노동 소설의 새로운 모색

오연희(Yoen-hee Oh) 어문연구학회 2007 어문연구 Vol.54 No.-

  This paper studies a possibility of a new Korean labor-novel. Korean labor-novel had first come on the history of korean literature in 1920"s. And from 1920"s to the 2000"s, the korean labor-novel has been repeated appearing and disappearing. But korean labor-novel becomes sluggish in our period.<BR>  This paper examined significance of literature as a movement, focusing literary nature of literary text, because the basic proposition literature as a movement is still valid in our period. For this reason, this paper focuses labor-novels produced in 1980"s and in our period. Especially, this paper did prior treat the 2000"s labor-novelist, Lee Jaeyong"s labor-novels ; A Young laborer ; By the way, did the boy stopped crying?<BR>  In our perion a boundary of a labor-novel is gradually tarnished. Thus a new concept of a labor-novel being well balanced in our perion is demanded. 1980"s labor-novels had many faults ; a standardization of characters, simplification of narrative structure, riskiness of degrading literature to a political instrument, and so on.<BR>  A new labor-novel in our period is requested for reflecting contemporary social realities, especially contemporary labor realities. Jae-yong Lee "s labor-novels ; A Young laborer ; By the way, did the boy stopped crying? are a guide for A gropong for a new labour novel in our period.

근로계약법 제정과 적용대상에 관한 고찰

김진영(Kim Jin Young) 한국비교노동법학회 2008 노동법논총 Vol.14 No.-

Recently, many countries are enacting the law of labor contract in order to establish or regulate a new order in labor contracts resulted from the diversified forms of labor, and the reduced importance of labor unions. The need for the law of labor contract is increasingly debated in Korea as well, with propositions at varying levels, such as securing national competitiveness in preparation of globalization, or establishing unified laws to systemically regulate labor relationship. All these propositions agree that the need of a capable and well suited new law that reflects the shifts in labor law paradigm and labor market mechanism is self-evident. Furthermore, there has been an increase of incentives and merit-based payment system, as well as employment of contingent staffs in recent years because of businesses adjusting hiring and personnel management strategies to cope with shifting business environment. As personnel management strategies becoming more individualized and diversified, laborers started to prefer self-regulating work in which they can realize creativity and professionalism with a higher level of motivation to do so. This change allowed employees to negotiate working conditions with the employers on equal ground in reality, making compromising any disputes between employees and employers in a swift and proper way more important. Doing so calls for an equitable and transparent rule as a basis of reference. On the other hand, there is a concern that the purpose of the law of labor contract being misinterpreted as ‘breaking away from law protecting employees’, and used as a base to lessen the protection or apply more responsibilities of fidelity on employees. However, it is an undeniable fact that the definition of employment is changing and there are employees who can stand on equal terms with the employers armed with personal ability and professional knowledge owing to the diversification of employee-subordination levels. Even so, such employees are a rarity, and can’t be considered as a major cause in diluting the protective property of the Labor Law, not to mention of its necessity in the future. Furthermore, it would be impossible to abolish or revise the Labor Standard Act otherwise while protecting employees and maintaining the constitutional living rights to a minimum standard. Therefore, separating the Labor Standard Act from the Labor Law would be preferable to reorganizing the Labor Standard Act into the Labor Law. Meanwhile, it is necessary to define the contracting parties and the nature of contracts if the law of labor contract is enacted. The Labor Law uses old terminologies to define the contracting parties - the employee, who provides a subordinate form of labor, and the employer, the consumer of such provided labor. But this traditional definition alone isn’t enough to identify who are the employee and employer these days. Identifying the employer of a contract is becoming difficult in an increasing number of cases, in which a complex relationship of involved business entities exists. Therefore, it is questionable if one should apply the traditional subordination based terminologies to the law of labor contract unmodified. Considering the purpose of the enactment of the law of labor contract is to clarify the right-responsibility relationship of contracting parties, preventing unnecessary disputes stemmed from diverse forms of employment, there wouldn’t be a need to narrowly define contracting parties. This is so because establishing a clear rule to quickly respond to future changes in labor environment is the legislative task at hand.

1980년대 노동문학(연구)의 정치성 - 연구자의 무의식과 노동자의 글쓰기를 중심으로

박수빈 상허학회 2013 상허학보 Vol.37 No.-

This study aims to specifically analyze politics, an element of labor literature of the 1980s which has been usually researched focusing on appearance of new agents. Subjects of this study are labor novels of the 1980s and history of research. For specific methodology, political unconscious of researchers on labor novels of the 1980s and direct analysis of texts which differ from traditional history of research. This study, in particular, imposes a great significance on these two key words- 'politics'. 1980 is worth paying attention in terms of literary 'politics' in Korea's history of culture. In this period, literature was extremely participatory in reality by covering literary texts and contexts with politics. 1980s is also known as a period with unprecedentedly considerable correlation between literature and politics and at the same time called the literary dark ages as 1940s. It means politics and social situations of the time prevented literature from growing and creation of literature was a lot less than other periods in the literary history. However, in terms of labor literature, literature can be thought to blossom in 1980s. Many non-periodical publications, laborers' literary pieces in several magazines and memoirs prove the popularity. But when it comes to view of it, Korean histories of literature and study have taken very biased patterns. Researchers of the time on labor literature devaluated it in terms of literary value and experts since 2000 have only focused on defining 'agent' of the literature, so that they have defined labor literature of the 1980s as 'sub-agent's literature' and named agents of creation 'bottom' or 'subaltern'. When it comes to purpose of labor literature, politics surpasses esthetics. In addition, labor literature is characterized by movement and instigation so that it reveals illogical labor conditions, fundamental contradictions and inequality of the working classes and promotes labor union. Therefore, this study gives attention to the creative purpose of 'political movement' in labor literature. This finally enables to get out of the antiquated view as 'literary value' taken by the traditional history of literature for labor literature and escape from the unconscious of the researchers that they have considered labor literature only as sub-literature, so that this is expected to employ a variety of works and genres into the labor literature and change the definition of labor literature. If the labor literature of the 1980s is seen from a different view, it looks more attractive because an agent of movement is an agent of creation and it is a literature for the period of blossoming literature with a view to 'laborer union'. Reviewing labor literature of the 1980s and research on it now is to find an answer to the question on social roles that literature should take. The review also allows examining relation between literature and reality and is a step to restoring what has been excluded in our history of literature. 이 글의 목적은 새로운 주체의 등장이라는 관점과 키워드로 주로 연구되어왔던 1980년대 노동문학의 또 다른 면모인 문학의 정치성이라는 측면을 상세히 분석하는 것이다. 그 연구 대상으로 삼은 것이 1980년대 노동소설과 연구사다. 구체적인 방법론으로 1980년대 노동소설에 대한 연구자들의 정치적 무의식을 분석하고, 기존 연구사와는 차이를 보이는 텍스트들을 직접적으로 분석하는 방식을 채택하였다. 특히 이 글에서는 ‘정치성’이라는 키워드를 중요하게 다룬다. 1980년대는 한국문학사에서 문학의 ‘정치성’이라는 관점으로 주목할 만한 시기다. 이 시기는 문학텍스트와 컨텍스트를 ‘정치성’이라는 키워드로 동시에 아우를 수 있는, 문학이 현실참여의 극단에 있었던 시기다. 1980년대는 문학과 정치의 상관관계가 전에 없이 매우 높았던 시기면서 1940년대 못지않은 문학의 암흑기로 이야기된다. 당대 정치, 사회적 상황이 문학적 위축으로 이어졌고, 작품 생산이 우리문학사의 다른 시기에 비해 미미한 수준에 그쳤다는 것이다. 그러나 노동문학의 측면에서 보면 1980년대는 문학적 활동이 매우 활발했다고 볼 수 있다. 다수의 부정기간행물을 비롯한 여러 잡지에 실린 노동자들의 문학작품과 수기들이 이를 뒷받침한다. 그런데 이를 보는 우리 문학사와 연구사의 관점은 매우 치우친 양상을 보였다. 당대 노동문학 연구자들은 ‘문학성’이라는 측면에서 노동문학을 평가절하 하였고, 2000년대 이후의 연구자들은 노동문학 ‘주체’를 의미화 하는데 주력했기 때문에 1980년대 노동문학을 ‘하위 주체의 문학’으로 의미화하고, 창작 주체를 ‘아래’, ‘서발턴’이라는 이름으로 명명하였다. 노동문학은 문학의 미학적 목적보다 정치적 목적을 우위에 두는 문학이다. 또한 노동문학은 현실적인 노동현장의 불합리성, 근본적인 모순, 노동자 계급의 불평등성에 대해서 고발하고 노동자 연대를 꾀하는 운동․선동의 성질을 내포하고 있다. 그래서 이 글은 노동문학의 정치적 운동성이라는 창작의 목적에 주목한다. 그리고 이런 작업이야말로 지금까지의 문학사가 노동문학을 바라보던 ‘문학성’이라는 관점과 노동문학을 하위문학으로 바라보는 연구자들의 무의식에서 벗어나 좀 더 다양한 작품과 장르를 노동문학사 내에 포섭시키고, 노동문학의 성격을 달리 의미화 할 수 있다고 믿는다. 1980년대 노동문학은 조금만 시각을 달리하면 훨씬 더 매력적인 대상으로 보인다. 운동의 주체가 곧 창작의 주체가 되었고, ‘노동자 연대’라는 목적을 향해 문학운동을 활발히 해 온 시기의 문학이기 때문이다. 지금, 여기로부터 1980년대 노동문학과 그 연구를 다시 보는 일은 문학의 사회적 역할을 묻는 질문에 대한 하나의 답을 찾는 일이다. 또한 1980년대 노동문학과 노동문학연구에 대한 재고는 문학과 현실의 관계를 살피는 일이자, 우리문학사 자체에서 정리되지 못하고 제외되었던 부분을 복원시키는 하나의 작업이기도 하다.

18세기 도산서원 노비의 身貢 납부와 면제 양상

김영나 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2018 민족문화논총 Vol.69 No.-

This paper intended to identify how slaves paid labor exemption fees(身貢) and were exempted from physical labor in historical texts about Dosan Seowon(陶山書院) including one government redemption document(院贖案) and one non-payment document(未捧案) in the 17th century, nine slave documents(奴婢案) and two labor exemption fee documents(身貢案) in the 18th century, and one labor exemption fee document from 1800 to 1801. Slaves in Dosan Seowon paid cotton[木] as labor exemption fees in the 17th century, made payments-in-kind such as cotton and grain together in the 18th century, and gradually began to use cash[錢] and payments-in-kind together, instead of cotton. In the 19th century, they used only cash to pay the fees. The farther away from Dosan Seowon the more likely they were to pay labor exemption fees with cash or cotton; the nearer Dosan Seowon the more likely they were to use grain and payments-in-kind to pay the fees. In some cases, slaves in Dosan Seowon assumed other types of labor rather than physical labor, or were exempted from physical labor. Other types of labor included military duties(軍役) or Buddhist monks(僧), and exclusion from contributions(除貢) and redemption(贖) were granted as exemption from physical labor. In both cases, the number of male slaves was higher than that of female slaves. This paper has thus far examined labor exemption fees paid by slaves in Dosan Seowon and how they were exempted in the 18th century. For some lacking details, it would help to learn more about how slaves in Dosan Seowon existed if historical records including slave documents in the 19th century are analyzed together. 본 논문은 도산서원의 고문서 중 17세기 『院贖案』 1건과 『未捧案』 1건, 18세기 『奴婢案』 9건과 『身貢案』 2건, 1800-1801년 『身貢案』 1건을 통해 노비의 身貢 납부와 신공 면제 양상을 밝히고자 하였다. 도산서원 노비는 17세기에는 면[木]으로 신공을 납부하였고, 18세기에는 면과 곡식 등의 현물을 함께 내다가 차츰 돈[錢]과 현물을 함께 내게 되었다. 19세기에는 모두 돈으로만 신공을 납부하였다. 도산서원에서 거리가 멀수록 돈이나 면을 내는 경우가 많았고, 거리가 가까울수록 곡물과 현물 등을 신공으로 납부하였다. 도산서원의 노비는 신공 대신 승려나 사환 등의 일을 맡거나, 除貢, 次知, 侍丁 등을 통해 신공이 면제되는 경우가 있었다. 또한 군역이나 속량을 통해 신분 상승이 이루어지기도 하였다. 이러한 경우 모두 奴가 婢보다 더 많았다. 지금까지 18세기의 도산서원 노비의 신공 납부와 면제 양상을 살펴보았다. 미비한 부분에 대해서 19세기의 노비안 등의 사료들을 함께 분석해본다면 도산서원 노비의 존재양상을 더 자세히 알 수 있을 것이라고 생각한다.

1980년대 대구지역 여성 노동운동가들의 노동운동경험과 의식

김상숙 지역사회학회 2014 지역사회학 Vol.15 No.4

Revolutionary-oriented labor movement organizations in Daegu in the 1980s wereconsisted of many activists from student movements (hereinafter “hakchul-activists" )and a small number of activists dubbed as “progressive laborers” from the laboringclass(hereinafter “nochul-activists”). Women nochul-activists within the organizationswere vulnerable to conflicts and tension with other members in terms of class andgender. First, in terms of class, the organizations in the early phase of revolutionary-orientedlabor movements tended to pursue narodism(populism) and commune. Theseorganizations considered the labor class as the major drivers of social revolutions, and emphasized the labor class fidelity in ideology and tried to assimilate with laborers in a cultural manner in a daily life. However, they were formed based on school relations driven by hakchul-activists, within which the nochul-activists used to be marginalized. Women nochul-activists suffered the conflicts caused by marginalization, so rejectedtheories and knowledge and seeked for exclusive prioritization of laborers' interests. Second, in terms of gender, women nochul-activists before the labor strife in 1987,strongly rejected the middle class-driven feminism to separate the class issues andwomen's issues. And they hoped to continue a lifelong labor movement, but they werenot free from the pressure to get married under the patriarchal system, ending upsuccumbing to the system. However, after the labor strife in 1987, labor organizationspursued to male-dominated militant struggle line and culture even more strongly, sowomen nochul-activists who started the labor movement through the democratic tradeunion movement was conscious of gender discrimination both in and outside theirorganizations. Their perception and experiences served as the basis for women labormovements to develop in Daegu after 2000. 1980년대 대구지역의 변혁 지향적 노동운동조직들은 대체로 다수의 학생운동 출신의 노동운동가(이하 학출-활동가)와 소수의 ‘선진 노동자’라 불리는 노동자들(이하 노출-활동가)이 함께 결합하여 만들었다. 그리고 대체로 남성 중심적인 전투주의 노선과 군사주의 문화를 갖고 있었다. 이 조직 안에서 활동하던 여성 노출-활동가들은 다른 구성원들과 계급적 측면과 젠더적인 측면에서 갈등ㆍ긴장관계에 놓일 소지가 있었다. 첫째, 계급적인 측면에서, 변혁 지향적 노동운동 초기의 조직은 민중주의를 지향하는 공동체적 성격을 지니고 있었다. 당시 이 조직 구성원들은 노동자계급을 사회혁명의 중심세력으로 보고 사상적인 면에서 계급성을 강조하면서 일상생활에서 노동자와 문화적으로 일치하려고 했다. 그러나 이 조직들은 학출-활동가들이 주도하며 학연 중심으로 맺어진 조직이었고, 이 안에서 노출-활동가들은 주변화하기도 했다. 여성 노출-활동가들은 이러한 주변화 때문에 갈등을 겪게 되자, 이론과 지식을 거부하고 배타적인노동자계급 중심주의를 추구하는 경향을 보였다. 둘째, 젠더적인 측면에서, 1987년 이전에 운동을 시작한 여성 노출-활동가들은 여성문제와 계급문제를 별개로 보는 중산층적인 여성주의에 대한 거부감이 강했다. 그리고 평생 노동운동을 지속하기를 원했으나 가부장적 가족제도의 혼인 압력에서 벗어나지 못했고, 결국 제도에 순응하게 되었다. 그러나 1987년 이후에는 노동운동조직이 전투주의 노선과 군사주의 문화를 더 강력하게 지향하게 되면서, 여성 노출-활동가들은 조직 안팎에서 성차별을 자각하게 되었다. 이러한 인식과 경험은 2000년 이후 대구에서 여성노동운동이 발전할 수 있는 토대가 되기도 했다.

기업 내 노동조합의 특성과 원가하방경직성

전성민,이상혁 한국회계정보학회 2023 회계정보연구 Vol.41 No.3

[연구목적] 본 연구는 상장 및 비상장기업을 대상으로 노동조합 존재 여부 및 특성이 기업의원가하방경직성에 미치는 영향을 실증분석한다. [연구방법] 한국직업능력연구원에서 제공하는 인적자본기업패널(Human Capital Corporate Panel)의 노동조합 자료를 활용하였으며, 노동조합이 Anderson et al.(2003)의 모형으로 산출된 원가하방경직성(판매비와 관리비)에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 검증한다. 또한, 노동조합의교섭력 및 노사관계에 따라 노동조합과 원가하방경직성의 관련성이 달라지는지 분석한다. [연구결과] 첫째, 우리나라 기업은 원가하방경직적인 원가행태를 보이고 있으며 노동조합이존재하면 이러한 하방경직성이 완화되는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 노동조합이 경영자감시기구로서의 역할을 수행하여 대리인 문제로 발생하는 원가하방경직성을 방지하는 것으로볼 수 있다. 둘째, 노동조합의 교섭력은 원가하방경직성에 증분적인 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 한편, 노동조합과 기업이 협조적인 관계에서만 원가하방경직성을 완화시킨다. 즉, 노사관계가 협력적일 경우에만 기업의 이해관계자로서 기업지배구조 역할을 수행하는 것으로 해석할 수 있다. [연구의 시사점] 본 연구는 노동조합이 기업의 이해관계자 중 하나로서 기업의 경제적 의사결정에도 영향을 미칠 수 있으며, 기업지배구조로서 역할을 수행하여 원가하방경직성을 완화하는 것을 확인하였다. 또한 노사관계가 협력적일 경우에만 노동조합이 기업지배구조의 모니터링 역할을 수행하므로 협력적 노사관계의 필요성을 제시한다. 한편, 일반기업을 표본으로하는 경우에도 노동조합의 존재가 원가하방경직성에 영향을 미칠 수 있음을 보임으로써 규모가 작은 기업의 노동조합도 영향력을 미칠 수 있음을 밝혔다. [Purpose] This study investigates the effect of a labor union and its characteristics on a firm’s cost behavior, with a particular focus on both listed and non-listed firms. [Methodology] We employ labor union data obtained from the Human Capital Corporate Panel (HCCP) provided by the Korea Research Institute for Vocational Education and Training. We examine how the labor union affects cost stickiness (selling, general, and administration costs) using the model developed by Anderson et al. (2003). [Findings] First, we find that firms exhibit cost stickiness in their cost behavior and the presence of labor unions mitigates this cost stickiness. These results suggest that labor unions serve as monitoring mechanisms, thus mitigating cost stickiness arising from agency problems. Second, the bargaining power of labor unions has no incremental impact on cost stickiness. However, we find that cost stickiness is alleviated only when labor unions and firms maintain a cooperative relationship. In other words, labor unions play the role of corporate governance structures as stakeholders of the firm only when labor-management relations are cooperative. [Implications] This study examines the impact of labor unions as one of the stakeholders in a firm’s economic decision-making process and their role in corporate governance in alleviating cost stickiness. It underscores the importance of a cooperative labor-management relationship, as labor unions effectively serve their monitoring role in the corporate governance structure only under such conditions. Furthermore, even in a sample primarily comprised of non-listed firms, labor unions can influence cost stickiness.

노동금지명령, 그 관행과 의미 : 1920년대 뉴욕주 노동법과 노사관계 Labor Law and Labor Relations in the 1920s New York State

김진희 한국서양사학회 2002 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.75

At the center of the reciprocal relationship between the labor policy and the labor movement in the 1920s New York st ate lies the labor injunction. Stressing the essential role of the judiciary in constructing labor-capital relations, this article intends to show that the "lean years" of the 1920s was mainly due to the oppressive labor policy exemplified in the labor injunction. The injunction prohibited workers from participating in a strike or a boycott if it could destroy an employer s property, which more often than not was interpreted broadly and arbitrarily. Throughout the 1920s, the labor injunction represented the most formidable weapon against organized labor and it achieved its widest use. Especially in New York State, courts issued more labor injunctions than in any other jurisdiction in any period. Employers hostile to organized labor found it an effective way to quash union-organizing campaigns. The labor injunction henceforth significantly imperiled union security. Until the national emergency of the Great Depression and the legal revolution waged by Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Dealers, the judiciary had both the power and the will to repress the rights of labor to organize, join the union and strike. But industrial unionists like Sidney Hillman were keen to keep alive the possibility of invoking law and public power on labors behalf while reformminded lawyers like Felix Frankfurter challenged the legal conservatives and attempted to transform the jurisprudence from the Victorian one to the pluralist one. While their effort s failed in the 1920s, both Hillman and Frankfurter finally became core members of the New Dealers during the next decade, and made contribution to the New Deal labor policy to be more egalitarian and livable for laborers. In the 1920s, as has been exemplified in the Michaels vs. Hillman, the seeds for the industrial democracy was burgeoning on the plot of sterile ground, waiting for the auspicious time to blossom, while the sustenance of the fruits still remained to be testified for decades to come.

1980년대 노동소설에 대한 일고찰 - 정화진 · 유순하 · 방현석 소설을 중심으로

오창은(Chang-eun Oh) 어문연구학회 2006 어문연구 Vol.51 No.-

  This thesis aims to understand the meaning of the "labor novels" in 1980"s, considering the historical situation at the time. The labor novels in 1980"s were created by intellectual writers. These writers created the labor novels through "self-negation" or "the betrayal of one"s own class", through the imagination of "crossing". This thesis will analyse the Jung Hwajin, Yoo Soonha, and Bang Hyunsuk"s labor novels. These are writers as well as laborers, the intellectual as well as writers.<BR>  Jung Hwajin"s A Metallic Stain describes the class-troubles surrounding "a bonus for preparing kimchi for the winter" with a foundry for background. This literary work expresses volumes in sketching the every-day struggle originating in a small and medium enterprise. And it is characteristic that middle-aged Mr Chon appears on the stage as a main speaker, not a advanced laborer or a young laborer of new generation. This novel shows entirely the characteristics which the labor novels in 1980"s have. The labor novels in 1980"s shout the partisan spirit of "laborers", but, on the other hand, also the laborers became the focus of object on all sides. Only the struggle of laborers came to be embossed, leaving out the every-day lives of laborers.<BR>  Yoo Soonha"s A Formation talks about a big struggle in 1987. This novel is characteristic that it presents its characters typically. While the existing labor novels establish laborers as speakers, this novel establishes Shin Jongtaek, a middle manager as the speaker. It narrates dramatically the confrontation between the capitalist and laborer in a closed space of a company. This narration strategy meets the case in showing the class-difference clearly as well as the real situation of the Korean labor world in 1980"s.<BR>  Bang Hyunsuk"s The First Stepping-Forward(1988) and Going to War at the Dawn(1989) are interesting to catch the periodical situation calmly. "The revolutionary laborer" showing in Bang"s novels is set up as the laborer overcoming the everyday difficulties and the hardship of the organization and growing up. However, Bang doesn"t depict their future hopefully.<BR>  This narration of suffering is closely connected with the sub-consciousness of the writer who took part in a labor movement as a student activist. The effect of the irony has come into existence between the tragic understanding about the world and the growing labor-understanding. In The First Stepping-Forward the laborers who turned away a labor movement because of Jungsik"s anger become part of struggle together. However, the romantic prospect that the struggle will become a victory is under the shadows of night. In Going to War at the Dawn 65 of female laborers leave to somewhere to struggle. The tragic beauty that their struggle could get joined on another breakdown flows in the whole text. In other words, we can say that the class-struggle which has been continuing since 80"s can not be accomplished only with romantic anticipation.<BR>  "Labor" is all of the human activities and an important constituent of life. Today is the age that socialistic prospect or aesthetics have been sinking. Though, it seems that "labor novels" will last. It is because human everyday life is just labor activity or its outcome. The labor novels in 80"s record the history of suffering of laborers. If "labor novels" in 1980"s are linked with the "finding-hope" in darkness, the labor novels in the future will reflect on how human everyday activities and labors are linked. Through this, I can anticipate that we could find a new pathway that "everyday life/labor/politics" to take a triangular position literarily.

'노동의 영성'에 관한 시몬 베유의 통찰

신은화 가톨릭대학교 인간학연구소 2023 인간연구 Vol.- No.50

The main task of this thesis was to examine Simone Weil’s view on the spirituality of labor. To this end, the spiritual meaning of labor in Weil’s thoughts was examined according to four main points: the expansion of world understanding through labor, the faithful acceptance of suffering from labor, the pursuit of true dignity, and the establishment of a culture that respects labor. First, Weil explained that labor is inseparably related to cognitive and thinking activities, and that it expands the understanding of the world. Second, Weil also noted that the pain of labor deeply imprints the providence and beauty of all things in the human mind. Third, according to Weil, a unified understanding of labor and thinking and encouraging the spiritual activity of working people are ways to truly respect their dignity. Fourth, Weil proposed “a culture of labor” based on the spirituality of labor to overcome the misfortunes caused by capitalism, imperialism, fascism, and Nazi aggression. In summary, Weil revealed the spiritual meaning of labor by paying attention to the inseparable relationship between labor and thought, as well as the mental characteristics inherent in labor. In particular, Weil’s interpretation of the spiritual value of labor in relation to the Christian faith is a very special and original philosophical attempt at a definition of labor. We can draw a picture of a new society based on labor by referring to Weil’s view of the spirituality of labor. Faced with the reality where problems such as the disgust of labor, discrimination, and contempt for workers are intensifying, Weil’s view of the spirituality of labor is realistic and useful advice that modern society should actively consider. 이 논문은 시몬 베유의 ‘노동의 영성’에 관한 견해를 살펴보는 것을 주된 과제로 삼는다. 이를 위해 논자는 베유에게 있어서 노동의 영성적 의미를 크게 네 가지 주안점, 즉 노동을 통한 세계 이해의 확장, 고통의 신앙적 수용, 진정한 존엄성의 추구, 노동을 존중하는 문화의 확립을 중심으로 검토할 것이다. 먼저, 베유는 노동이 인식 및 사유 활동과 불가분의 관계에 있으며 세계에 대한 이해를 확장시킨다고 본다. 또한 베유는 노동의 고통이 만물의 섭리와 아름다움을 인간의 내면에 깊이 각인시킴을 주목한다. 그리고 베유에 따르면, 노동과 사유 활동을 통일적으로 이해하고 노동하는 사람들의 정신적 활동을 장려하는 것이 그들의 존엄성을 진정으로 존중하는 길이다. 이와 더불어 베유는 자본주의로 인한 폐해, 제국주의 및 파시즘의 준동, 나치의 침략 전쟁 등으로 인한 불행을 극복하기 위한 방안으로서 ‘노동의 영성’에 토대를 둔 ‘노동자 문화’를 제안한다. 요약하자면, 베유는 노동에 내재하는 정신적 특성, 노동과 사유의 불가분적 관계를 주목함으로써 노동의 영성적 의미를 밝혀낸다. 특히 베유가 노동의 정신적 가치를 그리스도교 신앙과 연관시켜 해석해낸 것은 철학적으로 매우 특별하고 독창적인 시도라 할 수 있다. 우리는 노동과 사유의 결합, 노동의 영성에 관한 베유의 견해를 참고하면서, 노동을 근간으로 삼는 새로운 사회상을 그려볼 수 있다. 노동의 혐오, 노동자에 대한 차별과 멸시 등의 문제가 심화되고 있는 현실을 직시할 때, 노동의 영성에 관한 베유의 사유는 현대 사회가 적극 고려할 만한 현실적이고 유익한 조언이 될 것이다.

영세사업장에 대한 노동법 적용과 근로감독

노상현(盧尙憲) 서울대학교 노동법연구회 2014 노동법연구 Vol.0 No.37

5인 미만 영세사업장에서 종사하는 근로자는 28.5%로 우리나라 전체 임금근로자의 3분의 1을 차지한다. 그러나 근로시간의 제한 및 연장, 야간·휴일근로에 대한 가산임금 지급, 부당해고 제한 등 근로기준법상 주요조항이 적용되지 않는다. 때문에 최저임금, 퇴직금 등 법적용이 되는 부분조차 실제로는 준수되지 않는 형편이다. 이러한 영세사업장에 대한 노동법 적용의 실효성을 확보하기 위해서는, 우선 근로기준법이 근로자를 1인 이상 사용하는 모든 사업장에 전면적용된다는 명시적인 선언이 필요하고, 이와 함께 근로감독관 제도의 근본적인 개선이 필요하다. 근로감독관 제도는 감독행정 본연의 업무인 사업장의 예방적 점검에 충실할 수 있도록 개선되어야 한다. 개선방안은 근로감독관의 임용제도를 전문직으로 개편하고, 업무의 많은 부분을 차지하는 노사동향 파악 등 집단적 노사관계 업무의 폐지이다. 또 과도한 체불임금 청산지도 업무에 대한 부담을 획기적으로 줄이는 방안으로 체불임금의 추심을 위한 전문기관의 설립을 제안한다. To guarantee laborer’s right of labor law, first, I suggest that labor standard law should be promoted expended application to small business ground with less than five laborers. Although wage laborers in small business ground with less than five laborers are 28.5 percent to all the korean wage laborers, and it occupied one third of korean wage laborers. Exclusion the clause of labor standard law from application in this small business ground, including limitation and overtime of working hours, additional payment(overdue wage) for night work and holiday work, limitation of unfair dismissal and so on, causes violation of labor standard law which is actually applicated. To overcome these problems, it is necessary to declare that labor standard law is applicated to every business ground(workplace) with more than one laborer. And it makes it obvious to revive basic duty of labor standard. Along with extended application of labor standard law, I suggest that It is necessary to reform labor supervisor administration for guaranteeing application of labor law to small business ground by comparing our labor supervisor adminstration with japanese one. Labor supervisor system should be reformed to make it stick to its original business which is preventive inspection to workplace. To do that, appointment system for labor supervisor should be reformed to professional, and business for group industrial relations occupying a large part of the work should be gradually abolished. and excessive business for supervising unpaid wages should be adjusted to reduce burden of work innovatively. As a alternative, I suggested that specialized institution to collect unpaid wages(overdue wages) should be established.