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      • KCI등재

        고려-몽골 관계사 연구 시각의 검토-고려-몽골 관계사에 대한 공시적, 통시적 접근-

        이익주 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.27

        By historians, the latter half of the 13th century, and the early half of the 14th, are usually referred to as the era in which the Koreans suffered Yuan empire’s intervention in Goryeo dynasty’s governing. Yuan empire allowed(or agreed to) the existence of the Goryeo state, so in order to acknowledge such fact, the term ‘intervention’ would be more appropriate than other words such as ‘ruling’ or ‘occupation’. Yet the nature of such term ‘intervention’ should be examined further, in terms of the relationship that was achieved between the Goryeo dynasty and the Yuan empire. In order to do that, in this article such relationship is viewed from both a historical view, and a periodic view. Most of the studies of the Goryeo-Mongol relationship have acknowledged the fact that Goryeo managed to retain a rather unique and even peculiar status inside the Mongol imperial order. It was basically because Goryeo was able to maintain its existence as a dynasty even in the face of the Mongolian empire, and what enabled Goryeo to do so had already been in place since the days when Goryeo negotiated peace with the Mongol troops. Because Goryeo continued to be a sovereign state, the relationship between Goryeo and Mongol should be construed as a relationship between sovereign states. And in that regard, I find it difficult to agree with either the old opinions that viewed Goryeo as a mere part(the Jeongdong Haengseong provincial government) of the Yuan empire, or the rather recent ones that view Goryeo as only a ‘feudal’ realm bestowed to the son-in-law of the Yuan emperor. Yet the matter of explaining the relationship between Goryeo and Mongol as an international one leaves one more issue to be addressed, and that is whether it would be possible to consider such relationship as a general form of a traditional tributary-appointment relationship that had always existed between Korea and China. And that issue is directly related to another cause, which urges us to review our past perspective that considered the history of Mongol as a mere part of a larger Chinese history, and not as its own. But at the same time, the ‘Yuan’ empire that was established by Emperor Qubilai featured distinct characteristics of a Chinese realm that we can easily recognize, and we should also remember the fact that the Goryeo people in the past always recognized their relationship with ‘Yuan’ as a traditional tributary-appointment relationship. So, we can say that the Goryeo-Mongol relationship was based upon a tributary-appointment relationship(which needed Goryeo to sustain its sovereign status), with a variation composed of periodic interventions which took the form of either marital engagements between the royal families of both states or Yuan’s blatant intervention in Goryeo politics. Some people might question the validity of recognizing the Goryeo-Mongol relationship as a traditional tributary-appointment relationship when there were also a variety of incidents reported in which Goryeo’s independence was either breached or damaged by Yuan’s initiatives. So in this article, other relationships between Korea and China that are now generally believed to have been tributary-appointment relationships, such as the Goguryeo-North Wi relationship of the 5th century, Silla-Dang relationship of the 7th and 8th centuries, Goryeo-Khitan relationship in the 10th and 11th centuries, and Joseon-Qing relationship of the 17th century, are examined to provide references. The results show that although tributary-appointment relationships displayed a wide range of diversity by cases, it should suffice to label a relationship so, when there were tributary actions and appointment procedures involved. We can define a tributary-appointment relationship as a relationship formed between (sovereign) states, which both realized and recognized the unequal nature of their relationship, and exchanged tributes and appointments with each other. And... By historians, the latter half of the 13th century, and the early half of the 14th, are usually referred to as the era in which the Koreans suffered Yuan empire’s intervention in Goryeo dynasty’s governing. Yuan empire allowed(or agreed to) the existence of the Goryeo state, so in order to acknowledge such fact, the term ‘intervention’ would be more appropriate than other words such as ‘ruling’ or ‘occupation’. Yet the nature of such term ‘intervention’ should be examined further, in terms of the relationship that was achieved between the Goryeo dynasty and the Yuan empire. In order to do that, in this article such relationship is viewed from both a historical view, and a periodic view. Most of the studies of the Goryeo-Mongol relationship have acknowledged the fact that Goryeo managed to retain a rather unique and even peculiar status inside the Mongol imperial order. It was basically because Goryeo was able to maintain its existence as a dynasty even in the face of the Mongolian empire, and what enabled Goryeo to do so had already been in place since the days when Goryeo negotiated peace with the Mongol troops. Because Goryeo continued to be a sovereign state, the relationship between Goryeo and Mongol should be construed as a relationship between sovereign states. And in that regard, I find it difficult to agree with either the old opinions that viewed Goryeo as a mere part(the Jeongdong Haengseong provincial government) of the Yuan empire, or the rather recent ones that view Goryeo as only a ‘feudal’ realm bestowed to the son-in-law of the Yuan emperor. Yet the matter of explaining the relationship between Goryeo and Mongol as an international one leaves one more issue to be addressed, and that is whether it would be possible to consider such relationship as a general form of a traditional tributary-appointment relationship that had always existed between Korea and China. And that issue is directly related to another cause, which urges us to review our past perspective that considered the history of Mongol as a mere part of a larger Chinese history, and not as its own. But at the same time, the ‘Yuan’ empire that was established by Emperor Qubilai featured distinct characteristics of a Chinese realm that we can easily recognize, and we should also remember the fact that the Goryeo people in the past always recognized their relationship with ‘Yuan’ as a traditional tributary-appointment relationship. So, we can say that the Goryeo-Mongol relationship was based upon a tributary-appointment relationship(which needed Goryeo to sustain its sovereign status), with a variation composed of periodic interventions which took the form of either marital engagements between the royal families of both states or Yuan’s blatant intervention in Goryeo politics. Some people might question the validity of recognizing the Goryeo-Mongol relationship as a traditional tributary-appointment relationship when there were also a variety of incidents reported in which Goryeo’s independence was either breached or damaged by Yuan’s initiatives. So in this article, other relationships between Korea and China that are now generally believed to have been tributary-appointment relationships, such as the Goguryeo-North Wi relationship of the 5th century, Silla-Dang relationship of the 7th and 8th centuries, Goryeo-Khitan relationship in the 10th and 11th centuries, and Joseon-Qing relationship of the 17th century, are examined to provide references. The results show that although tributary-appointment relationships displayed a wide range of diversity by cases, it should suffice to label a relationship so, when there were tributary actions and appointment procedures involved. We can define a tributary-appointment relationship as a relationship formed between (sovereign) states, which both realized and recognized the unequal nature of their relationship, and exchanged tributes and appointments with each other. And by ...

      • KCI등재

        몽골 복속기 고려국왕 위상의 한 측면 -忠烈~忠宣王代 重祚를 중심으로-

        이명미 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2013 동국사학 Vol.54 No.-

        During the Mongol Subjugation period, the status of Goryeo kingship changed. First, as the authority of the Mongol emperor established itself the highest one also inside Goryeo, the Goryeo king’s status as a ‘vassal(Je-hu, 諸侯)’ of the Mongol emperor became to have actual meaning even inside Goryeo. Second, in order to be installed as Goryeo king and maintain their kinship, Goryeo kings had to compete their rivals who obtained power through their ties with the Mongol emperor and the imperial family. This situation comes from the power structure of this period. The power came through various ‘relationship’ with the Mongol emperor and imperial family. The strength of power differed according to the stability and intimateness of such relationship, which includes not only inter-national but also inter-personal and inter-familial relationship. This power structure was established in the process of reinstatement of Weon-jong(元宗) in 1269. At this time, however, the Goryeo kings and governmental officials recognised only part of the structure. They clearly realized the whole power structure of the Mongol subjugation period and the status of Goryeo kingship under the power structure only after the dethronement and enthronement(Jung-jo, 重祚) of Chung’ryeol-wang and Chung’seon-wang(忠宣王) by the Mongol emperor in 1298. After this incident, Chung’ryeol-wang lost his position as the highest authority in Goryeo, due to Chung’seon-wang’s emergence as a powerful contender and the Mongol emperor’s actual authority in Goryeo. This Change of the Goryeo king’s status and the whole realization of it strongly influenced the Goryeo kings’ and governmental officials’ future political choices. 몽골과의 관계 속에서 고려국왕의 위상은 변화했다. 첫째, 이전 시기 외교적 질서 상에서만 상위 권위로 존재하던 황제권이 고려 내에서도 실질적 의미를 갖게 되면서, 고려국왕의 諸侯로서의 위상이 고려 내에서도 현실적 의미를 갖게 되었다. 둘째, 고려국왕은 몽골 황제권과의 관계를 통해 권력을 부여받은 다른 권력주체들과의 경쟁관계에서도 제약받게 되었다. 이러한 국왕 위상의 변화는 몽골황제권이 정점에 존재하는 가운데 몽골 황제권과의 다양한 ‘관계들’을 통해, 그 관계의 공고함과 긴밀함의 정도에 따라 권력이 부여되는 몽골 복속기 권력구조에 기인한 것이었다. 이러한 ‘관계들’에는 고려국왕이 ‘국왕’으로서 몽골황제의 ‘책봉’을 받는다는, 국가간 관계에서 파생된 관계도 포함되지만, 그와 함께 몽골황제, 황실이 다른 정치단위의 수장 및 그 지배가문들과 형성했던 개인 간․가문 간 관계 역시 중요한 비중을 차지하고 있었다. 동아시아적 관계 요소의 변화와 몽골적 관계 요소의 개입으로 형성된 몽골 복속기 권력구조와 그 안에서의 고려국왕 위상에 대해 고려국왕과 신료들이 분명하게 인식하게 된 것은 충렬-충선왕대 重祚의 과정을 통해서였다. 重祚를 통한 몽골 복속기 권력구조와 국왕 위상에 대한 인식은 이후 고려 국왕과 신료들의 정치행태에 영향을 미쳤다. 국왕의 몽골 황제의 제후로서의 위상이 실질화하고, 몽골 황제권과의 관계를 통해 권력 중추가 이원화하는 권력구조 아래에서 고려 신료들은 현왕과 전왕, 혹은 황제권을 중심으로 결집하며 분열했다. 국왕들 역시 변화한 권력구조 속에서 자신의 권력을 유지하기 위해 끊임없이 정치활동을 해야 하는 상황에 놓이게 되었다. 중조 이후 고려국왕과 신료들의 정치방식에서 보이는 변화상들은 복합적 고려-몽골 관계 속에서 형성된 몽골 복속기 권력구조와 고려 국왕 위상의 변화를 잘 보여주며, 동시에 이러한 변화를 고려 국왕과 신료들이 충분히 인식하고 있었음을 보여준다.

      • 려몽관계(麗蒙關係)의 추이(推移)와 고려(高麗)의 역법운용(曆法運用)

        서은혜 ( Sur Eonheai ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2017 韓國史論 Vol.63 No.-

        This study analyzed the operation and its change of mathematical astronomy(曆法) of Goryeo by observing the development of relationship between Goryeo and Mongol. Since 1260, when the investiture relationship(冊封關係) had been formed between Goryeo and Mongol, Mongol annually conferred the annual calendar on Goryeo. The conferment of the calendar usually was enacted by Goryeo`s envoys who were to return to Goryeo after completing their mission. The calendar was arrived in Goryeo between november to next february and was conferred to the king of Goryeo, the monarch of the vassal state. Judging from these process, it is thought that Mongol had regarded the conferment of calender on Goryo as one of essential rituals accompanied by the investiture relationship. In November 1280, Mongol promulgated Shoushili(授時曆, Season Granting System). King Chun`ryeol-wang(忠烈王) decided to ban the presenting of the Dongjiwonjeongli(冬至元正曆), the annual calendar compiled by Goryeo astronomers. Following two occasions are considered as the reason that Chun`ryeol-wang had given such an order. First, planetary observations were carried out over the whole region of Mongol, especially in the Qa`an Ulus, in the process of making Shoushili. Goryeo was pointed out as a east-end place of the region. Second, king of Goryo became `Jeongdong Haengseong Provincial Governor(征東行省丞相) Son-in-Law [of the Emperor](駙馬) the Goryeo King(高麗國王)` and gained qualifications as a member of Mongol Imperial Family as well as a bureaucrat of Mongol court. Chung`ryeol-wang forbade the official ceremony of presenting the annual calendar held on Dongji(冬至), the winter solstice. However, in Goryeo, the annual calendar was compiled just as before. King Chung`seon-wang(忠宣王) ascended the throne for the second time in 1280. From 1303 to 1304, while King Chung`seon-wang had served in the Mongol court, he let Choi Seongji(崔誠之) learn Shoushili. After being reinstated, he appointed Choi Seongji as a Seo`un-Jejeom(書雲提點), who was in charge of astronomical office. Since then, shoushili was implemented in Goryeo. It was the first remarkable astronomical reform in Goryeo. This noteworthy event could be realized by the deepened relationship between Goryeo and Mongol. Chung`seon-wang tried to make reforms in various aspects in order to adapt Goryeo`s system to Mongol standard. One of the most well known trials was the modification of the structure of the government. In this study, It is suggested that the astronimical reform to Shoushili was a part of those trials.

      • KCI등재

        恭愍王代후반 親明정책의 한 배경

        이명미(Myungmi, Lee) 한국사학회 2014 史學硏究 Vol.- No.113

        고려-몽골 관계 및 그에 기반한 권력구조는 공민왕 5년 개혁을 계기로 많은 변화를 보인 가운데에도 그 여파를 남기고 있었으며, 이는 공민왕대 후반 친명정책의 한 배경으로 작용했다. 공민왕은 동왕 5년의 개혁을 마무리하면서 몽골에 요구한 사안들 가운데 한 가지인 ‘덕흥군 송환의 청’을 통해 ‘현재’ 자신의 국왕권에 위협이 되고 있던 기철세력을 자의적으로 주살한 것을 넘어 향후 국왕위와 관련해 또 다른 권력주체로서 문제를 발생시킬 가능성을 갖고 있던 인물의 신병까지 스스로 장악하고자 했다. 이는 현실정치적인 면에서 몽골 황제권이 실질적 최고권이 되는 관계 및 구조를 청산하려는 요구였다. 몽골은 덕흥군을 송환하지 않았으며, 이는 고려-몽골 관계 및 권력구조가 온전히 청산되지 못했음을 보여준다. 몽골과의 관계 및 그에 내재한 몽골 복속기 권력구조의 여파는 공민왕 11년 기황후 세력의 폐위시도를 통해 현실적인 가능성으로 공민왕에 의해 재인식되었다. 공민왕 폐위시도는 무위로 돌아갔지만, 이때의 경험을 통해 공민왕은 몽골이 ‘책봉국’이 되는 관계는 언제든 여건이 되면 동아시아적 관계의 요소와 몽골적 관계의 요소가 유기적으로 연결되어 있던 동왕 5년 이전의 고려-몽골 관계로 전환이 가능하다는 사실을 보다 적극적으로 의식하게 되었던 것으로 보인다. 또한 공민왕은 이 사건을 통해 자신의 후사가 없는 상황에서 몽골과 연계되어 있던 瀋王의 존재 의미를 재인식하게 되었다. 공민왕의 신료들에 대한 장악력 또한 확고하지 못한 가운데 대안이 없는 상황에서 유지되고 있던 ‘몽골’과의 관계는 언제든 그의 존립을 위협할 수 있는 것이었다. 공민왕이 동왕 17년(1368) 明의 大都점령 이후 몽골과의 관계 단절 및 명과의 관계 형성에 다소 강박적인 모습을 보였던 것은 여러 가지 현실적인 상황에 대한 고려와 함께 ‘과거’ 몽골과의 관계 및 권력구조에 대한 기억 및 그 관계의 여파가(내부적 상황) ‘현재’의 몽골과의 관계를 통해 공민왕을 압박한 결과물이었다고 생각된다. The Goryeo - Mongol relationship and the power structure based on it went through many changes due to the reform in 1356 and left their aftereffects, which worked as a background for the Ming - friendly policies during the latter days of King Gongmin(恭愍王)"s reign. King Gongmin wrapped up his reform in 1356, trying to abolish the Ki Cheol(奇轍) force that was threatening his "current" royal authority and further dominate the recruits of those who had the potential to cause problems as other subjects of power in relation to royal authority in future by making a "request for Deokheunggun(德興君)"s repatriation" among his many requests to the Mongol empire. It was his request to be done with the relationship and structure in which the imperial authority of the Mongol empire would become the supreme power in practice in the aspect of real politics. Mongol, however, did not send back Deokheunggun to Goryeo, which indicates that the Goryeo - Mongol relationships and power structure were not completely settled. The aftermath of Goryeo"s relationships with the Mongol empire and the power structure inherent in them during the Mongol subjection period was perceived as a realistic possibility again by King Gongmin through the attempt to dethrone him by Empress Ki in 1362. The experience made him realize more actively that the relationship in which the Mongol empire would become an "investiture country" could turn into the Goryeo - Mongol relationship before the 5th year of King Gongmin"s reign, in which the East Asian relationship elements and Mongolian relationship elements were connected to each other more organically, anytime when the required conditions were met. King Gongmin severed Goryeo"s relationships with the Mongol and showed rather obsessive aspects to form a relationship with Ming after Ming"s conquest of Daedo(大都) in the 17th year of his reign(1368). This is partially because he took into account various realistic situations and partially because the memory and their aftermath(internal situations) of Goryeo - Mongol relationships and power structure in the "past" pressed him through the "current" relationships with the Mongol.

      • KCI우수등재

        奇皇后세력의 恭愍王 폐위시도와 高麗國王權

        李命美(Lee Myung-mi) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.206

        For total of three times, since 1356 through 1365, the Queen Gi faction of the Mongol Yuan empire tried to enthrone the Crown Prince, the son of Queen Gi, while the emperor was still in throne. Such attempt was made in the first place for the unstability of the Crown Prince's status, which is due to his mother Queen Gi's humble origin. In forming relationships with other political factions, the Mongol used to create relationships either as states or tribes, but also as 'families' as well. The relationship with the ruling family was very important and creating bonds based upon marital relationships was one of such practices. So was the relationship between Mongol and Goryeo, and here, parties that were directly involved were the Mongol imperial family and the Goryeo royal family. The relationship was only arranged in a single direction, as Mongol females married the Goryeo kings, and not vice versa. Queen Gi was from Goryeo, but from a family that was not the Goryeo royal family and certainly not a representative one inside Goryeo which could allow exceptional consideration in marriage arrangements at all. In the midst of Queen Gi faction's aforementioned attempts of replacing the Yuan emperor with his and the Queen's own son, and therefore enforcing the crown prince's status, the attempt to dethrone King Gong-min-wang took place. It seems that it was part of Queen Gi and the crown prince's intention to boost their own family status inside Goryeo by doing so, and ultimately create a more suitable environment for their gaining of more power. Queen Gi faction's attempt to remove Gongmin-wang was executed a little bit differently from Yuan's other earlier attempts. And such attempt proceeded differently even from prior examples of the Khan's replacing of other regional leaders. Such events seem to have been the result of the changed nature of the Goryeo-Yuan relationship, established since Gongmin-wang's reforms of 1356, and also because of the political interest of the Gi family. The Gi family, unlike other Yuan entities, was able to either directly access or deeply engage political situations going on inside Goryeo, and their intervention in the process of determining the Goryeo king had to have different implications than other impacts that would have been caused by the Yuan government's interventions. The Goryeo people knew that the threat upon Gongmin-wang's throne was representing the political interest of the Gi family, and we can see that from Gi Sambono, a family nephew of Queen Gi, named crown prince to Deokheung-gun, the 'new king of Goryeo'. Deokheung-gun was Yuan's supposed choice to replace Gongmin-wang, but it seems that the real choice was Gi Sambono. It should be noted that the Queen Gi faction was trying to enthrone a person not from 'Wang' family of the Goryeo dynasty. Political confusions inside the Yuan government surely inspired the Gi faction to mount such an attempt, yet at the same time, the perspective of the Mongol, which did not view the relationship between Wang family and the Goryeo royal family as 'in-separable', must have strongly encouraged the Gi family members to do so as well, They believed that a family other than Wang family could very well assume the status of the Goryeo royal family. The Goryeo vassals took sides between king Gongmin-wang and the Deokheung-gun/Gi Sambono party, based upon their own political in-terests. And it seems like they did not view the choices made by either themselves or members of the other side as choices made between 'just pursuit' and 'unjust pursuit'. They were basing their choices mostly upon geo-political elements, and their own judgements whether an unprecedented application of the Mongol order in Goryeo could succeed or not in the wakes of a changed Mongol-Goryeo relationship. In 1362, the presence of the crown prince Gi Sambono reflected the weakened status of not only king Gongmin-wang but also the entire Goryeo royal family, of wh

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        몽골 복속기 권력구조의 성립

        이명미(Lee, Myung mi) 한국사연구회 2013 한국사연구 Vol.162 No.-

        Even after the fall of the Choi House’s Military regime in 1258, Goryeo king was without full control of the military, politics and government officials. And after the peace appointment with Mongol in 1259, Goryeo leaders assumed that the relationship with the Mongols would be no different from the ones that the Goryeo had with other Chinese-based dynasties, which is tributary-appointment relationship. In that relationship, the emperor would not interfere in Goryeo affairs. In this condition, Im yeon(林衍, ?~1270) dethroned the sitting king Won-jong(元宗, 1259~1274) in 1269. The Mongols, who assumed that the relationship with Goryeo was similar to subjection relationship in their experience, accepted the dethronement as a rebellion against the Mongol emperor, intervened actively and reinstated Won-jong. Through this process, the power structure of Mongol Subjugation period was established. In this power structure, the king with the Mongol emperor’s power and authority became the sole center of Goryeo governance once again. With the change, however, the emperor’s authority that had been valid almost only in diplomatic terms before became to have actual power ‘in’ Goryeo, and the Goryeo kings’ status as vassals of the emperor also became practical ‘in’ Goryeo. In the power structure with the Mongol emperor’s authority on top, the power went along with the relations and the stability and closeness of the relations with the Mongol emperor and the imperial family. Now the Goryeo kings had to make efforts to intensify their personal and familial ties with the Mongols, and used those ties to maintain their kingship and the control over the government.

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        고려 원종대의 수군 재정비

        이창섭 한국중세사학회 2019 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.57

        During Goryeo-Mongol war, Goryeo naval forces defended against Mongolian military that had threatened several islands including Ganghwa Island which was temporary capital during evacuation, and protected its sea routes. Thanks to it, Goryeo could engage in prolonged war against Mongol. However, Goryeo could not withstand the Mongol’s attack which lasted for about 30 years and concluded peace treaty under unfavorable conditions. Then when it tried to return to the original capital, Gaegyeong, Sambyeolcho(three carefully selected crack troops) caused a revolt. As a number of warships and naval forces took sides with Sambyeolcho then, Goryeo naval force’s military strength significantly decreased. Before long, Goryeo naval force recovered the numbers of warships and troops to a certain degree, but they were recovered only as much as Mongol needed and according to the demands of Mongol rather than Goryeo military’s needs. Mongol, which had been greatly hindered in the execution of operation during the Goryeo-Mongol war due to the outstanding performance of Goryeo naval force, directly controlled the reconstruction of Goryeo naval force. While it was preparing for the suppression of Sambyeolcho and the first expedition to Japan, it asked Goryeo government to provide a large number of warships and naval forces to the extent that Goryeo could not afford it. It was difficult for Goryeo to meet Mongol’s excessive demand because it could not fully restore the ravages of Goryeo-Mongol war. However, Goryeo could not reject the demand of Mongol because it intended not to stimulate Mongol which was worried that Goryeo could betray, move the capital back to Ganghwa Island and resist Mongol again. Naval force was positively necessary to move the capital to Ganghwa Island and protect it. Therefore, if Goryeo did not satisfy the Mongol's demand to provide warships and naval forces, Mongol could have suspected that Goryeo would preserve its naval force's power to fight against Mongol. So Goryeo made Mongol trust Goryeo by providing warships and naval forces as required by Mongol. Since the Goryeo naval forces reconstructed by the demand of Mongol and provided to Mongol was under Mongolian control, it did not affect the strengthening of Goryeo military later on.

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        공간과 자료의 경계를 넘어 새로운 길로 들어선 고려사 연구

        문경호 한국사연구회 2023 한국사연구 Vol.- No.200

        Since the 2000s, historical research in the Goryeo Dynasty has shown various changes, such as the diversification of topics and the introduction of new attempts in terms of subjects and methods. As Goryeosa and Goryeosajeolyo, collections of scholars, Chinese librarians, epigraphs, etc. were made into a DB, the research results were expanded quantitatively and also intensified qualitatively. In this article, the core of such change was identified as the expansion of research on foreign relations, especially Goryeo-Mongolia relations, and the encounter between archeology (underwater archeology) and history, and tried to examine the research results of the two fields. The study of Goryeo-Mongolia diplomatic relationship paid attention to how the discussion on how the frame of understanding Goryeo-Mongol relationship changed, departing from previous studies that paid attention to war history, political changes, and anti-Yuan policy. Perspectives on why Goryeo was able to maintain its state even under Mongol rule include the Sejoguje theory, the Tuharyeong theory, and the Qa’an Ulus naesokguk theory. If the Sejoguje theory focuses on the relationship between Goryeo and Mongolia, the Tuharyeong theory and the Qa’an Ulus naesokguk theory correspond to the perspective of understanding the special relationship between Goryeo and Mongolia from the macroscopic point of view of the history of the Great Mongol Empire. Studies focusing on Yeo-mong diplomacy and the exchange of state letters correspond to analyzes of the differences in Mongol diplomacy with Song, Khitan, and Jin, which Goryeo had previously had a tributary-installation relationship with. The two fields may seem different at first glance, but they are in the same context in the big picture. Underwater archeology is the study of the era and life of the time based on artifacts excavated from the sea. Most of the vessels and pottery recently excavated from the Southwest Sea are relics from the Goryeo Dynasty. Among them, the most noteworthy was the wooden tablet that came out with the ship. Wooden tablets from the Goryeo Dynasty contain important clues about the origin and recipient of cargo. In this article, the results of research on wooden tablets and cargoes are introduced, and at the same time, the meaning of the term 'Jae-gyeong', which has not been carefully looked at by researchers, is deciphered to mean a view of selfishness or origin. Also, it was noted that many of the ships were sunk during the military regime. More research is needed to find out whether it was a special supply of more goods during the military regime, whether there was a change in sea level due to climate change, or whether there was a lot of deliberate sinking. It seems natural that research topics and methods change according to the changes and demands of the times. Research on Goryeo history has been limited in many ways due to the limitations of historical sources. In this regard, it can be said that the recent attempts to converge with neighboring studies, use data from neighboring countries, and diversify methods are noteworthy changes. These changes and new attempts are expected to serve as an opportunity to expand and deepen the foundation of Goryeo history research. 2000년대 이후 고려시대 역사 연구는 주제가 다양화되고, 대상이나 방법면에서도 새로운 시도가 도입되는 등 여러 가지 변화를 보이고 있다. 고려사와 고려사절요를 비롯하여 학자들의 문집, 중국의 사서, 금석문 등이 DB화되면서 연구성과가 양적으로 확대되고, 질적으로도 심화되었다. 이 글에서는 그러한 변화의 핵심을 대외관계 특히 고려-몽골 관계에 관한 연구의 확대와 고고학(수중고고학)과 역사학의 조우로 파악하고, 두 분야의 연구성과를 살피고자 하였다. 고려-몽골 외교 관계 연구는 전쟁사, 정치적인 변화, 반원정책 등에 주목했던 종전의 연구에서 벗어나 고려-몽골 관계를 이해하는 틀이 어떻게 변화했는지에 관한 논의가 어떻게 전개되었는지에 주목하였다. 고려가 몽골의 지배 하에서도 국가를 유지할 수 있었던 이유에 대한 시각은 세조구제설, 투하령설, 카안 울루스 내속국론 등이 있다. 세조구제설이 고려와 몽골 양국의 관계에 집중한 시각이라면 투하령설이나 내속국론 등은 대몽골제국의 역사라는 거시적 관점에서 고려와 몽골 관계의 특수한 관계를 이해한 시각에 해당한다. 여몽 외교와 국서 교환에 주목한 연구들도 고려가 이전에 조공-책봉 관계를 맺었던 송, 거란, 금 등과 몽골의 외교에 어떤 차이가 있었는지 분석한 것에 해당한다. 두 분야는 얼핏 다른 것 같지만 큰 시각에서는 같은 맥락에 있다. 수중고고학은 바닷 속에서 출수된 유물을 토대로 당대의 시대상과 생활상을 연구하는 학문이다. 최근 서남해 일대에서 출수된 선박과 도자기 등은 대부분이 고려시대의 유물이다. 그 중에서도 가장 큰 주목을 받은 것은 선박과 함께 출수된 목간이다. 고려시대 목간은 화물의 발송지와 수취인에 대한 중요한 단서를 담고 있다. 이 글에서는 목간과 화물에 대한 연구성과를 소개함과 동시에 그간 연구자들이 주의깊게 보지 않았던 ‘재경(在京)’이라는 용어가 갖는 의미를 사심관이나 기인을 의미하는 것으로 해독하였다. 또한, 선박들의 다수가 무신정권기에 침몰한 것이라는 점도 주목하였다. 그것이 무신정권기에 특별히 더 많은 물자가 상납되었던 것인지, 기후 변화로 해수면의 변화가 있었던 것인지, 고의 침몰이 많았던 것인지에 대해서는 좀 더 연구가 필요하다. 시대의 변화와 요구에 따라 연구 주제와 방법이 변화하는 것은 당연한 이치라고 생각된다. 고려사 연구는 사료의 한계로 그동안 여러 가지 면에서 제약이 있었다. 그런 점에서 최근에 인접 학문과의 융합, 인근 국가의 자료 활용, 방법의 다양화 등이 시도되고 있는 점은 주목할 만한 변화라고 할 수 있다. 이러한 변화와 새로운 시도들이 고려사 연구의 기반을 확장하고, 심화하는 계기가 되리라 기대한다.

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        연구논문 : 몽골 복속기 고려국왕 위상의 한 측면 -충렬(忠烈)~충선왕대(忠宣王代) 중조(重祚)를 중심으로-

        이명미 ( Myung Mi Lee ) 동국사학회 2013 동국사학 Vol.54 No.-

        몽골과의 관계 속에서 고려국왕의 위상은 변화했다. 첫째, 이전 시기 외교적 질서 상에서만 상위 권위로 존재하던 황제권이 고려 내에서도 현실적 의미를 갖게 되었다. 둘째, 고려국왕은 몽골 황제권과의 관계를 통해 권력을 부여받은 다른 권력주체들과의 경쟁관계에서도 제약받게 되었다. 이러한 국왕 위상의 변화는 몽골황제권이 정점에 존재하는 가운데 몽골황제권과의 다양한 ``관계들``을 통해, 그 관계의 공고함과 긴밀함의 정도에 따라 권력이 부여되는 몽골 복속기 권력구조에 기인한 것이었다. 이러한 ``관계들``에는 고려국왕이 ``국왕``으로서 몽골황제의 ``책봉``을 받는다는, 국가간 관계에서 파생된 관계도 포함되지만, 그와 함께 몽골황제, 황실이 다른 정치단위의 수장 및 그 지배가문들과 형성했던 개인 간·가문 간 관계 역시 중요한 비중을 차지하고 있었다. 동아시아적 관계 요소의 변화와 몽골적 관계 요소의 개입으로 형성된 몽골 복속기 권력구조와 그 안에서의 고려국왕 위상에 대해 고려국왕과 신료들이 분명하게 인식하게 된 것은 충렬-충선왕대 重祚의 과정을 통해서였다. 重祚를 통한 몽골 복속기 권력구조와 국왕 위상에 대한 인식은 이후 고려국왕과 신료들의 정치행태에 영향을 미쳤다. 국왕의 몽골 황제의 제후로서의 위상이 실질화하고, 몽골 황제권과의 관계를 통해 권력 중추가 이원화하는 권력구조 아래에서 고려 신료들은 현왕과 전왕, 혹은 황제권을 중심으로 결집하며 분열했다. 국왕들 역시 변화한 권력구조 속에서 자신의 권력을 유지하기 위해 끊임없이 정치활동을 해야 하는 상황에 놓이게 되었다. 중조 이후 고려국왕과 신료들의 정치방식에서 보이는 변화상들은 복합적 고려-몽골 관계 속에서 형성된 몽골 복속기 권력구조와 고려 국왕 위상의 변화를 잘 보여주며, 동시에 이러한 변화를 고려 국왕과 신료들이 충분히 인식하고 있었음을 보여준다. During the Mongol Subjugation period, the status of Goryeo kingship changed. First, as the authority of the Mongol emperor established itself the highest one also inside Goryeo, the Goryeo king`s status as a ``vassal(Je-hu, 諸侯)’ of the Mongol emperor became to have actual meaning even inside Goryeo. Secod, in order to be installed as Goryeo king and maintain their kinship, Goryeo kings had to compete their rivals who obtained power through their ties with the Mongol emperor and the imperial family. This situation comes from the power structure of this period. The power came through warious ``relationship`` with the Mongol emperor and imperial family. The strength of power differed according to the stability and intimateness of such relationship, which includes not only inter-national but also inter-personal and inter-familial relationship. This power structure was established in the process of reinstatement of Weon-jong(元 宗) in 1269. At this time, however, the Goryeo kings and governmental officials recognized only part of the structure. They clearly realized the whole power structure of the Mongol subjugation period and the status of Goryeo kingship under the power structure only after the dethronement and enthronement(Jung-jo, 重祚) od Chung`ryeol-wang and Chung`seon-wang(忠宣王) by the Mongol emperor in 1298. After this incident, Chung`ryeol-wang lost his position as the highest authority in Goryeo, due to Chung`seon-wang`s emergence as a powerful contender and the Mongol emperor`s actual authority in Goryeo. This Change of the Goryeo king`s status and the whole realization of it strongly influenced the Goryeo kings` and governmental officials` future political choices.

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        고려-몽골 관계 깊이 보기 - 「乞比色目表」와 「請同色目表」 -

        이명미 한국역사교육학회 2020 역사교육연구 Vol.- No.37

        Yi Je hyeon and An Chuk's writing ‘Treat Goryeo as Saekmok(乞比色目表/請同色目表)’ can be utilized for class as a deep study material on the part of “Reform of the King Gongmin(恭愍王)” in the textbook “Korean History” for high school. Using these materials, we can deeply understand the Goryeo Mongol relationship and the power structure of Goryeo based on it, and look at the perceptions of the Goryeo kings and their subjects on it. This has two main meanings in terms of history education. 1st. Regarding the criteria for writing “History” (2015 revision) of middle school that avoids “differential structure” in the descriptions of international relations, we can understand the Goryeo Mongol relationship and the political situation at that time beyond the dichotomous structure of “intervention and resistance.” 2nd. This helps to understand the two important issues of the Korean history curriculum in relation to the history of the late Goryeo Dynasty. In other words, it is a question of how the unprecedentedly active exchange of culture, which enabled the introduction of Neo Confucianism amid the conflict between Won's interference in internal affairs, took place. As shown in this document, Goryeo officials raised questions about the problem with the Mongol empire denying the identity of Goryeo and demanded correction. In addition, as also shown in the two documents, they were fully aware of the power structure of Goryeo, where the Mongol emperor's power was at its peak and power was given through the relationship with him, and utilized it in their respective situations. The same was true of the Goryeo kings. In other words, the Goryeo people valued the identity of the unit, but did not deny the existence and authority of Mongolia, which existed at the top. The Mongol empire's exercise of political influence on Goryeo and active human exchanges between the two countries are understandable in this structure and awareness. 1340년경에 이제현과 안축이 지은 「乞比色目表」와 「請同色目表」는 고려 몽골 관계 및 그와 연동된 고려의 권력구조를 깊이 있게 이해하고 그에 대한 고려국왕 및 신료들의 인식을 살펴보는 데에 도움을 준다. 고등학교 『한국사』 교과서의 고려후기 관련 단원 내 ‘공민왕의 개혁’에 대한 내용 부분에서 이 자료들을 심화학습자료로 활용할 수 있다. 두 자료를 통한 심화학습은 역사교육의 측면에서 볼 때 크게 두 가지 의미를 갖는다. 첫째, 국제관계사 서술에서 ‘이분법적 구도’를 지양하는 중학교 『역사』 집필기준(2015 개정)에 부합하여, 고려 몽골 관계 및 당시의 정치적 상황을 ‘간섭과 저항’이라는 이분법적 구도에서 벗어나서 이해할 수 있도록 한다. 둘째, 고려후기의 역사상과 관련하여 한국사 교육과정이 중요하게 다루고 있는 두 가지 문제를 계기적으로 이해하는 것을 도울 수 있다. 즉 원의 고려 내정 간섭이 이루어지는 갈등적 관계 속에서 성리학의 도입을 가능하게 했던 고려 원 간 활발한 문물의 교류는 어떻게 이루어졌던 것인가의 문제이다. 「걸비색목표」와 「청동색목표」에서 보이듯, 고려의 신료들은 몽골과의 관계가 고려의 정체성 혹은 국체를 부정하는 문제에 대해서는 문제를 제기하며 시정을 요구하였다. 그러나 역시 두 사료에서 보이듯, 이 시기 고려의 신료들은 몽골황제권이 정점이 되고 그와의 관계를 통해서 권력이 부여되는 고려의 권력구조에 대해서는 충분히 인지하고 각자의 상황에서 이를 활용하였다. 이는 고려국왕의 경우도 마찬가지였다. 즉 당시 고려인들은 고려라는 단위의 정체성을 중요시하면서도 그 상위에 존재하는 원, 몽골의 존재와 권위 역시 부정하지 않았던 것이다. 원 간섭기 원의 고려에 대한 정치적 영향력 행사와 양국 간의 활발한 인적 교류는 이러한 구조와 인식 속에서 이해할 수 있다.

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