2008 동양한문학연구 Vol.26 No.-

  이 글은 조선 전기의 비판적인 지식인 추강 남효온의 교유관계를 중심으로 그러한 관계망이 당대 사림파 지식인의 판도와 구성에 어떤 의미가 있는지 살펴본 것이다. 추강은 조선 개국 공신의 후손이며, 고려조 이래 병신 과 명장을 배출한 파평윤씨 가문의 사위였다. 그의 둘째 사위도 태종의 증손이었다. 『사우명행록』에 이름을 올린 인물들 중에도 종실의 인물들이 있다. 추강의 교유는 한양뿐 아니라 호남 지역의 선비들과도 이루어졌다. 그 들은 왕실과 연계되거나, 혹은 초기의 사림들에게 중요한 덕목이자 인재 천 거의 기준이 되었던 효행과 덕행을 갖춘 사람들이었다.<BR>  추강은 그러한 사우들과 평생을 풍성한 시문과 술로 사우들과 교유하였다. 그들은 점필재라는 큰 스승의 파장 안에 있으면서 동시에 각각 현실의 문제에 대응하는 방식과 생각에서 조금씩 차이를 보였다. 그로 인하여 사제 간, 혹은 동문간에도 때로는 갈등이 있었음도 분명하다. 추강이 교유했던 인물들도 이를테면 방내/외, 혹은 훈구척신과 완전히 구별되는 인물군으로만 온전하게 설정하기는 어렵다. 그리고 사림의 대척점에는 늘 훈구파가 있어서 그들간의 갈등과 대립이 부각되었으나 이 또한 실제 그들의 면면을 살피다보면 명료하게 구분되지 않는 지점들이 빈번하게 나타난다.<BR>  추강은 그가 스승으로서 배우고, 뜻을 함께 하는 사람들과의 연대 속에서 당대 조선을 명분과 도의가 살아있는 사회로 이끌어가고 싶었을 것이다. 그러한 모색의 과정, 그것이 추강에게 평생 실의와 좌절을 가져다준 것이었다 해도 새로운 사회를 꿈꾸는 사림간의 관계망을 만들어 나가고, 그를 통해 사림이 일정한 사회적 역할을 감당하도록 하는 데 기여했음은 중요하게 기억해야 할 사실이다.   The thought and world views of Nam Hyo-on as a representation of the 15th-century intellect of Korea were formed under an inseparable influence of his relationships with his family, teachers and friends. A portrait of Nam Hyo-on, the critical writer of the early Joseon Dynasty who was also known by his pen name Chugang, this paper focuses on his position in his familial and social networks he belonged to as well as the influence or significance of his circle of acquaintances on the composition and territory of the contemporary Sarim faction. Chugang studied under Jeompiljae, the founder of the Yeongnam School, and associated with his teachers and friends through literary exchanges and camaraderie over drinks. His association and friendship, however, were not without conflicts from different attitudes, or responses, toward various social issues. Furthermore, the boundary of his socialization was neither confined to those who belonged to the Sarim faction, nor could be clearly defined as being opposed to its antagonistic Hungu faction-that is, the powerful group of officials whose privilege was mainly based on their meritorious deeds or status as royal in-laws.<BR>  Chugang was a descendent of a meritorious official who had contributed to the founding of the Joseon Dynasty, and his wife was also from the family of a retainer of merit (the Papyeong Yun family). Chugang"s second son-in-law, Yi Chong, was from the royal family: he was the great-grandson of King Taejong. In addition, his book The Names and Deeds of My Teachers and Friends (Sawumyeonghaengnok) also lists a few persons from the royal family. For Chugang, Joseon was a nation founded by the collaboration of his ancestors.<BR>  His acquaintances were not only from Hanyang, the capital, but also from Honam Province. Some of them were from the royal family, and moot others were scholars renowned for their virtuous deeds, the trait so highly respected as to serve as a standard for public employment. Chugang wished to reform the Joseon Dynasty into a society of justice and morality, and tried to pursue this dream in solidarity with people from whom he could learn and with whom he would share his goals. Although these pursuits brought him a lifetime of disappointment and frustration, there is no denying that his efforts contributed to constructing a network that enabled the Sarim faction to seek for social reform and to play an important role in the contemporary society.

남효온(南孝溫)의 한시(漢詩)를 통해 본 삶의 방식 - 상처와 치유를 중심으로 -

이현정,이준규,Lee, Hyun-Jung,Lee, Jun-Kyu 한국한의학연구원 2012 한국한의학연구원논문집 Vol.18 No.3

This study aims to examine the life of Chugang Nam Hyo-On (1454~1492) from his Chinese poem and to figure out how he overcame and healed his agony and wound. Nam Hyo-On was one of the Saengyuksin who submitted Sureungbokuiso and spent his whole life with alcohol and wandering. Thus, he is known to be a hermit writer or stranger. He had to suffer poverty during his life thanks to his only one choice. He was weak by nature but also feeble mentally as he always worried about death. In his 30s, he regarded himself as an aged man and always worried about death due to his frequent illness. Sometimes, he used to dream of being forever young. He composed self-elegy poem that is about his death, which is the ever first self-elegy poem in our history. He sent it in his letter to his master Kim Jong Jik (1431-1492) in 1489. His agony and motivation of writing such poem can be conjectured from his master's reply and his self-elegy poem. Nam Hyo-On tried to overcome and heal his real discontent and wound from his literary works. And it seems appropriate to regard him that he attempted to get compensation of his limitation and discontent from literature. We sometimes heal our wound by writings (or literature) and by reflecting through such writings. Nam Hyo-On reminded of his beloved person through his poet writing and healed his fear of wound of death.

<육신전>과 <원생몽유록> - 충절의 인물과 기억서사의 정치학 -

정출헌 한국고소설학회 2012 古小說 硏究 Vol.33 No.-

Chugang, Nam Hyo-On is commonly remembered as one of Saengyuksin, six loyal vassals because he wrote “Yuksinjeon”, which is the story of six vassals who were killed in plotting to restore King Danjong's throne in revolt against King Sejo's unjust usurpation. His intention was to pay a tribute to the subjects as figures of fidelity who were branded as traitors and killed in the process of restoration of former king Danjong's throne. Sarim, who were confucian scholars seizing the political powers in the reign of king Seonjo, tried to continue Nam Hyo-On's work in earnest. He established his own genealogy in the descent of Jeong Mong-Ju, Gil Jae, Kim Suk-Ja, Kim Jong-Jik, Jo Gwang-Jo, while he actively involved in practical work worth the name. That's why he started to discover and reward the faithful living figures of fidelity as well as six dead subjects in restoration movement of king Danjong's throne. The task was not easy but it came to fruition one after another. Sayuksin, six dead loyal subjects were reinstated and king Danjong restored his throne. Also Kim Si-Seup, Nam Hyo-On received honorable praise for their loyalty and Won Ho, Jo Ryeo who left the central government and retired to hermitage were rewarded. In the long run, Saengyuksin were brought forth to the world in parallel to Sayuksin. Nevertheless the tremendous demands of people requesting similar rewards never ceased. King Jeongjo finally established Baesikdan, distribution table, in Jangnyung, king Danjong's tomb and could put together all those people's names in one place. “Yuksinjeon” and “Wonsengmongyurok” were the works that strongly evoke the tragic death of king Danjong, unyielding fidelity of six dead subjects, the life of Nam Hyo-On who rejected compromising his integrity in the political turmoil through the power of literature. People who were comparable to Nam Hyo-On begin to be discovered one after another. People such as Won Ho, Choi Deok-Ji, Kim Si-Seup, Hwang Yeo-Il whose names were recorded in the final chapters of “Wonsaengmongyurok” are the political product of future generation who thought these people deserved to be included in the category of honorable names. Sadebu, confucian scholars strongly but secretly revealed their social, political desires through narrative documents and dream narratives. The sixteenth century narrative literature sharpened literary impression that was accumulated from old time and engaged in sensitive political realities in a very profound way. 추강 남효온은 흔히 生六臣의 한 사람으로 기억된다. 단종 모후인 昭陵의 복위를 건의하는 상소와 세조의 불법적 왕위찬탈을 용납할 수 없어 단종을 복위시키려다 죽은 인물 가운데 여섯 명을 골라 <육신전>을 지었던 까닭이다. 단종복위를 도모하다 죽은, 곧 역적으로 몰려 죽은 인물을 忠節의 인물로 기리려는 의도였다. 그리고 선조 때 정치권력을 장악한 士林들은 그의 작업을 본격적으로 잇고자 했다. 정몽주-길재-김숙자-김종직-조광조로 이어지는 道統으로 자신의 계보를 확립하는 한편 그에 값하는 실천적 행위로 절의의 인물들을 되살려내었던 것이다. 단종복위 운동에서 죽은 여섯 신하는 물론 살아서 충절을 지킨 인물들도 발굴하여 포상하는 작업에 전력하기 시작한 것도 그런 까닭이다. 이런 작업이 쉽지는 않았지만, 결실이 하나 둘씩 맺어지기 시작했다. 사육신이 복권되고, 단종도 복위되었다. 또한 살아서 절의를 지킨 김시습․남효온에게 旌閭가 내려지고, 조정을 떠나 은거의 길을 택했던 원호․조려 등도 거기에 추가되었다. 사육신에 짝을 맞춘 생육신이 마침내 탄생하게 된 것이다. 그 뒤에도 그런 부류에 포함시켜달라는 요구는 빗발치듯 끊이지 않았다. 정조는 마침내 莊陵에 配食壇을 세워 이들을 한 자리에 모으는 대규모 작업을 치르기에 이르렀다. <육신전>과 <원생몽유록>은 이런 정치적 역정에서 문학의 힘을 통해 단종의 비극적인 죽음, 사육신의 의연한 충절, 그리고 비록 죽지는 않았지만 구차한 삶을 거부했던 남효온의 절의를 은밀하면서도 강력하게 환기시켜주었던 작품이다. 그리고 남효온에 비견되는 인물들도 속속 발굴․발견되기 시작했다. <원생몽유록> 결말에 이름을 올린 원호, 최덕지, 김시습, 황여일 등은 남효온과 같은 부류에 포함시켜야 마땅하다고 생각한 뒷사람들의 정치적 산물이다. 사대부들은 서사적 기록을 통해, 또는 꿈의 서사를 통해 자신의 사회 정치적 욕망을 은밀하면서도 강렬하게 드러내고 있었다. 16세기 서사문학은 이전부터 축적해온 문학적 감동을 날카롭게 벼려가면서 이처럼 민감한 정치현실에까지 깊숙이 개입하고 있었던 것이다.

고전소설의 주인공 <육신전>과 <원생몽유록> -충절의 인물과 기억서사의 정치학-

정출헌 ( Chul Heon Chung ) 한국고소설학회 2012 古小說 硏究 Vol.33 No.-

Chugang, Nam Hyo-On is commonly remembered as one of Saengyuksin, six loyal vassals because he wrote Yuksinjeon, which is the story of six vassals who were killed in plotting to restore King Danjong`s throne in revolt against King Sejo`s unjust usurpation. His intention was to pay a tribute to the subjects as figures of fidelity who were branded as traitors and killed in the process of restoration of former king Danjong`s throne. Sarim, who were confucian scholars seizing the political powers in the reign of king Seonjo, tried to continue Nam Hyo-On`s work in earnest. He established his own genealogy in the descent of Jeong Mong-Ju, Gil Jae, Kim Suk-Ja, Kim Jong-Jik, Jo Gwang-Jo, while he actively involved in practical work worth the name. That`s why he started to discover and reward the faithful living figures of fidelity as well as six dead subjects in restoration movement of king Danjong`s throne. The task was not easy but it came to fruition one after another. Sayuksin, six dead loyal subjects were reinstated and king Danjong restored his throne. Also Kim Si-Seup, Nam Hyo-On received honorable praise for their loyalty and Won Ho, Jo Ryeo who left the central government and retired to hermitage were rewarded. In the long run, Saengyuksin were brought forth to the world in parallel to Sayuksin. Nevertheless the tremendous demands of people requesting similar rewards never ceased. King Jeongjo finally established Baesikdan, distribution table, in Jangnyung, king Danjong`s tomb and could put together all those people`s names in one place. Yuksinjeon and Wonsengmongyurok were the works that strongly evoke the tragic death of king Danjong, unyielding fidelity of six dead subjects, the life of Nam Hyo-On who rejected compromising his integrity in the political turmoil through the power of literature. People who were comparable to Nam Hyo-On begin to be discovered one after another. People such as Won Ho, Choi Deok-Ji, Kim Si-Seup, Hwang Yeo-Il whose names were recorded in the final chapters of Wonsaengmongyurok are the political product of future generation who thought these people deserved to be included in the category of honorable names. Sadebu, confucian scholars strongly but secretly revealed their social, political desires through narrative documents and dream narratives. The sixteenth century narrative literature sharpened literary impression that was accumulated from old time and engaged in sensitive political realities in a very profound way.

김시습과 남효온, 추방된 비전과 굴원,초사 수용 -조선전기 정신사의 한 조망대로서-

김보경 ( Bo-kyeong Kim ) 동방한문학회 2016 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.67

This study identified the acceptance of Qu Yuan(屈原) and ChuCi(楚辭) by Kim Si-seup(金時習, 1435~1493) and Nam Hyo-on(南孝溫, 1454~1492) during the reign of Sejo(世祖) to Seongjong(成宗) from the perspectives of the expelled vision and response. The poetry and prose of the two people were written in a world where the vision of the Confucian country was expelled at a time of long and painful time of alienation. Their critical mind and acceptance of Qu Yuan and ChuCi had clear differences from the King and the bureaucratic writers. Kim Si-seup put the issue of Qu Yuan and ChuCi at the center of the literary controversy in full scale by realizing it using literature and expressing it with logic. He hovered around the outskirt of the crisis of the time but matched with Qu Yuan who constantly expressed his resentment and hope. The immediate equation beyond the time and space elicited strong emotional responses. They not only included the passive and introvert projection such as yearning, sorrow and regret but also expressed the willingness of action with periodical and social significance and suggested the logic of action. He made Qu Yuan as a faithful subjec(忠臣義士) who constantly raised problems against the social contradiction and a model of gansin (諫臣) who did his duty to deal with the Confucian visions. Nam Hyo-on shared the critical mind of Kim Si-seup, more fiercely confronted the world and exploded sharper hostility to the specific objects. This came from recognition of situation that social inconsistency is more intensifying rather than reduced. He symbolized Qu Yuan as dalin(達人) and positively recognized the afterlife. However, the afterlife is a compensatory analogy of the real world. That is the Confucian ideal society(儒家的 理想社會) established Lao-tzu(老莊)``s territory. In this regard, ‘dalin Qu Yuan’ of Nam Hyo-on and ‘gansin Qu Yuan’ of Kim Si-seup are the faces on the front and back sides in pair rather than two conflicting faces. Kim Si-seup and Nam Hyo-on raised problems of the unjust reality and struggled to recover the expelled vision of the Confucian country. Qu Yuan and ChuCi served as a literary passage. In particular, the two pioneered the new stage of literature that is differentiated from the bureaucratic writers by developing criticism and rebellion of Qu Yuan and ChuCi and realizing the tragic sense of beauty and vibrant aesthetic ideas. This is the special literary asset of the early Joseon Period that was created upon the critical mind and literary individuality of the two, driven by the characteristics of the era during the reign of Sejo to Seongjong(the world where the vision is expelled).