의회선거 투표율에 대한 대통령선거제도의 영향력 분석

안용흔(Yong Heun AN) 21세기정치학회 2010 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.20 No.3

This paper makes an effort to explain the variations in the turnout-rate of legislative elections in newly democratized countries by paying attention to the presidential electoral system, an institutional variable which has not drawn attention from previous studies on the turnout-rate of legislative elections. To perform this task, this paper builds a new hypothesis that the run-off system, a presidential electoral system, exerts influence on the turnout-rate of legislative elections, and tests it by conducting a panel analysis. Previous works, which have tried to shed light on the political effect of factors regarding presidential elections on legislative elections under the presidential system, entailed the studies on the presidential coattail effects and the political effect of presidential electoral system on the formation of the legislative political party system. Adopting the logic of the previous studies, this paper presents an argument that the political significance of legislative elections depends on the type of the presidential electoral system, e.g., the run-off system, and that voters' voting participation in legislative elections varies with that of the presidential electoral system. The panel analysis of this paper empirically proves that the presence of the run-off system, one of the presidential electoral systems, has statistical and substantial effects on the turnout-rate of legislative elections.

네트워크 정치와 헌법정치: SNS 선거규제 입법평가 모델의 시론적 구성

심우민 법과사회이론학회 2011 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.41

As using of SNS with purpose for election has increased recently, argument on restrictions to regulate SNS in election has become the main topic of discussion. The most trend of all on this issue tends to focus on political contention rather than concrete and definite argument. A way of reconstruction of this repeated pattern can be made through establishing Legislative Evaluation Model for electoral regulations which applies to SNS. The preliminary idea of this model will be provided in this article. The importance of SNS as communicative tool is able to be revealed by Bruce Ackermann’s theories on “constitutional politics” and “normal politics”. Constitutional politics is an exceptional circumstance in which new order is established. As in founding a country or revolution, all-round issues on governing would be under debate in constitutional politics. On the other hand, normal politics is politics based on an entrenched existing constitutional order. According to this division, During the period of constitutional politics, some values are excluded to integrate differences Therefore, the gulf between constitutional politics and normal politics should be reduced. Roberto Unger is one of scholars who insist reducing the gap. In this respect SNS can be regarded as phenomenalized technique to minimize the gap. It is said, however, that election law in Korea hinders the utility of SNS in the perspective above. Legislative Evaluation Model will investigate whether the law make the SNS shrunk in reality. Because there is no well formulated system for legislative evaluation in Korea, this paper tries to construct a legislation evaluation model for regulatory provisions related to SNS in the context of election. To heighten an awareness on limitation of Positivism should be premised in methodological aspect. Along with this, an introduction of constitutional and normative perspective will enlighten the discussion. Furthermore, features of SNS which consist of networks should be reflected in the model. In other words, the legislative evaluation model should include the regulative characteristics of network. In the latter half, a model to assess regulations related to SNS with electoral issues will be suggested. The model is composed of subject-setting for legislative evaluation, confirmation on constitutional and normal aspect, framing hypothesis, hypothesis evaluation, and suggestion for legislative argumentation. This flow of evaluation could instigate arguments on revision of the election law. Detailed example of results in accordance with legislative evaluation model in this article will be presented in other follow-up studies.

지방선거에서 청년 세대의 대표성 제고 방안연구: 지방의회의 입법 활동성을 중심으로

정다빈,이재묵 동국대학교 사회과학연구원 2018 사회과학연구 Vol.25 No.1

The emergence of a youth generation as a political leader around the globe has attracted the attention of voters who were distrustful of established politics and the need for youth politicians in Korean politics. The youthful wind blowing into the political circles is highly likely to be projected in the 7th local elections, and it is necessary to raise political representation of the youth through 7th local elections. This study examines the current state of youth generation in local elections and finds out whether young politicians influence positive effects in the local council. According to the results of the analysis, the local council has been continuously aging and it has been difficult to find youth politicians in the local councils. In addition, the rate of youth who are running for local elections is decreasing and the rate of youth elected as politicians is also falling. However, as the age of the local councils lowered, the legislative activity became more higher. If legislative activity is active, it will naturally enhance the activity of local councils. Thus, in order to revitalize the local councils and local politics, the local councils should be youthful, and the local elections should show that many youth people need to enter the local politics. Based on the results of this study, it suggests various measures such as youth quota system through proportional representation, active participation of youth generation in the party, and improvement of the perception of youth politicians. Moreover, these measures will improve the representation of youth generation in the upcoming 7th local elections. 전 세계적으로 정치리더로서 청년 세대의 등장은 기성정치에 불신을 갖고 있던 유권자들 의 이목을 집중시켰으며, 한국 정치에서 청년 정치인의 필요성을 대두시키고 있다. 특히 제7 회 지방선거를 앞둔 현 시점에서, 지방선거를 통해 청년의 정치적 대표성을 제고할 필요가 있다. 이에 따라 본 연구는 지방선거에서 청년 세대의 현황을 알아보고, 청년 정치인이 지방 의회에 긍정적인 영향을 미치는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 분석 결과에 따르면 지방의회는 지속 적으로 고령화되고 있는 추세이며, 원내에서 청년 정치인을 찾아보는 것은 어려운 실정이었 다. 또한 지방선거에 출마하는 청년의 비율은 감소하고 정치인으로 당선된 청년의 비율도 마찬가지로 저하되고 있으나, 지방의회의 연령이 낮아질수록 입법 활동성은 높아지는 것으 로 나타났다. 입법 활동이 활발해지면 지방의회의 활동성을 높일 수 있을 것이며, 이는 지방 의회의 활성화를 넘어 풀뿌리 민주주의의 공고화로 이어지게 될 가능성이 있다. 따라서 지 방의회와 지방정치를 활성화시키기 위해서는 지방의회의 청년화가 이루어져야하며, 지방선 거를 통해 다수의 청년들이 지방정치로 입문해야 할 필요성이 있음을 확인하였다. 이러한 연구 결과에 근거하여 비례대표를 통한 청년할당제, 정당 내에서 청년의 활발한 참여, 그리 고 청년 정치인에 대한 인식 개선 등과 같은 방안을 제시하고 이를 통해 다가오는 지방선거 에서 청년의 대표성을 제고할 수 있을 것이라 본다.

사전선거운동금지조항의 위헌성 : 실제 사례를 중심으로

김래영 단국대학교법학연구소 2013 법학논총 Vol.37 No.2

Public Election Campaign Act Article 58(1) provides that “election campaign” means an act for winning an election, or for making another person be or not be elected. But Article 58(2) provides the exceptions; i.e. “a simple statement of opinion or manifestation of an intention on the election” and “ordinary political party activities”. And the Act 59 provides under the title 【Period for Election Campaign】“An election campaign may be allowed during the period from the commencing date of election period to the day before the election day: 3. Where a person works on an election campaign by posting a writing or video clip on an internet web-site or its bulletin board or chatting room or sending an e-mail(referring to a communication system with which computer users exchange information in the form of text, voice, images, or video clips through a network; the same shall apply hereinafter). In such cases, persons who are permitted to send e-mails by entrusting the dispatch of e-mails to an agency shall be limited to candidates and preliminary candidates.” But the definition clause of election campaign is not clear so that not only candidates but also electors can't estimate what is permitted as election campaign. It is the same concerning election campaign using internet. As a result, no one foresees what is prohibited as election campaign in the pre-period for election campaign. This results in the arbitrary execution of the authorities inevitably. We can see a lot of arbitrary-execution cases in the election cases. Most of all, limit on the period of election campaign is not concerned with the integrity of election, but merely restricts the freedom of election campaign of electors and candidates. Whereas liberalization of election campaign period serves participation of the electors to the politics, thus it contributes to improvement of democracy.

선거소송에 관한 헌법적 고찰 – 담당 기관의 조정을 중심으로 –

허진성 한국헌법학회 2022 憲法學硏究 Vol.28 No.4

An election is a significant constitutional opportunity and process to constitute state institutions and confer democratic legitimacy through the intent of the people, who have sovereign power. If a problem arises in such an election process, it can pervert the intent of the people and impact the establishment of the intent of the nation; hence the need for a process to resolve this kind of situation. The evaluation of such an election has the characteristics of a constitutional trial, as it broadly affects both the political and constitutional realms, and there are many cases where, if there is a separate institution designated for constitutional trials, that institution oversees this. Nonetheless, as the formation of a specific system is a matter of policy, the way it is handled differs according to the unique situation of each country. Under the current system, election lawsuits are overseen by courts, but the adjustment plan of the institution in charge that takes into consideration the heavy workload of the Supreme Court may become an issue. Unlike local elections, presidential and legislative elections relate to the composition of constitutional institutions and the granting of legitimacy by the sovereign intent of the people. Furthermore, their significance and effect on the national level make the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction over them and the High Court’s jurisdiction over local elections reasonable. Considering the policy-forming role expected of the Supreme Court to ensure that jurisdiction is exercised consistently and that the constitutional state is specifically realized, the significance of the resolution of the Constitution to set up the National Election Commission as an independent institution, the need to resolve election-related disputes expeditiously, the maintenance of political neutrality, etc., it is judged that the basis for this is considerable. 선거는 주권자인 국민의 의사에 의해 대표자를 선출함으로써 국가기관을 구성하고 민주적 정당성을 부여해주는 중대한 헌법적 계기이자 과정이라고 할 것이다. 이러한 선거 과정에서 문제가 발생한다면 이는 국민의 의사가 왜곡됨으로써 국가의사의 형성에 이르기까지 영향을 미칠 수 있는 상황이라고 할 것이고, 따라서 선거와 관련하여 어떠한 분쟁이 발생하는 경우 이를 해결하기 위한 절차가 요청된다. 이러한 선거에 대한 심사는 그 성격에 있어 정치와 헌법의 영역에 걸쳐 두루 영향을 미친다는 점에서 헌법재판으로서의 성격을 강하게 갖는 것으로 평가되고, 헌법재판기관이 별도로 설치되어 있는 경우 해당 기관에서 이를 관장하는 경우가 많긴 하나, 구체적인 제도의 형성은 정책적인 문제로서 개별 국가마다 고유한 사정에 따라 선택한 대처 방식이 같지 않다. 현행 제도하에서는 선거소송을 법원에서 관장하고 있는데, 구체적으로는 대법원의 과중한 업무부담을 고려한 담당 기관의 조정 방안이 문제될 수 있다. 대통령 및 국회의원선거는 지방자치선거와 달리 국민의 주권적 의사에 의한 헌법기관의 구성 및 정당성 부여와 관련된 것으로서 국가적 차원의 의미와 효과를 지니기 때문에 이를 대법원에서 관할하고, 지방자치선거의 경우는 고등법원에서 관장하는 것이 타당하다고 할 것이다. 이는 대법원에 기대되는 사법권 행사의 정합성 확보 및 법치국가의 구체적 실현을 위한 정책 형성의 기능, 선거관리위원회를 별도의 독립된 기관으로 설치하도록 한 헌법의 결단의 의의, 선거 관련 분쟁의 신속한 처리 필요성, 정치적 중립성의 확보 등 사항을 고려할 때 그 근거가 상당하다고 판단된다.

Explaining Voter Turnout in Taiwan Legislative Elections

Aziz N. Berdiev,CHUN-PING CHANG 한국국제경제학회 2013 International Economic Journal Vol.27 No.4

This paper specifies a dynamic model of voter turnout in Taiwan legislative elections using the generalized method of moments (GMM) model. We utilize data recorded over the 1998–2008 period, covering 23 counties of Taiwan. We find that previous levels of voter turnout are significantly associated with current levels of voter turnout. In particular, we provide strong evidence for a dynamic decline in voter turnout in Taiwan legislator elections. We also find that the perceived closeness of the election by the potential voters prior to the election, greater number of parties and densely populated areas, are significantly associated with higher voter turnout, whereas larger costs of voting, greater educational inequality and higher levels of education contribute to lower electoral participation. Further, population stability and disposable income have a limited impact on voter turnout.

공직선거법 체계정비를 위한 법제 개선 검토

조소영 한국부패학회 2023 한국부패학회보 Vol.28 No.4

우리나라의 선거법은 헌정사의 흐름 속에서 형식적인 변화를 겪기도 했고, 법률의 구체적인 내용 개정은 현재까지 선거시기별로 시대적 변화나 제도개선적인 고침을 반영하는 변천과정을 겪어 왔다. 정권의 통치구도를 편의적으로 강화하거나 권력기반의 정당성 확보를 위한 의도적 개편의 역사도 있었다. 하지만, 그래도 대략적인 선거법 개정의 역사는 선거의 자유와 공정을 확보하기 위한 노력에 집중되어 왔다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 그럼에도 불구하고 현행 공직선거법은 선거의 자유보다 선거의 공정을 우선한 규제 중심의 법제로 평가될 만해서 변화된 선거환경을 제대로 반영하지 못하고 있다는 평가를 받는다. 또한 현행 공직선거법은 선거에 관한 절차규정과 선거운동 규정의 내용상의 혼란은 물론이고 제한 및 금지규정과 벌칙 규정의 복잡한 구성 등으로 수범자에 대한 행위규범으로서의 기능이 제대로 이루어지지 않고 있다는 현실적인 문제점도 크다. 때문에 현행 공직선거법의 체계정비를 위한 개선작업은 반드시 실행되어야 할 법제상 과제인 것이다. 우리나라의 선거법은 선거를 치르면서, 특히 정권이 바뀔 때마다 통치구조의 변경에 따른 제ㆍ개정의 과정을 거쳤다. 그 과정 속에서 선거법은 법률의 존재형태에 따라 개별선거별법제와 통합선거법제로 구분할 수 있으며, 통합선거법제도 다시 ‘공직선거법’ 전후로 구분된다. 공직선거법은 선거가 있을 때마다 많게는 한 해에 세네번의 개정을 거칠 정도로 선거시기마다 변화를 이뤄왔다. 공직선거법은 계속해서 변화해야 한다. 선거의 민주적 기능을 제대로 실현하기 위한 변화가 필요한 법제이기 때문이다. 하지만 우리 선거법의 개정내용과 역사를 살펴보면, 민주적 선거제도 구현이라는 당위적 요청과 기득권을 가진 정치세력이 주가 된 현실적 상황의 충돌과 그로 인한 갈등적 양상이 적잖았음을 알 수 있다. 그리고 이러한 정치현실의 결과는 법제 체계성의 혼란과 유권자인 수범자를 간과한 법제내용을 산물로 하고 말았다. 이런 문제의식을 전제로 이 글에서는 현재의 단일법률체계를 이원화하는 방안을 검토해 보았다. 즉 현행 공직선거법 조항들을 선거절차법과 선거운동법으로 이원화하는 방안이다. 그래서 현행 공직선거법 규정 중 선거관리 및 선거절차와 관련된 조항들은 선거절차법으로 분류하고, 선거 참가자들과 관련된 내용은 선거운동법으로 분류하되, 정당의 활동과 관련된 규정들은 정당법으로, 선거비용 관련규제는 정치자금법으로 이관하여 재정비하는 방안을 검토하였다. 동시에 법률전문가가 아닌 일반인의 경우에도 선거와 관련된 행동의 기준으로 기능하는 법제가 됨으로써 예측가능성과 법적 안정성을 확보할 수 있도록 각 금지규정의 구성요건들을 재정비하는 방안을 제안해 보았다. Our country's election law has undergone formal changes over the course of constitutional history, and revisions to the specific content of the law have gone through a process of change that reflects the changes of the times or institutional improvements by election period. There has also been a history of intentional reorganization to conveniently strengthen the regime's governance structure or secure the legitimacy of its power base. However, it can be said that the rough history of election law revision has been focused on efforts to secure freedom and fairness in elections. However, despite this, the current Public Official Election Act is evaluated as a regulation-oriented legislation that prioritizes election fairness over election freedom, and is therefore evaluated as failing to properly reflect the changed election environment. In addition, the current Public Official Election Act shows confusion in the content of election procedural regulations and election campaign regulations. In addition, the complex structure of prohibition and penalty regulations creates a realistic problem in that it cannot function as a code of conduct for criminals. Therefore, improvement work to reorganize the system of the current Public Official Election Act is a legislative task that must be implemented. With this awareness in mind, this article examines ways to dualize the current single legal system. In other words, it is a plan to dualize the provisions of the current Public Official Election Act into the Election Procedure Act and the Election Campaign Act. Therefore, among the provisions of the current Public Official Election Act, I would like to classify the provisions related to election management and election procedures as the Election Procedure Act, and the provisions related to election participants under the Election Campaign Act. Next, we considered reorganizing the regulations related to political parties' activities by transferring them to the Political Parties Act and the regulations related to election expenses to the Political Funds Act. At the same time, we proposed a plan to reorganize the components of each prohibition provision to ensure predictability and legal stability by becoming a legal system that functions as a standard for election-related behavior even for the general public, not legal experts.

우리나라 국회의원 선거제도의 개선방향

김광수(Kwangsoo Kim) 유럽헌법학회 2010 유럽헌법연구 Vol.7 No.-

국회의 구성원인 국회의원을 선거하는 일은 국민생활의 안정과 삶의 질 향상을 위하여 큰 의미를 가진다. 이 글은 국회의원 선거제도의 현황을 소개하고, 국회의원의 활동을 평가하는 몇 가지 준거점에 의하여 국회의원 선거제도에 대한 개선안을 제시함을 목적으로 한다. 우리 국민은 정치적 관심 및 의식수준이 매우 높은 편이다. 시민 누구나 정치제도의 발전에 대하여 나름대로의 진단과 대안을 내놓을 정도이다. 어떻게 보면 이 글도 필자의 정치인식에 근거한 정치발전을 위한 하나의 제언에 불과하다. 종래의 여러 글들과 다른 점이 있다면 민주주의뿐만이 아니라 법치주의의 관점에서 국회의원 선거제도가 어떻게 변화되어야 할 것인지 모색하고 있는 점일 것이다. 주권자인 국민의 자유로운 의사에 의해 국회의원을 선출함으로써 민주주의는 완성된다. 그러나 헌법이 정하는 국회의원 직무의 효율적인 수행을 위해서는 실질적으로 누가 당선될 것인지에 대한 관심으로 방향전환이 필요하다. 이는 이제까지의 권력배분 위주의 선거제도에서 국회의원의 직무능력 향상을 위한 선거방법으로의 질적인 변화를 의미한다. 고귀한 국민의 의사에 의하여 당선된 것만으로 국회의원은 정당성을 가진다. 그렇지만 헌법이 규정하는 국회의원의 직무수행에 보다 적합한 후보가 선택되도록 하는 제도의 모색이 필요한 시점이 아닌가 생각한다. 이 글에서는 헌법의 규정에 의한 국회의원의 활동을 입법활동, 의결활동 그리고 국정감시활동으로 나누고 이를 충실하게 수행하는 일이 필요하다는 전제 아래에 논의를 전개하였다. 어떻게 보면 법률전문가 위주의 발상이라고 할 수 있으나 반드시 그렇지는 않다. 왜냐하면 국회의원의 입법활동이나 국정감시는 혼자서 연구한 결과가 아닌 많은 지역구 주민들과의 대화 속에서 방향을 찾음으로서 더 좋은 결론에 도달할 수 있기 때문이다. 따라서 이 글은 결국 국민들의 의견을 겸허히 수용하고 이를 합리적으로 정책에 반영시킬 수 있는 대표자를 선출해야 한다는 논의에 기초하여 있다. 선거구제는 소선거구 제도를 유지하여야 한다는 입장을 취하였다. 유권자의 입장에서 복잡한 제도는 우리 정서에 맞지 않는다고 생각한다. 자신이 가장 선호하는 후보에게 투표를 하고 그 결과를 수용하는 방법이 간명하다. 비례대표제와 관련해서 후보자 추천에 있어서 각 산업별, 지역별 그리고 미래세대 등을 대표할 수 있는 다양한 후보를 추천하여야 한다는 제언을 하였다. 그리고 정당마다 후보를 선정한 기준을 명확하게 제시해야 한다는 전제도 달았다. 이 경우에 비례대표 정수의 증가가 있을 수 있다. 후보선정에 있어서 투명성만 보장된다면 이는 허용될 수 있는 일이 아닌가 생각한다. To elect members of Congress has great meaning for job stability as well as quality of life for people. This article introduces the status of the election institution in Korea. Through this, I am going to give a few suggestions on the election system. The level of political interest and awareness of our people is very high indeed. Every citizen has her own view of political system and an alternative policy. This thesis also bases on my point of view on political situation in Korea. But in this paper, I wanted to explore how to change our electoral system for the rule of law as well as for democracy. We may think that democracy is consumated by free election of representatives. However, election is only the starting point of democracy. To fulfil the duties as prescribed by the Constitution, persons qualified for Assemblymen should be elected. So far election functioned as means to allocate powers between political parties. We thought it is the essence of democracy. But it is time to consider the quality of congressmen, too. In this article, duties of members of the National Assembly under the provisions of the Constitution and legislation are divided into legislation, decision making and checking other agencies. Among these, legislation activities are most important. We can say that we should elect more legislation specialists. But this does not mean that legal experts or lawyers are more qualified than others. My opinion is that persons whose ears are open to the voices of people should be elected as representatives. I preferred small election districts to medium or major election districts. Voters don`t like a complicated system. In a small election district, people know who is who and vote for the most favorable candidate. With regard to proportional presentation, candidates representing various callings should be included. Parties must show criteria of the list making clearly. Thinking the importance of proportional representation, an increase of numbers is recommended. Before this, more transparency is needed.

도미니카 공화국의 중간선거주기와 정치적 효과

이준한(Jun-Han Lee) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2010 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.23 No.3

This essay analyzes the relationship between the mid-term elections and the electoral advantages of the ruling party in the Dominican Republic. The Dominican Republic is the only country on the globe that holds the mid-term elections in a regular fashion. The nation began to hold the mid-term elections in order to resolve the conflicts revolving around the election results in the 1996 presidential race. However, it is not clear yet that the expected pattern has been observed in the recent mid-term elections. This essay will trace the election outcomes and its political implications.

특집 : 네트워크 정치와 헌법정치: SNS 선거규제 입법평가 모델의 시론적 구성

심우민 법과사회이론학회(구 법과사회이론연구회) 2011 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.41

As using of SNS with purpose for election has increased recently, argument on restrictions to regulate SNS in election has become the main topic of discussion. The most trend of all on this issue tends to focus on political contention rather than concrete and definite argument. A way of reconstruction of this repeated pattern can be made through establishing Legislative Evaluation Model for electoral regulations which applies to SNS. The preliminary idea of this model will be provided in this article. The importance of SNS as communicative tool is able to be revealed by Bruce Ackermann`s theories on "constitutional politics" and "normal politics". Constitutional politics is an exceptional circumstance in which new order is established. As in founding a country or revolution, all-round issues on governing would be under debate in constitutional politics. On the other hand, normal politics is politics based on an entrenched existing constitutional order. According to this division, During the period of constitutional politics, some values are excluded to integrate differences Therefore, the gulf between constitutional politics and normal politics should be reduced. Roberto Unger is one of scholars who insist reducing the gap. In this respect SNS can be regarded as phenomenalized technique to minimize the gap. It is said, however, that election law in Korea hinders the utility of SNS in the perspective above. Legislative Evaluation Model will investigate whether the law make the SNS shrunk in reality. Because there is no well formulated system for legislative evaluation in Korea, this paper tries to construct a legislation evaluation model for regulatory provisions related to SNS in the context of election. To heighten an awareness on limitation of Positivism should be premised in methodological aspect. Along with this, an introduction of constitutional and normative perspective will enlighten the discussion. Furthermore, features of SNS which consist of networks should be reflected in the model. In other words, the legislative evaluation model should include the regulative characteristics of network. In the latter half, a model to assess regulations related to SNS with electoral issues will be suggested. The model is composed of subject-setting for legislative evaluation, confirmation on constitutional and normal aspect, framing hypothesis, hypothesis evaluation, and suggestion for legislative argumentation. This flow of evaluation could instigate arguments on revision of the election law. Detailed example of results in accordance with legislative evaluation model in this article will be presented in other follow-up studies.