노동유연화가 부가가치 분배 행태에 미치는 영향-노동분배를 중심으로-

김승용,마승수 한국국제회계학회 2017 국제회계연구 Vol.0 No.76

This study examines the effects of different flexibility of labor market on the distribution behavior of value added for labor. In the case of an unused labor force, the manager considers the adjustment cost and decides whether to dismiss it. Therefore, the lower the level of labor flexibility, the higher the adjustment cost, therefore, the behaviour of value added distributed to workers can show downward stickiness. In order to test this, this study is divided into three periods -the first period(1981-1987; relatively high level of labor flexibility), the second period(1988-1997; relatively low level of labor flexibility), and the third period(1998-2015; relatively high level of labor flexibility) -and the behaviors of distribution of value-added for labor was compared by each period. To analyze the value-added distribution behavior for labor, Anderson et al. (2003) model was used for single period analysis and Banker et al. (2010) for two period. In the single period analysis, symmetric distribution behavior was observed in the first period in which labor flexibility was relatively high. But In the second period which labor flexibility was downward stickiness, and a low level of downward stickiness appeared In the third period when labor flexibility rose again, In the analysis of the two periods, the downward sticky distribution behavior appeared only in the second period which labor flexibility was lowest. As a results of the above analyses, the lower the labor flexibility level, the higher the adjustment cost due to the unused manpower dismissal, and as a result, the amount of value added to workers is only slightly reduced. Therefore, the hypothesis that labor flexibility affects the adjustment cost of surplus manpower and consequently affects the distribution behavior of value- added to labor is supported by the results of both the single and two period analyses. 본 연구는 각 기간별 노동시장의 유연성 차이가 부가가치 분배행태, 특히 기정자원 성격의 노 동분배 행태에 미치는 영향을 실증분석 하였다. 경영자는 유휴노동력이 발생할 경우 향후 조정 비용을 고려하여 해고 여부를 결정하므로, 노동유연성 수준이 낮아질수록 조정비용은 높아지며, 따라서 노동분배는 하방경직적 특성을 보일 수 있다. 이를 검증하기 위해 본 연구는 노동유연화 수준이 상대적으로 높았던 제1기(1981-1987년), 상대적으로 낮았던 제2기(1988-1997년), 다시 노동시장 유연성이 높아진 제3기(1998-2015) 등으로 나누어 각 기간별 노동분배 행태를 비교하 였다. 부가가치 분배행태를 분석하기 위해 단일기간 분석은 Anderson et al.(2003) 기본모형을, 다 기간 분석은 Banker et al.(2010) 2기간 모형을 이용하였다. 단일기간 분석에서, 노동유연성이 상대적으로 높았던 제1기에서는 대칭적 분배행태를, 노동유 연성이 가장 낮았던 제2기에서는 하방경직성을, 다시 유연성이 높아진 제3기에서는 제2기보다 낮은 수준의 하방경직성이 나타났다. 다기간 분석에서도 노동유연성이 가장 낮았던 제2기에서만 하방경직적 분배행태가 나타났다. 이상의 분석결과는, 노동유연성 수준이 낮아질수록 잉여인력의 해고에 따른 조정비용이 높아 지며 그 결과 잉여인력 보유로 인해 부가가치 분배액은 덜 감소한다는 것을 의미한다. 따라서 단일기간과 다기간 분석 결과 모두 노동유연성이 잉여인력의 조정비용에 영향을 미쳐 결과적으 로 노동분배 행태에 영향을 미친다는 가설은 지지되었다.

한국 사회 노동시간체제의 재구조화

김영선 고려대학교 2005 虎院論集 Vol.13 No.-

This paper examines how labor time historically has been restruccturing, questioning how enough labor time is humanized in South Korea. This is to reveal the social costs lying behind the historical process of labor time and then make clear why labor tiem is not humanized yet. In first, this deals with the change of labor time regime from 'long labor time' to 'flexible labor time' and also analyzes 'the Factory Saemaeul Movement' and 'the New Management Strategy' as the specific areas in which each phase has been represented. lastly, this will try to trace the path of how these characers concluded with brazilization of Labor in South Korea and will examine why 'Free time is increasing' hypothesis should be rejected. In conclusion, labor time was oppessively organized as the long labor time regime by developmental sate making it state's motto to reach the economic growth and the flexible labor tiem regime by Neo-liberal Capital holing a decisive edge over the state since the early-1990s. The result of these changes is adding more fule to 'Brazilization of Labor' in South Korea. That's why labor time is not humanized yet.

노동조합과 재무분석가 이익예측

손성규 ( Sungkyu Sohn ),김태동 ( Taedong Kim ),신일항 ( Ilhang Shin ) 한국회계학회 2016 회계저널 Vol.25 No.5

This study examines the relationship between labor union and the characteristics of analysts forecasts. Specifically, we investigate whether the presence of union (bargaining power of unions) is related to the absolute error in analysts forecasts. A union tries to protect employee rights and improve employee welfare. Futhermore, a union tries to reflect its opinion in the process of decision-making for management. For example, Hyundai Heavy Industries`` labor union was known to demand for the right of recommendation for outside director reflecting its opinion. For that reason, managers have incentives to have good relationships with employees, because having non-cooperative labor can be detrimental (Hamm et al 2015). For example, as Hamm et al (2015) note, the United Airlines chapter of the Air Line Pilots Association requested the resignation of Glenn Tilton as CEO of the airline because of poor financial performance. More specifically, the United pilots created a web site that explained what they considered the failures of Tilton’s management. Therefore, the presence of unions might make managers’ incentives to have good relationships with employees even stronger and affect managerial behaviors, since, as Banning and Chiles (2007) note, unions alter the underlying employment relationship between employer and employee. Prior studies suggest two different perspectives on relation between labor union and the absolute error in analysts forecasts : On the one hand, when the bargaining power of unions increase, managers can increase information asymmetry in order to improve their negotiating position and this could leads to the increase in the absolute error in analysts forecasts. This perspective reflects that a union is a residual claimant (Ahn et al. 2011). In other words, this perspective stresses that unions, through collective bargaining, redistribute a larger portion of profits to their members and consequently decrease firm profitability. In other words, in a situation where the firm and the union share the profits, the union would attempt to maximize the utility of its members by increasing its share of the firm``s surplus. Therefore, firms with a unionized workforce should have an incentive to hide or misrepresent their true position to take advantage of the negotiation (Reynolds et al. 1998; Ahn et al. 2011). On the other hand, when the bargaining power of unions increase, managers also can decrease information asymmetry because labor unions play a role as a part of the mechanism of corporate governance and this could leads to the decrease in the absolute error in analysts forecasts. This view emphasizes that management can achieve effective labor-management cooperation and goal alignment with unions by sharing information (Palmer 1977; Foley and Maunders 1977 ; Ahn et al. 2011). However, there is little evidence regarding the relationship between strong organized labor forces and analysts’ earnings forecasts. Therefore, it is an empirical question whether labor unions increase(decrease) the absolute error in analysts forecasts. We try to tackle this issue in this study by focusing on the characteristics in analysts’ earnings forecasts. Financial analysts use accounting information reported in financial statements. Therefore, if financial statements are more useful by organized labor forces, then the financial analysts should provide more accurate and less biased earnings forecasts. Using 1,158 firm-year observations of listed companies in the manufacturing industry from 2003 to 2008 in Korea, this study suggests that unionized firms are, on average, related to higher absolute error in analysts forecasts compared to non unionized firms. When it comes to union’s bargaining power, this study suggests that the umbrella unions which belong to the nation``s two umbrella labor organizations - the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) and the Federation of Korea Trade Unions (FKTU) are, on average, related to higher absolute error in analysts forecasts compared to independent unionized firms, although unionization rate measured by proportion of workers that are union member is not related to absolute error in analysts forecasts. Specifically, this study suggests that the umbrella unions which belong to the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) are, on average, related to higher absolute error in analysts forecasts compared to the umbrella unions which belong to the Federation of Korea Trade Unions (FKTU). In addition, this study suggests that union’s bargaining power have positive impact on forecast optimism. We check the robustness of our results through a battery of robustness tests. This study makes contribution to the existing literature. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to focus on the relationship between labor union and the characteristics of analysts forecasts. This paper aims to enhance our understanding of the relationship between labor union and the usefulness of earnings information by providing fresh evidence that labor union significantly affects the characteristics of analysts forecasts.

기업 내 노동조합의 특성과 원가하방경직성

전성민,이상혁 한국회계정보학회 2023 회계정보연구 Vol.41 No.3

[연구목적] 본 연구는 상장 및 비상장기업을 대상으로 노동조합 존재 여부 및 특성이 기업의원가하방경직성에 미치는 영향을 실증분석한다. [연구방법] 한국직업능력연구원에서 제공하는 인적자본기업패널(Human Capital Corporate Panel)의 노동조합 자료를 활용하였으며, 노동조합이 Anderson et al.(2003)의 모형으로 산출된 원가하방경직성(판매비와 관리비)에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 검증한다. 또한, 노동조합의교섭력 및 노사관계에 따라 노동조합과 원가하방경직성의 관련성이 달라지는지 분석한다. [연구결과] 첫째, 우리나라 기업은 원가하방경직적인 원가행태를 보이고 있으며 노동조합이존재하면 이러한 하방경직성이 완화되는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 노동조합이 경영자감시기구로서의 역할을 수행하여 대리인 문제로 발생하는 원가하방경직성을 방지하는 것으로볼 수 있다. 둘째, 노동조합의 교섭력은 원가하방경직성에 증분적인 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 한편, 노동조합과 기업이 협조적인 관계에서만 원가하방경직성을 완화시킨다. 즉, 노사관계가 협력적일 경우에만 기업의 이해관계자로서 기업지배구조 역할을 수행하는 것으로 해석할 수 있다. [연구의 시사점] 본 연구는 노동조합이 기업의 이해관계자 중 하나로서 기업의 경제적 의사결정에도 영향을 미칠 수 있으며, 기업지배구조로서 역할을 수행하여 원가하방경직성을 완화하는 것을 확인하였다. 또한 노사관계가 협력적일 경우에만 노동조합이 기업지배구조의 모니터링 역할을 수행하므로 협력적 노사관계의 필요성을 제시한다. 한편, 일반기업을 표본으로하는 경우에도 노동조합의 존재가 원가하방경직성에 영향을 미칠 수 있음을 보임으로써 규모가 작은 기업의 노동조합도 영향력을 미칠 수 있음을 밝혔다. [Purpose] This study investigates the effect of a labor union and its characteristics on a firm’s cost behavior, with a particular focus on both listed and non-listed firms. [Methodology] We employ labor union data obtained from the Human Capital Corporate Panel (HCCP) provided by the Korea Research Institute for Vocational Education and Training. We examine how the labor union affects cost stickiness (selling, general, and administration costs) using the model developed by Anderson et al. (2003). [Findings] First, we find that firms exhibit cost stickiness in their cost behavior and the presence of labor unions mitigates this cost stickiness. These results suggest that labor unions serve as monitoring mechanisms, thus mitigating cost stickiness arising from agency problems. Second, the bargaining power of labor unions has no incremental impact on cost stickiness. However, we find that cost stickiness is alleviated only when labor unions and firms maintain a cooperative relationship. In other words, labor unions play the role of corporate governance structures as stakeholders of the firm only when labor-management relations are cooperative. [Implications] This study examines the impact of labor unions as one of the stakeholders in a firm’s economic decision-making process and their role in corporate governance in alleviating cost stickiness. It underscores the importance of a cooperative labor-management relationship, as labor unions effectively serve their monitoring role in the corporate governance structure only under such conditions. Furthermore, even in a sample primarily comprised of non-listed firms, labor unions can influence cost stickiness.

1980년대 노동소설에 대한 일고찰 - 정화진 · 유순하 · 방현석 소설을 중심으로

오창은(Chang-eun Oh) 어문연구학회 2006 어문연구 Vol.51 No.-

  This thesis aims to understand the meaning of the "labor novels" in 1980"s, considering the historical situation at the time. The labor novels in 1980"s were created by intellectual writers. These writers created the labor novels through "self-negation" or "the betrayal of one"s own class", through the imagination of "crossing". This thesis will analyse the Jung Hwajin, Yoo Soonha, and Bang Hyunsuk"s labor novels. These are writers as well as laborers, the intellectual as well as writers.<BR>  Jung Hwajin"s A Metallic Stain describes the class-troubles surrounding "a bonus for preparing kimchi for the winter" with a foundry for background. This literary work expresses volumes in sketching the every-day struggle originating in a small and medium enterprise. And it is characteristic that middle-aged Mr Chon appears on the stage as a main speaker, not a advanced laborer or a young laborer of new generation. This novel shows entirely the characteristics which the labor novels in 1980"s have. The labor novels in 1980"s shout the partisan spirit of "laborers", but, on the other hand, also the laborers became the focus of object on all sides. Only the struggle of laborers came to be embossed, leaving out the every-day lives of laborers.<BR>  Yoo Soonha"s A Formation talks about a big struggle in 1987. This novel is characteristic that it presents its characters typically. While the existing labor novels establish laborers as speakers, this novel establishes Shin Jongtaek, a middle manager as the speaker. It narrates dramatically the confrontation between the capitalist and laborer in a closed space of a company. This narration strategy meets the case in showing the class-difference clearly as well as the real situation of the Korean labor world in 1980"s.<BR>  Bang Hyunsuk"s The First Stepping-Forward(1988) and Going to War at the Dawn(1989) are interesting to catch the periodical situation calmly. "The revolutionary laborer" showing in Bang"s novels is set up as the laborer overcoming the everyday difficulties and the hardship of the organization and growing up. However, Bang doesn"t depict their future hopefully.<BR>  This narration of suffering is closely connected with the sub-consciousness of the writer who took part in a labor movement as a student activist. The effect of the irony has come into existence between the tragic understanding about the world and the growing labor-understanding. In The First Stepping-Forward the laborers who turned away a labor movement because of Jungsik"s anger become part of struggle together. However, the romantic prospect that the struggle will become a victory is under the shadows of night. In Going to War at the Dawn 65 of female laborers leave to somewhere to struggle. The tragic beauty that their struggle could get joined on another breakdown flows in the whole text. In other words, we can say that the class-struggle which has been continuing since 80"s can not be accomplished only with romantic anticipation.<BR>  "Labor" is all of the human activities and an important constituent of life. Today is the age that socialistic prospect or aesthetics have been sinking. Though, it seems that "labor novels" will last. It is because human everyday life is just labor activity or its outcome. The labor novels in 80"s record the history of suffering of laborers. If "labor novels" in 1980"s are linked with the "finding-hope" in darkness, the labor novels in the future will reflect on how human everyday activities and labors are linked. Through this, I can anticipate that we could find a new pathway that "everyday life/labor/politics" to take a triangular position literarily.

노동조합의 자주성과 부당노동행위로서의 운영비 원조 –헌법재판소 2018. 5. 31. 선고 2012헌바90 결정 및 개정 노동조합법을 중심으로–

김태현 강원대학교 비교법학연구소 2020 江原法學 Vol.61 No.-

근로자의 노동3권을 보장하고 대항적 세력으로서의 노동조합에 대한 제도적 뒷받침과 합리적 규율을 하는 것은 자본주의의 지속적인 발전을 위해서 필수적이다. 운영비 지원에 대하여 법원은 한때 실질설의 입장에서 판단하기도 하였으나, 2010년 노동조합법 개정 이후 형식설로 선회하는 움직임을 보였다. 대법원은 운영비 원조에 관한 종전 판례의 견해를 변경한 것인지에 대하여 명확하지 않았으나, 2016. 1. 28.부터 사용자가 노조운영비 및 노조전임자 활동비 등을 지원하거나 노조전임자에게 연간 근로제공의무가 면제되는 시간을 초과하는 근로시간을 인정하여 급여를 지급한 행위 등에 대해 일관되게 형식설에 입각한 판시를 하였다. 이에 헌법재판소는 2018. 5. 31. 운영비 원조에 대한 금지가 노조의 자주성을 확보하여 노동3권의 실질적 보장을 위한 것으로 보아 목적의 정당성은 인정되지만, 두 가지 예외 이외에 일체의 운영비 원조 행위를 금지하는 것은 실질적으로 노조의 자주성 저해 위험이 없는 행위까지 금지하는 것이므로 입법목적 달성을 위한 적합한 수단으로 볼 수 없고, 침해의 최소성, 법익의 균형성에 반하므로 과잉금지원칙을 위반한 것으로 보아 헌법불합치결정을 내렸다. 운영비 원조 조항의 연혁적 취지는 사용자가 특정 노동조합에 대한 원조를 통해 이를 통제함으로써 다른 자주적ㆍ독립적 단결체의 형성과 그 활동을 간접적으로 방해하는 것을 막기 위한 데 있다. 노동조합법 제2조 제4호 나목은 노동조합의 소극적 요건으로 경비의 ‘주된’ 부분을 사용자로부터 원조 받는 경우로 규정하고 있다. 따라서 운영비 원조가 부당노동행위에 해당하는지 여부는 애초부터 노동조합의 자주성 침해 여부와 관련지어 판단할 수밖에 없는 속성을 갖는다. 그러나 법원이 형식설의 입장을 확고히 함에 따라 실제의 법 적용에 있어서 실질적인 자주성 침해 여부 등이 고려되지 않았고 오히려 노동조합ㆍ근로자의 노동3권이 제약된다는 아쉬움이 있었다. 노동3권 보장 및 부당노동행위 제도가 시민법, 자유권 중심의 전통적인 법체계를 수정하는 의미를 가지므로 사회권의 관점에서 운영비 원조 문제를 바라볼 필요가 있는바 실질설의 입장이 노사자치에 더욱 부합하는 것이라 사료된다. 독일, 프랑스, 영국은 운영비 원조 부당노동행위에 관한 규정을 두고 있지 않지만, 부동노동행위제도의 원류라고 할 수 있는 미국과 일본에서는 명문규정을 두고 있다. 미국은 사용자가 노동단체에 재정적 또는 기타 지원을 하는 행위를 부당노동행위로 규정하고 있으나, 위 부당노동행위가 성립하려면 사용자의 노동조합에 대한 실제적인 지배, 즉 일정한 수준의 통제나 영향력 행사가 있었음이 입증되어야 하고, 단순히 사용자가 근로자 단체와 협력하였거나 통제를 할 가능성이 있다는 것만으로는 부당노동행위가 성립되지 않는다고 보고 있다. 일본은 종래 우리나라 운영비 원조 금지조항과 매우 유사한 규정을 두고 있는데, 예외 사유를 엄격히 해석하지 아니하고 사용자가 노동조합의 자주성을 손상시키지 않는 범위 내에서 노동조합과의 협의에 따라 시설 이용 허락 등 일정한 편의를 제공하는 것을 허용하고 있다. ILO 제98호 협약 제2조 제2항은 운영비 원조 판단요건으로 ‘사용자가 노조를 자신의 통제 하에 둘 목적’을 규정하고 있다. 이러한 점을 종합하면, 실질설 관점을 취한 헌재의 헌법불합치 ... For the sustainable development of capitalism, it is essential to protect labor’s three primary rights of workers and provide institutional support and reasonable regulation for labor unions being a counterpower. In relation to providing aid for operating costs, courts had taken the viewpoint of the theory of substance in their decisions until shifting the grounds to the theory of legal form since the amendment of the Labor Laws in 2010. It is not clear whether the Supreme Court changed its view on providing aid for operating costs in precedent decisions, but it has made consistent decisions since January 28, 2016 from the viewpoint of the theory of legal form in the cases on an employer’s act of providing operating allowances for a union and activity costs for the union’s representative, or providing a payment to a union’s representative for work hours exceeding the annually exempted mandatory work hours. However, the Constitutional Court made on May 31, 2018 a decision that the Supreme Court’s decisions on the above cases are incompatible with the constitution, on the grounds that the prohibition of providing aid for operating costs is justified for the purpose of securing labor unions’ autonomy for the substantive protection of labor’s three primary rights, but prohibiting aid for all other operating costs apart from two substantially restricts even the acts that have no risk of undermining the labor unions’ autonomy. Therefore, it is not considered as an appropriate means to attain the legislative purpose and rather violates the principle of excess prohibition as it is against the minimality of invasion and balance of legal interest. The original intent of laws on providing aid for operating costs is to restrict and prevent employers from using aid for a specific labor union as a means to exert indirect interference in the formation and activities of other independent/autonomous unions. Negative requirement of labor unions is defined in paragraph 4(b) of Article 2 of the Labor Union Act as receiving aid for “most” of the operating costs from employers. Therefore, it is inevitable to consider an invasion of the labor union’s autonomy from the beginning of deliberation in determining whether an act of providing aid for operating costs constitutes an unfair labor practice. Nevertheless, the substantive invasion of autonomy has not been considered in the actual application of laws as the courts maintain a firm stance on the theory of legal form, thereby rather restricting the three primary labor rights of labor unions and workers. Given that protection of labor’s three primary rights and unfair labor practice policies were introduced as amendments to the traditional legal system that was primarily framed from the civic law and right of freedom, it is necessary to address the issues on aid for operating costs from the perspective of social right; accordingly, the standpoint of the theory of substance is considered to be more aligned with the labor-management autonomy. Although there is no stipulation on the provision of aid for operating costs being an unfair labor practice in Germany, France, and the UK, there is substantive enactment in Japan and the US, which is the origin of unfair labor practice policy. In the US, the unfair labor practice is defined as an employer’s financial or other form of support for a labor union and deemed constituted when there is proven to be an employer’s substantive control over the labor union, that is, a certain level of control or influence exerted, rather than just a possibility of employer’s cooperation with or control over a labor union. Similar to Korea, Japan has a stipulation on the prohibition of providing aid for operating costs. In the country, the exemption cases are not narrowly construed, and employers are allowed to provide certain conveniences to labor unions such as a use permit of facilities if agreed by the unions and to the extent not underm...

일본 노사협의제 발언권의 변용

박경열 한일경상학회 2010 한일경상논집 Vol.48 No.-

Labor-management consultation has started with the need for switching over from adversarial union-management relations to the one as cooperative one; labor-union has been giving a cooperative attitude on the condition that long-term employment of them would be guaranteed. Because of the nation-wide long economic slump, the customary practice called the lifetime employment has been disappearing, union-management relations has been taking new different aspects; the growing numbers of employees accepting voluntary severance packages and early retirement offers, the current increasing trend in hiring irregular workers, adopting performance-based pay system. These recent changes have been demanding the new directions on what Japanese labor-management consultation should be heading for. As a result of analysis on the changes of Japanese labor-management consultation by the weight of union's voice, there are the following significant features;Firstly, compared Japanese labor-management consultation including labor-union with the one without labor-union, the former turned out to have more powerful voice. This result is saying that Japanese enterprise union have a voice on labor-management consultation. Secondly, from the indicators representing the degree of voice in labor-management consultation, the strongest voice indicator called ‘Unanimity on the labor-conditions’ or ‘Agreement on it’ has been turning into 「Matter for discussion on it」. Thirdly, it is considered to be desirable for collective bargaining and labor-management consultation to work out individually in solving a problem, However recently collective bargaining has tended to be absorbed into labor-management consultation; collective bargaining has been substituted for the labor-management consultation, this kind of transition might cause collective bargaining to reduce its voice power. Fourthly, there is a big transition in the way of negotiation between labor and management since performance-related personnel management system has been started adopting to evaluate workers; from partial bargaining on each specific area such as basic salary, allowance of the bonus, retirement allowance, fringe benefits to package-type bargaining negotiated them as a whole; from the negotiation between all the members of the labor union and management to between an employee and employer. The changes mentioned above cause the collective labor-union to weaken their power, and also labor-management consultation has got to be put under the influence. Fifthly, non-regular employees has occupied by over 25% in Japanese manufacturing business, and the ratio is growing steadily. Reduction of unionization by decreasing regular workers have made the position of labor-management consultation as a representative of labors be weakened and also its voice is going to lose its power, because which is mainly consisted of regular employees. Eventually this kind of situation is going to lead labor-management consultation to the incapable-ceremonial organization.

1970년대 박정희정권시대의 노동운동과 노동법

유혜경 한국사회법학회 2022 社會法硏究 Vol.- No.46

During the Park Chung-gee Regime in 1960s, no attempts were made to win the highest level of Labor Union over to its side. And the labor union system by industry in 1960s was formally the labor union by industry but was actually the labor union system by company. So, if 1960s and 1970s are compared, the labor policy in 1960s is different from the unionism and has essentially the same meaning as the oppressive labor policy in 1970s. The Yushin System in 1970s was a reactionary system during which human dignity could not even guaranteed due to torture, violence, and murder. On the other hand, the strategic growth in heavy chemical industry in 1970s only has a meaning of quantitative economic growth, so it cannot be evaluated as the ‘development by means of freedom.’ Under the violent and reactionary system together with the economic growth irrelevant to development, the labor policy of the Park Chung-hee Regime is presented as the revision of Labor Relations Act. Core content of the revised Labor Relations Act made administrative authority to evaluate a legality of strikes beforehand and only when the administrative authority recognizes the legality, the right to strike was guaranteed. Allowing the administrative authority to evaluate the legality of strikes restricts labors’ right to take collective action by the external organization, and this is made to fully deprive the right to take collective action. The labor policy under the Park Chung-hee Regime through major labor movements was evaluated as follows. First, Central Intelligence Agency intervened strikes or union activities for the national security to repress and control the labor movements violently. Second, progressive religions supported the labor movements by raising critical consciousness of labors and collective struggles combined with these progressive religions developed into the anti-dictatorial struggle. Third, an aspect of struggles by branches against headquarters of the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions was shown to fight against the government-patronized Korea Confederation of Trade Unions. Fourth, female labors and progressive religions were united and took the lead in the labor union activities, and female labors were started to become a center of the labor movements. In conclusion, the labor policy under the Park Chung-hee Regime in 1970s had the nature of repressing and controlling to fully deprive the right to take collective action in violent political situations where the basic human dignity is threatened, and it was a reactionary labor policy that intensified violence by the permanent Central Intelligence Agency intervention and oppression. 1960년대의 박정희 정권은 노동조합의 상층부를 자신의 권력으로 포섭시키려는 어떠한 시도도 없었다. 그리고 1960년대의 산업별노조체계는 형식적으로만 산업별노조였지 사실은 기업별노조체계였다. 따라서 1960년대와 1970년대를 비교할 때, 1960년대의 노동정책은 조합주의적 제도와는 다른 것으로써, 1970년대의 억압적 노동정책과 본질적으로 같은 의미를 가진다. 1970년대 유신체제는 고문, 폭력, 살인에 의해 기본적으로 인간의 존엄성마저도 보장받을 수 없었던 반동적 지배체제였다. 한편 중화학공업의 전략적 성장이라는 1970년대의 경제성장은 양적 경제성장의 의미를 가졌을 뿐, ‘자유로서의 발전’이라는 의미 하에서는 발전으로써 평가될 수 없다. 폭력적, 반동적 지배체제와 발전의 의미와 상관없는 경제성장 하에서 박정권의 노동정책은 먼저 노동관계법의 개정으로 나타난다. 노동관계법의 개정 중 핵심내용은 행정관청이 쟁의의 적법여부를 사전에 심사하여 행정관청이 적법하다고 인정하는 전제 하에서 쟁의권을 보장하도록 하였다. 이렇게 행정관청이 쟁의의 적법여부를 판단하도록 하는 것은 근로자들의 자주적인 단체행동권을 외부기관이 제한하는 것이고, 이것은 자주적인 단체행동권을 전면적으로 박탈하는 것이었다. 다음으로 주요 노동운동을 통해 박정권 하의 노동정책을 평가하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 중앙정보부가 노동쟁의나 노조활동에 안보적 차원으로써 개입하여 노동운동을 폭력적으로 억압, 통제하여 왔다. 둘째, 진보적 종교세력이 노동자들의 의식화투쟁을 통해 노동운동을 지원하고, 이러한 진보적 종교세력과 결합된 연대투쟁은 반독재민주화 투쟁으로 발전하였다. 셋째, 한국노총의 어용화에 대항하여 한국노총본부에 대한 지부단위의 투쟁으로 발전하는 양상으로 나타났다. 넷째, 여성노동자들이 진보적 종교세력과 결합하여 노동조합 활동의 선두에 섰고 여성노동운동이 노동운동의 중심을 차지하는 성격을 띠었다. 결론적으로 1970년대 박정권 하의 노동정책은 인간의 기본적인 존엄성마저도 탄압받는 폭력적 정치적 상황 하에서 전면적으로 단체행동권을 박탈하는 억압, 통제의 본질을 가졌고, 상시적인 중앙정보부의 개입과 탄압으로써 폭력성을 강화시킨 반동적 노동정책이었다. 그리고 이러한 폭력적 억압적 노동정책에 대항한 노동운동은 본질적으로 최소한의 인간의 존엄과 자유를 요구하는 자유권을 지향하였다.

1980년대 노동문학(연구)의 정치성 - 연구자의 무의식과 노동자의 글쓰기를 중심으로

박수빈 상허학회 2013 상허학보 Vol.37 No.-

This study aims to specifically analyze politics, an element of labor literature of the 1980s which has been usually researched focusing on appearance of new agents. Subjects of this study are labor novels of the 1980s and history of research. For specific methodology, political unconscious of researchers on labor novels of the 1980s and direct analysis of texts which differ from traditional history of research. This study, in particular, imposes a great significance on these two key words- 'politics'. 1980 is worth paying attention in terms of literary 'politics' in Korea's history of culture. In this period, literature was extremely participatory in reality by covering literary texts and contexts with politics. 1980s is also known as a period with unprecedentedly considerable correlation between literature and politics and at the same time called the literary dark ages as 1940s. It means politics and social situations of the time prevented literature from growing and creation of literature was a lot less than other periods in the literary history. However, in terms of labor literature, literature can be thought to blossom in 1980s. Many non-periodical publications, laborers' literary pieces in several magazines and memoirs prove the popularity. But when it comes to view of it, Korean histories of literature and study have taken very biased patterns. Researchers of the time on labor literature devaluated it in terms of literary value and experts since 2000 have only focused on defining 'agent' of the literature, so that they have defined labor literature of the 1980s as 'sub-agent's literature' and named agents of creation 'bottom' or 'subaltern'. When it comes to purpose of labor literature, politics surpasses esthetics. In addition, labor literature is characterized by movement and instigation so that it reveals illogical labor conditions, fundamental contradictions and inequality of the working classes and promotes labor union. Therefore, this study gives attention to the creative purpose of 'political movement' in labor literature. This finally enables to get out of the antiquated view as 'literary value' taken by the traditional history of literature for labor literature and escape from the unconscious of the researchers that they have considered labor literature only as sub-literature, so that this is expected to employ a variety of works and genres into the labor literature and change the definition of labor literature. If the labor literature of the 1980s is seen from a different view, it looks more attractive because an agent of movement is an agent of creation and it is a literature for the period of blossoming literature with a view to 'laborer union'. Reviewing labor literature of the 1980s and research on it now is to find an answer to the question on social roles that literature should take. The review also allows examining relation between literature and reality and is a step to restoring what has been excluded in our history of literature. 이 글의 목적은 새로운 주체의 등장이라는 관점과 키워드로 주로 연구되어왔던 1980년대 노동문학의 또 다른 면모인 문학의 정치성이라는 측면을 상세히 분석하는 것이다. 그 연구 대상으로 삼은 것이 1980년대 노동소설과 연구사다. 구체적인 방법론으로 1980년대 노동소설에 대한 연구자들의 정치적 무의식을 분석하고, 기존 연구사와는 차이를 보이는 텍스트들을 직접적으로 분석하는 방식을 채택하였다. 특히 이 글에서는 ‘정치성’이라는 키워드를 중요하게 다룬다. 1980년대는 한국문학사에서 문학의 ‘정치성’이라는 관점으로 주목할 만한 시기다. 이 시기는 문학텍스트와 컨텍스트를 ‘정치성’이라는 키워드로 동시에 아우를 수 있는, 문학이 현실참여의 극단에 있었던 시기다. 1980년대는 문학과 정치의 상관관계가 전에 없이 매우 높았던 시기면서 1940년대 못지않은 문학의 암흑기로 이야기된다. 당대 정치, 사회적 상황이 문학적 위축으로 이어졌고, 작품 생산이 우리문학사의 다른 시기에 비해 미미한 수준에 그쳤다는 것이다. 그러나 노동문학의 측면에서 보면 1980년대는 문학적 활동이 매우 활발했다고 볼 수 있다. 다수의 부정기간행물을 비롯한 여러 잡지에 실린 노동자들의 문학작품과 수기들이 이를 뒷받침한다. 그런데 이를 보는 우리 문학사와 연구사의 관점은 매우 치우친 양상을 보였다. 당대 노동문학 연구자들은 ‘문학성’이라는 측면에서 노동문학을 평가절하 하였고, 2000년대 이후의 연구자들은 노동문학 ‘주체’를 의미화 하는데 주력했기 때문에 1980년대 노동문학을 ‘하위 주체의 문학’으로 의미화하고, 창작 주체를 ‘아래’, ‘서발턴’이라는 이름으로 명명하였다. 노동문학은 문학의 미학적 목적보다 정치적 목적을 우위에 두는 문학이다. 또한 노동문학은 현실적인 노동현장의 불합리성, 근본적인 모순, 노동자 계급의 불평등성에 대해서 고발하고 노동자 연대를 꾀하는 운동․선동의 성질을 내포하고 있다. 그래서 이 글은 노동문학의 정치적 운동성이라는 창작의 목적에 주목한다. 그리고 이런 작업이야말로 지금까지의 문학사가 노동문학을 바라보던 ‘문학성’이라는 관점과 노동문학을 하위문학으로 바라보는 연구자들의 무의식에서 벗어나 좀 더 다양한 작품과 장르를 노동문학사 내에 포섭시키고, 노동문학의 성격을 달리 의미화 할 수 있다고 믿는다. 1980년대 노동문학은 조금만 시각을 달리하면 훨씬 더 매력적인 대상으로 보인다. 운동의 주체가 곧 창작의 주체가 되었고, ‘노동자 연대’라는 목적을 향해 문학운동을 활발히 해 온 시기의 문학이기 때문이다. 지금, 여기로부터 1980년대 노동문학과 그 연구를 다시 보는 일은 문학의 사회적 역할을 묻는 질문에 대한 하나의 답을 찾는 일이다. 또한 1980년대 노동문학과 노동문학연구에 대한 재고는 문학과 현실의 관계를 살피는 일이자, 우리문학사 자체에서 정리되지 못하고 제외되었던 부분을 복원시키는 하나의 작업이기도 하다.

노동권의 정치와 임금중심사회의 위기

김철식 비판사회학회 2024 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.142

이 연구는 한국 노동세계 변화를 노동권을 둘러싼 노자 간 상호작용의 동학 속에서 검토한다. 1987년 노동자대투쟁을 계기로 노동은 자기희생적 투쟁을 통해 상당한 수준의 임금인상과 노동조건 개선, 집합적 조직의 형성과 인정, 노동과 관련한 사회적 권리들을 획득할 수 있었다. 그에 따라 한국 사회에서 임금노동에 근거해 노동권 및 사회적 권리가 부여되고 사회적 정체성이 구성되는 임금중심사회가 형성되었다. 그런데 외환위기를 계기로 노동시장 유연화가 본격화되면서 노동권의 해체과정이 진행되었다. 자본은 기존의 노동권을 적용하기 어려운 다양한 불안정 노동의 활용을 확대해 나감으로써 노동이 획득해 온 권리를 우회하고 실질적으로 무력화했다. 그 결과 오늘날 한국에서는 고용관계가 비가시화되고 노동과 자영의 경계가 모호해지는‘노동의 탈경계화’ 현상과, 노동 분할과 위계가 정교화되고 법적 테두리 내로 제도화되면서 불공정한 차별이 공정한 차별로 정당화되는 ‘노동 분할과 위계의 정교화, 제도화’ 현상이 나타나며, 이로 인해 노동과 결부된 권리로부터 배제된 노동이 확산되면서 자신의 일이나 직장에 대한 소속감이니 애착이 약화되는 ‘노동자 정체성의 약화’와 함께, 이 모든 것의 결과로 임금노동자의 지위를 근거로 권리가 부여 되고 사회적 정체성이 형성되는 사회가 위기에 처하는‘임금중심사회의 위기’가 나타나고 있다. 임금중심사회가 위기에 빠진 상황에서 기존의 임금노동을 중심으로 구성된 노동권을 넘어 새로운 노동권의 재구성을 모색할 필요가 있다. This study examines the changes in the Korean labor world by focusting on the dynamics of labor-capital interaction over labor rights. Since the Great Labor Struggle in 1987 struggle, labor has been able to obtain significant wage increases, improved working conditions, collective organization and recognition, and social rights through self-sacrificing struggle. As a result, a wage-based society has been formed in Korea, where labor rights are granted and social identity is constructed based on wage labor. However, as labor market flexibilization began in earnest following 1997 Asian financial crisis, labor rights were dismantled. By expanding the use of various precarious labor that is difficult to apply labor rights, capital has bypassed and effectively neutralized the rights that labor has acquired. As a result, the characteristics of today’s Korean labor world are conceptualized as the de-bordering of labor, the elaboration and institutionalization of labor division and hierarchy, the weakening of worker identity, and the crisis of a wage-based society. As the wage-based society is in crisis, it is necessary to seek a new reconstruction of labor rights beyond the existing rights organized around wage labor.