고려시대 문인의 소동파(蘇東坡) 시문(詩文) 수용(受容) 및 그 의의(意義)(2)

조규백 ( Kyu-Baek Cho ) 경북대학교 퇴계연구소 2007 퇴계학과 유교문화 Vol.40 No.-

고려시대 문예사상의 변천과정 중에 한중문화교류를 통해 중국 문학의 풍부한 경험을 능동적으로 수용한 사례는 보편적이다. 본고는 蘇東坡의 인생과 문학이 어떻게 고려 문인의 모범이 되었으며, 우리 문학의 내용을 풍부하고 하고 나름의 문화의식을 지니게 하도록 하였는지 파악하기 위해 작성하였다. 蘇東坡가 생존했던 北宋朝와 高麗朝 문인의 소동파 수용과는 시기적으로 어느 정도 격차가 있지만, 同質의 정치문화체제가 중심이어서 차이성보다는 동질성이 강하다. 한편 고려시대 문인은 동파를 흠모하고 수용하였지만 개성과 환경의 차이로 인해 문학상의 결과는 그와 다르게 나타날 수밖에 없었다. 여기서는 ‘여러 문인이 각기 소동파를 수용하여 어떠한 “點化”(모방은 하되 창조적 변질을 가져오는 것)가 있었는가’, 그리고 ‘그것이 우리 문학에 어떤 발전이나 변화를 줄 수 있었는가’를 각기 고찰하였다. 제2장에서는 고려시대 漢詩文의 思潮를 검토하고, 이어서 高麗와 宋의 문화교류에 대해 중국문학의 受容, 특히 소동파의 수용과 관련지어 조감하였다. 제3장에서는 고려시대 문인의 소동파 수용과정과 蘇東坡觀을 검토하여, 그 구체적 내용과 이유를 보다 명확하게 살펴보았다. 아울러 소동파에 대한 고려 문인들의 열렬한 숭배의 요인은 무엇인지를 파악해 보았다. 제4장에서는 고려시대 문인의 소동파 시문 수용 및 그 의의를 고찰하였다. 먼저 ‘소동파 시문을 모의하고 소동파와 같고자 추구하는’ 同一化樣相을 고찰하였다. 이어서 창조적 수용에 초점을 맞추어 논의를 전개하였다. 고려문인들에 있어 동파는 인생과 문학의 모범을 제공하였고, 문학적 공감, 창작기교, 예술적 성과와 경험을 제시해 주고 있다. 그들은 자신과 자국문화의 발전을 위한 목표를 가졌기 때문에 동일화에만 머무르지 않고 창조적 수용을 지향하였다. 이렇듯 동파의 시문에 대해 모방은 하되 창조적 변질을 가져오는 “點化”가 있었으며, 그것이 우리 문학에 지속적인 생명력을 주고 있다. 논문(1)은 이 논문의 전반부이고, 논문(2)는 그 후반부이다. Active cultural exchange between Korea and China as well as Korea's acceptance of China's abundant culture were universal themes during the Koryo Dynasty. In this paper, the process of how Su Dongpo's life and literary works became the model for Koryo scholars and its effect on Korea's literary depth and separate cultural consciousness are examined. To this end, we consider the Koryo Dynasty literati's acceptance of Su Dongpo's poetry and prose and discuss its significance. Although there were some differences between Su Dongpo and his contemporaries North Song period and Koryo Dynasty, they all lived within the same political and cultural system. Therefore it can be said that they had more similarities than differences. Although Koryo Dynasty literati admired Su Dongpo and accepted his work, differences in style and environment inevitably resulted in different literary results on the part of scholars in the Koryo Dynasty. This paper seeks to determine the extent of Koryo scholars' creative changes to Su Dongpo's style despite their outward imitation of his work and the resulting Korean literary and cultural development. The second part of this paper discusses the effect of Chinese poetry and prose on Korea's Koryo Dynasty and the subsequent cultural exchange with China's Song Dynasty, particularly as it relates to the acceptance of Su Dongpo's works. In part three, the reasons for the esteem given to Su Dongpo are carefully analyzed in addition to the content and reasoning of the acceptance of Su Dongpo's views. In part four, the significance of Koryo Dynasty scholars' acceptance of Su Dongpo's literary works is examined. In particular, imitation of Su Dongpo and pursuit of the Su Dongpo ideal, as well as the borrowing of his literary style in ancient texts is examined in detail. Focus was placed on Koryo scholars' creativity despite their acceptance of Su Dongpo's literary style. Su Dongpo served as a model for Koryo Dynasty scholars in both his life and his literary works. Koryo scholars were sympathetic to the themes in Su Dongpo's prose, appreciated his originality and literary skill, and valued the artistic merit and experience exhibited in his work. Koryo scholars went beyond mere imitation of Su Dongpo's style and strove to develop their own country's literature through creative assimilation. This is a prime example of Korea's cultural vitality- although Koryo scholars superficially imitated Su Dongpo's style, they applied creative touches to his work to make it distinctly their own. *Note: Abstract (1) is the first part and Abstract, (2) is the second part of this research paper.

麗·宋 시기의 海上航路의 형성과 활용

김강식(Kim, Kang-Sik) 한국해양대학교 국제해양문제연구소 2014 해항도시문화교섭학 Vol.0 No.11

The period when the maritime route was opened between Korea and China in the Yellow Sea was since the arising of the ancient nation. The necessity of a maritime route in the Yellow Sea is related to the mass transportation of freight. To properly understand the maritime route in the era of Koryo and Song Dynasty, it should be reviewed from the perspectives of the continuity of a maritime route and the use of the route. Firstly, the traverse maritime route of Koryo and Song Dynasty in Yellow Sea was a successor of a maritime route that had been developed and used since the ancient times. Therefore, rather than uniformly classifying the maritime route of Koryo and Song Dynasty into the times of North Song and South Song, it is appropriate to view that the route had a main route and a sub route depending on the specific period. Typically in the case of the traverse maritime route of Yellow Sea, in the time of Koryo and Song Dynasty, the route travelled across Dengzhou of Song, which was used since the era of Silla until that time, or through Mizhou, or even went to South Song of Ningbo across the Yellow Sea. Next, due to the growth of the Kitan in the time of Koryo and Song Dynasty, the southern route of Yellow Sea had been used as the main route since the year of 1088. Such fact is also described in detail in the like books of Koryo Dogyeong by Xu Jing. The reasons behind the development of the southern route of Yellow Sea include the economic development in the south region of the river in South Song and the need to sell various products in Koryo due to the aggressive trade policy of Song Dynasty. However, other than the traverse maritime route and the southern maritime route of Yellow Sea, the southern maritime route that travelled via Jeju Island also had an important function in the time of Koryo and Song Dynasty. The island that belonged to Korea since the ancient times had an important location not only in the exchange between Koryo and Song Dynasty, but also in the exchange between Japan and Song Dynasty. Jeju Island was not only a travel stop in the route or the supplier of drinking water, but also functioned as part of the southern maritime route that travelled to South Song via Jeju. In special, this route was a route that received attentions as a maritime route for emergency or private trade. Generally, the traverse route and the southern maritime route of Yellow Sea in the time of Koryo and Song Dynasty are understood in the way that the traverse maritime route of Yellow Sea was used but then the route was changed to the southern maritime route depending on the political and the diplomatic situations of the times of North Song and South Song. However, while the national envoys and public trades used fixed routes by changing them to reflect political situations, it should be seen that the merchants and the private trades still kept using the routes that had been used previously depending on their needs.

고려의 북원(北元)칭호 사용과 동아시아 인식 -고려의 양면 외교를 중심으로-

윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

The replacement of Yuan Dynasty by Ming Dynasty at the end of the 14th century meant that East Asia returned to plural order. From such a point of view, King Gongmin of the Koryo Kingdom was not the one who followed simple diplomacy of `against Yuan and pro Ming`. At two-sided diplomacy under international situation that Yuan was replaced by Ming, King Gongmin adopted practical diplomatic policy by double-sided. After the fall of Yuan, East Asia kept power balance of North Yuan, Ming and Koryo Kingdom by remaining force of Yuan during a certain period so that Ming Dynasty only could not govern East Asia easily. The findings were as follow: Firstly, in 1356, `Murder case of Gi Family` started to take special innovation actions of King Gongmin`s policy that did not follow anti-Yuan policy. In the middle of the 14th century, Yuan was losing power, and it still kept its position of suzerain of giant power of Mongolia so that King Gongmin was unable to escape from system of Mongol Empire. Secondly, King Gongmin`s declaration of North Yuan did not mean simple line diplomatic route. The Koryo Kingdom`s declaration of North Yuan meant not severance of diplomatic relations with North Yuan but start of the relations with Ming. In 1369, the Koryo Kingdom broke off diplomatic relations with North Yuan in appearance and actually got in touch with North Yuan. King Gongmin opened diplomatic relations with Ming and also kept constant relations with North Yuan to seek for double-sided and practical diplomacy. Thirdly, diplomatic relations between Koryo and Ming was broken down because of Koryo to a certain degree. In 1371, Ming was consecutively defeated at the fighting against North Yuan so that it thought that Koryo informed North Yuan of situation in the name of dispatch of an envoy. The theory of Koryo`s involvement in Nagachu`s attack against Niujiazhuang(牛家莊) is thought be appropriate to a certain degree from point of view of King Gongmin`s diplomatic route at that time. The Koryo Kingdom severed diplomatic relations with Ming in 1374 to let Ming make change of attitudes toward Koryo in 1377 that occurred not by changes of internal situation of both countries but by practical diplomacy of Koryo. Considering East Asia` return to plural world, Koryo accepted North Yuan`s demand and had no idea to build up allied force: On the contrary, Koryo wanted to communicate with not only North Yuan but also Ming by resumption of diplomatic relations with Ming.

麗末鮮初 『맹자』이해의 주제와 관심사

함영대(Ham Young dae) 대동한문학회 2016 大東漢文學 Vol.48 No.-

There is a need to describe the history of Confucianism not from the perspective of the concept of neo-Confucianism but based on the awareness of issues, that is, from the viewpoint of the matters of interest that invoke subjects and the subject consciousness. It is all the more so in that the subject of analysis will be able to be materialized along with the comparative analysis on the context of interpretation in a more broadened manner. In addition, the thoughts at the end of the Koryo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty period should be understood based on the point of concrete text rather than the perspective of typicality of being an intermediate or transitional period. Against this backdrop, this article has sought to understand the history of Confucianism from the perspective of subject consciousness and matters of interest based on several key points of Mencius. To the scholars at the end of the Koryo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty, Mencius served as a useful scriptural authority in effectively presenting their ideas and thoughts. Mencius became the base of debate on land issues and was also utilized in political issues of implementing compassionate politics and the rule of right. They often used the Mencius’ claims as a vehicle to criticize the absolute power of the Crown. It faithfully quoted the original nature of the Mencius texts with its assertiveness and frequency overwhelming the circumstances in late Joseon dynasty. Unlike this, the subject of cultivating mind and character had already actively utilized the logic of neo-Confucianism. However, its approach was not intended toward further advancing the understanding of the mind in an analytical and detailed manner as demonstrated in the theory of four beginnings or the theory that human being and an animal have the same or different nature in late Joseon Dynasty period. Mostly, the approach was taken to be faithful to the claims of the scripture and to emphasize the practical aspects to some extent. When it comes to the perspectives of the anti-heresy theory, the scholars at the end of the Koryo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty period showed more interest in the anti-heresy nature of Mencius himself. Understanding the preciseness and consistency of the logic requires more examination but considering the circumstances of the time when the Buddhism exerted its social and ideological influence, the logic of revolution as a social thought held by the anti-heresy theory is still worth attention. It is not aligned with the circumstances in late Joseon Dynasty period challenged by the anti-heresy nature within Confucianism. In conclusion, the analysis on subjects and matters of interest with Mencius serving as a controversial point is effective in understanding the history of Confucianism at the end of the Koryo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty period and is identified to well serves as a strategic base. The subject awareness and matters of interest in the Mencius’ points were converted to other points as interest in neo-Confucianism deepened and the ideological weight of Confucianism expanded. This will be meaningful as a methodological attempt to capture ideological changes through studies on Confucian Classics. 유학사를 성리학의 개념이 아닌 경전 해석의 대상에 대한 문제의식, 곧 주제와 그러한 주제의식을 견인하는 관심사의 시야에서 서술할 필요가 있다. 분석대상을 구체화 할 수 있으며, 해석의 맥락을 좀 더 폭넓게 비교하고 검토할 수 있다는 점에서 그렇다. 아울러 여말선초의 사상은 중간기나 과도기라는 전형성의 입장에서 파악될 것이 아니라 구체적인 텍스트의 논점을 바탕으로 그 실제를 파악할 필요가 있다. 이 글은 맹자 의 몇 가지 핵심논점을 기초로 주제의식과 관심사의 입장에서 여말선초의 유학사를 파악하려 했다. 여말선초의 학자들에게 맹자 는 자신의 생각을 효과적으로 제시하는데 유용한 경전적 전거가 되었다. 맹자 는 토지문제에 대한 중요한 논의의 거점이 되었고, 仁政과 王道의 구현이라는 정치적인 이슈에서도 활용되었다. 그들은 맹자의 주장을 근거로 때로 왕실권력이라는 절대 권력에 대한 비판으로도 적극 활용했다. 그 방식은 대체로 맹자 텍스트의 원천적 성격을 충실하게 원용하는 것으로 그 적극성과 빈도는 조선 후기적 상황을 압도하는 것이다. 심성수양론적인 주제는 이와 달리 성리학의 논리가 이미 적극적으로 활용되었다. 다만 그 층차는 조선 후기의 四端七情論이나 人物性同異論과 같이 마음에 대한 이해를 분석적으로 더 한층 진전시킨 분석적이고 세밀한 방식은 아니었다. 대체로 경전의 주장에 충실하고 어느 정도의 실천적 측면을 강조하는 방식이었다. 벽이단의 관점에 있어서 여말 선초의 학자들은 맹자 자체의 벽이단적 성격에 더 많은 관심을 가지고 접근했다. 그 논리의 정밀함과 정합성 여부는 좀 더 고찰할 필요가 있으나 불교가 여전히 사회적으로 사상적으로 영향력을 지니고 있던 당대 상황을 고려하면 벽이단론이 지니는 사회사상으로 서의 변혁논리는 여전히 주목할 만한 가치가 있다. 이것은 유학 내부의 벽이단론으로 치열하게 전개된 조선 후기적 상황과는 결을 달리하는 것이다. 결론적으로 맹자 를 논점으로 하는 주제와 관심사에 대한 분석은 여말선초의 유학사의 단면을 파악하는데 유효하고 전략적인 거점임을 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 맹자 의 논점에 대한 주제인식과 관심사는 이후 조선에서 주자학에 대한 관심이 깊어지고, 유학의 사상적 비중이 확장되면서 점차 다른 논점으로 전환된다. 이는 경학 연구를 통해 사상적 변화를 포착하는 방법적 시도로서의 유의미성이 될 터이다.

高麗 太祖의 後百濟 遺民政策과 '訓要 제8조'

신호철 이화사학연구소 2003 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.30

The objective of this article is to answer following question. What did King Wang Kon(founder of Koryo Dynasty) do to carry out the policy about wandering people of post-Paekche Dynasty after he unified the post-Three Kingdoms under his authority? As it is based on the above mentioned fact, I will try to find some meanings of 'Instruction of Ten Rules(訓要十條)', especially the meanings of the Eighth Rule(第八條). Wang Kon carried out three policies to the post-Paekche Dynasty before the unification of Three Kingdoms. Firstly he came into 'a friendly relations' with post-Paekche Dynasty from July 918 to August 924. And then he pursued 'a stick and carrot strategy' from August 924 to April 927. Finally he changed his policy into 'conquest' of post-Paekche Dynasty from April 927 to September 936. The first king of the Koryo Dynasty tried to execute two kinds of wandering people policies. He was helped by cooperators in the course of unification of post-Three Kingdoms. So he took 'a conciliatory and kind treatment policy' to cooperators and common people in the post-Paekche Dynasty. But he employed 'a discriminative treatment and oppression policy' to active resistants and some rulers discontent with the unification war. The founder of Koryo Dynasty gave notice to the next generation that it must be cautious of dissatisfaction to the unification of post-Three Kingdoms. I think that the established theory about Eighth Rule among the 'Instruction of Ten Rules' is mistake. It is caused by misunderstanding Wang Kon's policy about wandering people of post-Baekche Dynasty. For examples, scholars o the established theory assert that the Eighth Rule was a spurious work compiled in the next generation. Because it does not square political situations of those days. In addition to this, as scholars of the established theory assert that discrimination of Honam district comes from the content of Eighth Rule, they commit another mistake. The founder of Koryo Dynasty did not emphasize in the Eighth Rule that particular area should be regarded as rebellion district. I think it is only a warning against a future possibility: if wandering people of post-Paekche Dynasty would take power, they could revolt against Koryo Dynasty. So he said in the Eighth Rule that Koryo Dynasty had to keep guard against wandering people of the post-Paekche Dynasty at all times.

고려시대 유학 교육과 여말선초 학맥의 형성

河政承 ( Ha Jung-seung ) 동방한문학회 2020 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.82

우리나라는 이미 삼국시대부터 중국에서 儒學과 漢文이 수입되어 학문과 문학이 발달하였다. 고려조에 들어와서는 과거제의 시행과 학교 교육의 발달, 학자 간 교유와 서적의 수입 등 宋나라와의 활발한 교류 등으로 학문과 문학은 더욱 꽃을 피워 수많은 학자와 문인을 배출하게 되었다. 이 시대의 학문은 주로 孔孟을 근간으로 하는 儒學이 주류를 이루었고, 고려후기에 이르면 元나라로부터 性理學이 수입되었다. 본고의 제 2장에서는 고려전기부터 고려후기에 이르기까지 유학 교육의 현황과 실제를, 각 시대를 대표하는 학자들과 그들이 교육한 서적을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 예컨대 崔沖→琴儀→安珦→白頤正→權溥·禹倬·李瑱·閔漬 등이 그들이다. 이들을 통해 고려시대 교육은 활발하게 이루어졌고, 더불어 유학은 꽃을 피워 當代 최신의 학문인 성리학까지 수입되었으며 급기야 조선은 ‘성리학의 나라’로 개국하게 되어 16세기 퇴계·율곡에까지 이르게 된 것이다. 제 3장에서는 여말선초 학맥과 집단지성의 형성에 초점을 맞추어 ‘학맥’, 또는 ‘집단지성’이라 일컬을 수 있는 학술 현황에 대해서 살펴보았다. 14세기 전반기 학계의 중심인물은 이제현이었다. 그는 李瑱의 아들이자 權溥의 사위이며 학통으로는 백이정과 권보를 계승하였다. 이제현의 수제자는 목은 이색이다. 이색은 성균관 대사성을 지내며 국학을 진흥 보급시킨 공로가 크고, 총 5차례에 걸쳐 과거를 主試하여 무려 132명이나 되는 과거급제자를 배출하였다. 목은의 학문은 조선조에 이르러 크게 두 갈래로 이어지는데, 하나는 포은 정몽주를 거쳐 야은 길재와 김숙자 등 조선조 성리학자들에게 계승되며 다른 하나는 양촌 권근을 거쳐 유방선·서거정·성간 등으로 이어진다. 여말선초의 학맥은 단순히 학문의 분야로 끝나는 것이 아니라 정치사·문학사와도 밀접하게 관련되어 있어 매우 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 특히 목은과 같은 특정 인물을 중심으로 소위 ‘牧隱系 士人’이라 불리는 집단지성이 형성됨으로 인하여 갓 도입된 성리학 연구에도 중요한 일익을 담당하였고, 문학적으로는 같은 학맥·동인들끼리의 교유를 통해 ‘耆老會’ 등과 같은 일종의 ‘詩會’가 형성되어 결과적으로 문학사 발전에 큰 공헌을 하게 되었다. 또한 이같은 현상은 조선초의 학계와 문단에도 그대로 이어져 소위 말하는 ‘학파’의 형성과 ‘문풍’의 전개에 영향을 주게 되었고, 보다 거시적 관점에서 보면 조선시대 학술사·문학사의 端初가 되었다고 할 수 있겠다. Since the Three Kingdoms period, Confucianism and Chinese literature have been imported from China and the study and literature have developed. In the Koryo Dynasty, academic and literary works have been more flowering due to the implementation of the civil service examination , the development of school education, and active exchanges with the Song Dynasty. The study of of the times was mainly based on Confucius and Mencius, and Confucianism was imported from the Yuan Dynasty by the late Koryo Dynasty. In the second chapter of this study, the current status of Confucianism education and the process of changes in the scholarly lineage from the early Koryo period to the late Koryo period were examined focusing on scholars representing each era and books they educated. For example, they are Choi Chung(崔沖) → Geum Ui(琴儀) → An Hyang(安珦) → Baek Leejung(白頤正)→ Kwon Bu(權溥), Woo Tak(禹倬), Lee Jin(李瑱), Minji(閔漬). The education of the Koryo Dynasty was actively carried out by them, and Confucian Studies reached its peak. As a result, the Neo-Confucianism, the latest study of the Tang Dynasty was imported and Chosun was opened as the ‘country of Neo-Confucianism’ and Toegye and Yulgok have brought up the highest level of Chosun Confucianism in the 16th century. In chapter 3, the current status of education, the trend of literature, writers, and textbooks, which were popular at that time, were examined focusing on how the academic and literary classes of the late Koryo period and the early Chosun Dynasty were conducted, and the current status of academics that can be called scholarly lineage or collective intelligence was examined. The scholarly lineage of the early days of the late Koryo and early Chosun Dynasty is not merely a field of study, but it is closely related to political history and literature history. Especially, because of the formation of collective intelligence around specific characters, it played an important role in the study of newly introduced Confucianism. In literary aspect, a kind of ‘Sihoe(詩會)’ was formed through the communication in the same scholarly lineage, which resulted in a great contribution to the development of literary history. In addition, this phenomenon continued to the academic world and paragraphs of the early Chosun Dynasty, and it influenced the formation of so-called ‘schools’ and the development of ‘Moon-pung’. From a macro perspective, it could be said that it became the beginning of academic history and literature history in the Chosun Dynasty.

투고논문 : 이승휴의 『빈왕록(賓王錄)』 연구

명평자 ( Pyung Ja Myung ) 근역한문학회 2009 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.28 No.-

이승휴의 사행은 원나라가 황후와 태자를 책봉하고 賀進使를 요청함에 따른 것이다. 고려는 무신들의 전횡으로부터 실추된 왕권을 회복하고 고려의 정통 명맥을 유지하기 위해 원나라 공주와의 혼사를 추진하여 원의 허락을 얻어낸 상태였다. 이승휴는 원의 정치적 힘을 실감하면서 고려의 자생책은 왕권의 독립이라고 믿고 사대를 무릅쓰고서라도 무신정권으로부터 고려왕조를 안정적으로 지켜내려 하였다. 이승휴 일행은 사행을 성공적으로 완수하겠다는 강한 의지와 자신감으로 사행길을 떠났으나 악천후와 병고가 겹쳐 일정에 차질을 빚게 되었다. 그러나 원종의 신임에 감격한 충정은 이승휴로 하여금 죽음을 무릅쓰고 고난을 이겨내게 하였다. 이승휴가 연경에 머무는 동안에 지은 여러 편의 시들에서는 이국의 경관과 문물에 감탄하며 원의 정치적 힘과 문화적 힘을 실감하고 인정하는 모습을 엿볼 수 있다. 이승휴가 원 황실에 올렸던 표문 중 황후와 황태자의 책봉을 하례한 표문이 원 세조를 만족하게 하고 중국인들을 감복시키면서 이승휴는 문장으로 중국과 고려에 알려지게 되었다. 이점에서 그는 문장을 통해 하진사로서의 역할을 충실히 수행했다고 할 수 있다. 이승휴는 후우현과 친밀한 관계를 형성함으로써 원과 고려 사이에 추진되고 있는 통혼이 차질없이 진행되어 왕조의 번영으로 이루어지길 기대했다. 후우현과의 인간적 교유가 외교관계에 긍정적인 영향을 미치면서 이승휴의 사행은 麗元의 우호적 관계를 다시 한 번 확인할 수 있는 계기로 작용하였다. 『賓王錄』은 현전하는 최초의 사행록이라는 의미와 함께 항몽에서 사대로 정책을 전환할 수밖에 없었던 고려왕조의 입장과 외교적 수완을 발휘하여 왕권회복과 왕조의 안정을 위해 애쓰는 고려 지식인의 모습을 확인할 수 있는 자료라 하겠다. Lee Seung Hue`s envoy was a result of the Won dynasty`s crowning of its Queen and Crown prince as well as the dynasty`s request for the Ha jin sa(賀進使). Koryo hoped to restore the royal prestige and power that had been disgraced by the militia`s uprising. The Koryo dynasty therefore attempted and received Won dynasty`s approval to preserve the legitimate bloodline by wedding the Won dynasty`s princess to Koryo`s crown prince. Lee Seung Hue was well aware of Won dynasty`s political prowess and therefore believed that Koryo needed autonomy in order to truly restore the kingdom`s power. Thus Lee tried to protect Koryo`s royal line from the military power. Lee Seung Hue and his envoy showed strong determination to successfully complete its route when embarking on their travel. However, the envoy was delayed due to bad weather and suffered many illnesses simultaneously. However, Choong Jung who was deeply moved by Won Jong`s loyalty had Lee Seung Hue overcome the challenges despite the life threatening events. The many poems that Lee Seung Hue wrote while resting in Yeon-gyung reveals his admiration towards the foreign land`s civilization as well as the recognition of the Won dynasty`s political power and cultural power. Among the many diplomatic documents that Lee Seung Hue offered to the Won`s imperial household, the document that congratulated the appointment of the Queen and Crown Prince of the dynasty pleased King of Won and impressed the Chinese citizens. This was how Lee Seung Hue became a renowned writer in China and Koryo. It if from this aspect that he can be said to have diligently performed his role as the Ha jin sa through the widespread recognition for his writings. Lee Seung Hue maintained a close acquaintance with Hoo Woo Hyun through which he expected that the intermarriage would proceed without any problems and eventually lead to the Koryo dynasty`s gaining political power and stability. The personal friendshipwith Hoo Woo Hyun also led to a friendly diplomatic relationship and therefore Lee Seung Hue`s envoy allowed a chance to confirm Ryo won(麗元)`s amiable relationship. Bin Wang Rok (賓王錄) is the first envoy journal (Sa Heng Rok) that exists until today and reveals why the Koryo dynasty had to convert its political structure. Furthermore, the scripture is a invaluable resource that reveals how a Koryo elite effectively implemented diplomatic strategies in order to restore the royal power as well as stabilize the dynasty.

宋元版의 資料에 收錄되어 있는 高麗王朝 關聯記事의 硏究

장동익 역사교육학회 2011 역사교육논집 Vol.46 No.-

This article deals with the some newly found accounts of the Koryo dynasty in the Sung and Yuan literature and the later copies of them. These cases were not dealt in my previous studies of the Sung and Yuan literature. The new 14 accounts on Koryo dynasty in the Sung and Yuan literature may be categorized into a Buddhist term, a postscript, 2 of inscriptions, 5 of proses, and 5 of brief reports on objects and events. We can find other accounts of Koryo dynasty in the later copies of the Sung and Yuan literature. These later copies mentions about Koryo dynasty in 19 cases: 11 cases from Chinese copies, 6 from Japanese ones and 2 from Korean ones. These 19 cases can be grouped by their nature into 6 of proses,2 of praises and 3 of proscripts, a dairy and 7 of brief reports on objects and events. All these accounts are expected to be important clues in explaining the diverse aspects of connection between Koryo and Yuan after the second half of 13th century when Koryo fell under control of the Yuan empire. The most notable material among them are the proses of Kwon Han-gong(權漢功) and Lee Je-hyun(李齊賢). The distinguished scholars of King Chungseon's Mangwondang were Lee Je-hyun, Kwon Han-gong and Chu Teh-jun(朱德潤). The collections of Lee Je-hyun and Chu Teh-jun were reflected partly in the social intercourse with them. But it was difficult to distinguish the level of closeness. I were examined concretely the social intercourse with Lee Je-hyun and Chu Teh-jun through autographic poetry that I found lately. These materials were contained the two poetries of Kwon Han-gong and the four poetries of Lee Je-hyun. It henceforth must be investigated the place of possession, the quality and the size of the materials but it would be the important material to consider the social intercourse with the literary men between Koryo and Yuan. In spite of the poetry's intercourse with the literary men between Koryo and Yuan, it has not been remaining in the existing collection of works. In particular, there were few the poetry of Koryo. But the collection of Chu Teh-jun included his poetry to response of the poetries of Kwon Han-gong and Lee Je-hyun, which was judged useful to catch the academic intercourse more than the former materials. And these materials as an autograph literature were the outstanding texts in the present circumstances that not remain the real trace in those days. In particular, the material of Kwon Han-gong is the important thing to examine his literature and writing ability. Therefore,these materials would be held an important position in the research of the field of poetry and calligraphy in the latter part of the Koryo dynasty.

고려 초기 실록 편찬

김광철 동아대학교 석당학술원 2013 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.56

Successive chronicles had been compiled in the Koryo era like The True Record of the Chosŏn Dynasty. These True Records of the Koryo dynasty had existed until the compilation of Koryo History(『高麗史』) and used as database for compiling Koryo History. Seven Chronicles(七代實錄) edited by Hwang Juryang(黃周亮) is considered the first true record of Koryo dynasty. However, it is open to question whether the chronicle is the first record of Koryo dynasty or not. Because the original version in court for safekeeping was destroyed by fire on account of the Kitan invasion and later it was compiled by royal order for the purpose of its restoration. This study attempts to analyze the descriptions in the true record on Taejo(太祖) of which fragmentary documents only were handed down among Seven Chronicles and to compare the quantity of descriptions classified by kings in Koryo History until king Mokjong(穆宗). As a result, it is proved that there is a sharp difference between before and after the Seongjong reign. This means that Seven Chronicles consists of Five Chronicles(五代實錄) which had already been compiled before king Seongjong(成宗), the true record concerning him which had been compiled in the Hyeonjong reign and the true record on Mokjong. Therefore, it is believed that Seven Chronicles edited by Hwang Juryang is not the first true record of Koryo dynasty. Five Chronicles is generally thought to be edited in the time of king Seongjong. It is guessed that the compiling chronicles of Koryo dynasty would be realized judging from the facts that chroniclers frequently did their jobs in the time of King Seongjong and that they obtained much information for compiling chronicles from China through interchange with her. It is not certain when the compiling project of Five Chronicles had completed, but the date is presumed around the thirteenth year in the reign of King Seongjong. 고려시대에도 조선왕조실록과 마찬가지로 역대 실록이 편찬되고 있었다. 현종대 황주량이 찬집한 7대실록에서부터 조선건국 후 태조대에 편찬한 공민-공양왕실록에 이르기까지 고려왕조실록이 구비되어 있었다. 이들 고려왕조실록은 『고려사』 편찬 당시까지 남아 있어 『고려사』 편찬의 기초 자료로 활용되었다. 황주량의 7대실록은 태조에서 목종대까지 7대의 실록을 한꺼번에 편찬한 것으로, 고려 최초의 실록으로 알려져 있다. 그러나 7대실록은 거란 침공에 따라 궁궐에 보관 중이던 서적이 모두 소실됨으로써, 그 수습 복구 차원에서 왕명으로 편찬되었다는 점을 감안할 때, 이것이 고려 최초의 실록이었는지 의문이다. 단편적으로 전하는 『태조실록』의 기사를 검토하고, 목종대까지 『고려사』의 왕대별 기사의 양을 비교 분석한 결과, 황주량의 7대실록은 고려 최초의 실록이 아니라는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 7대실록은 그 이전에 이미 편찬된 태조대에서 경종대에 이르는 5대실록이 소실되었거나 흩어짐으로써 이를 다시 수집 편찬하고, 여기에 『성종실록』과 『목종실록』을 최초로 편찬하여 이를 합쳐 이렇게 부른 것이다. 경종대에 이르는 5대실록은 성종대에 수찬된 것으로 이해하였다. 사관으로 활동했던 인물의 등장은 광종대부터 확인되지만, 이 시기에 실록 편찬이 이루어지기는 어려웠을 것이고 성종대가 가장 실록 편찬에 적합한 시기였다. 성종대에 사관의 활동이 자주 보이고, 중국과의 교류를 통해 중국에서 실록 등 사서 편찬 정보도 많이 확보하면서 고려실록의 편찬 작업을 구체화 했던 것으로 보인다. 성종대 실록 편찬 작업이 완료된 시기는 확인할 수 없으나, 대체로 성종 13년 경이 아닐까 추정된다.

논문(論文) : 여(麗),몽(蒙) 전쟁의 성격과 몽골의 태도 변화

윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

麗·蒙 관계는 1219년 형제맹약으로 출발했지만 저고여 살해 사건을 계기로 30년의 장기전을 치러야 했다. 결국 양국은 혼인동맹을 맺음으로써 안정적인 평화 관계를 수립할 수 있었다. 양국 관계의 시작을 보여주는 1219년 몽골의 주도로 이루어진 형제맹약은 몽골제국의 과다한 공물 요구의 결과파탄에 이르게 되었다. 옷치긴이 감국하게 된 몽골 국내 사정의 변화와 대외 전쟁에 필요한 막대한 전쟁자금은 고려에 대한 몽골의 공물 요구를 한층 강화시켜 고려에게 상당한 부담으로 작용했다. 고려는 몽골의 과다한 공물 요구에 강한 불만을 표시했고 주변국의 동조 등의 시너지 효과를 발생시켜 저고여 살해사건으로 이어지면서 결국 양국의 형제 맹약은 파탄되었다. 아울러 여몽 양국의 30여년 전쟁을 통해 최씨 무신정권은 고려에서의 입지를 강화하고 장기 집권을 유지할 수 있었다. 몽골의 계속되는 국왕의 출륙친조 요구를 무신정권이 수용할 수 없었던 것은 고려 국왕이 대몽 대화 창구가 되기를 희망하지 않았기 때문이다. 이것은 최씨 무신 권력의 누수현상을 초래할 수 있었기 때문에 최선의 선택은 和戰兩面策을 통해 전쟁의 장기화를 유도하는 것이었다. 결국 고려의 끈질긴 저항이 몽골의 내부 사정과 맞물려 장기전쟁 양상으로 이어졌고, 지연정책을 구사하던 고려가 일정 부분성공을 거둔 형태였다고 평가해 볼 수 있다. 한편, 고려와 몽골의 30여년 장기전쟁은 몽골의 태도 변화를 이끌어 내기에 충분했다. 몽골제국 사상 초유의 사태였던 30여년의 장기전쟁은 고려뿐만아니라 몽골에게도 곤욕스러운 일이었다. 결국 몽골은 고려국왕의 출륙친조를 포기하고 국왕의 출륙과 태자의 친조로 양보하기에 이르렀다. 또한 이를 통해 몽골은 고려가 고구려를 계승한 국가로서 쉽게 굴복시킬 수 없다는 것을 각인하게 되었다. 이것은 후일 고려가 대몽 강화 정책을 추진하는데 유리한 고지를 선점할 수 있는 기반을 제공하기도 했다. This study examined the character of Koryo-Mongolia war and changes of the attitudes of Mongolia. The findings were as follow: Firstly, brothership alliance between Koryo Kingdom and Mongolia that was made under the leadership of Mongolia in 1219 came to a rupture because of Mongol Empire``s excessive request of tribute. Since 1221, Mongol Empire``s request of the tribute was more strengthened to have considerable burden on Koryo. Koryo strongly complained against Mongol Empire``s excessive request of tribute to produce neighboring countries`` synergy effects of sympathy and to kill Jeogoyeo(著古與) and to break off the alliance between both countries at last. Secondly, Koryo``s resistance against Mongolia was used to let Choi regime keep power. Choi regime could not accept Mongol Empire``s continuous demand on Koryo Kingdom king``s Chulyukchinjo(出陸親朝) because the regime did not want that the king would be a window of communication between both countries. Choi regime could lose power because of the king``s Chulyukchinjo so that the best option was to produce long-term war through both policies of war and peace. Long-term war continued because of Koryo``s consistent resistance and Mongol``s internal situation, and Koryo that adopted delay policy was thought to be partially successful. Thirdly, more than 30-years war between both countries was enough to make Mongolia make change of its attitudes. The long-term war that was an unprecedented event at Mongol Empire made not only Koryo but also Mongol Empire suffer from great difficulties. At last, Mongol Empire gave up Koryo king``s Chulyukchinjo, and made concession that the king left island to leave for main land and the prince would visit the empire``s palace. And, the Mongol Empire found that Koryo that inherited Koguryo was difficult to surrender by the empire. Such an event gave base that Koryo could take an advantage to promote Koryo``s policy struggling against Mongol Empire in the future.