고려의 북원(北元)칭호 사용과 동아시아 인식 -고려의 양면 외교를 중심으로-

윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

The replacement of Yuan Dynasty by Ming Dynasty at the end of the 14th century meant that East Asia returned to plural order. From such a point of view, King Gongmin of the Koryo Kingdom was not the one who followed simple diplomacy of `against Yuan and pro Ming`. At two-sided diplomacy under international situation that Yuan was replaced by Ming, King Gongmin adopted practical diplomatic policy by double-sided. After the fall of Yuan, East Asia kept power balance of North Yuan, Ming and Koryo Kingdom by remaining force of Yuan during a certain period so that Ming Dynasty only could not govern East Asia easily. The findings were as follow: Firstly, in 1356, `Murder case of Gi Family` started to take special innovation actions of King Gongmin`s policy that did not follow anti-Yuan policy. In the middle of the 14th century, Yuan was losing power, and it still kept its position of suzerain of giant power of Mongolia so that King Gongmin was unable to escape from system of Mongol Empire. Secondly, King Gongmin`s declaration of North Yuan did not mean simple line diplomatic route. The Koryo Kingdom`s declaration of North Yuan meant not severance of diplomatic relations with North Yuan but start of the relations with Ming. In 1369, the Koryo Kingdom broke off diplomatic relations with North Yuan in appearance and actually got in touch with North Yuan. King Gongmin opened diplomatic relations with Ming and also kept constant relations with North Yuan to seek for double-sided and practical diplomacy. Thirdly, diplomatic relations between Koryo and Ming was broken down because of Koryo to a certain degree. In 1371, Ming was consecutively defeated at the fighting against North Yuan so that it thought that Koryo informed North Yuan of situation in the name of dispatch of an envoy. The theory of Koryo`s involvement in Nagachu`s attack against Niujiazhuang(牛家莊) is thought be appropriate to a certain degree from point of view of King Gongmin`s diplomatic route at that time. The Koryo Kingdom severed diplomatic relations with Ming in 1374 to let Ming make change of attitudes toward Koryo in 1377 that occurred not by changes of internal situation of both countries but by practical diplomacy of Koryo. Considering East Asia` return to plural world, Koryo accepted North Yuan`s demand and had no idea to build up allied force: On the contrary, Koryo wanted to communicate with not only North Yuan but also Ming by resumption of diplomatic relations with Ming.

高期中文的流入及其接受融合情

김현주 한국중국언어문화연구회 2008 한중언어문화연구 Vol.- No.15

Koryo Kingdom (AD. 918~1392) succeeded the culture of Shilla Kingdom internally and exchanged culture with China on an equal footing externally. In particular, their contacts with the Chinese culture facilitated a smooth introduction of the Chinese culture, and as a result, the Chinese literature prospered in Koryo. According to the literature, 'lyric' or a sort of lyric literature representing Sung China was introduced during this period only to influence the Chinese literature in Korea. The existing "Collection of the Korea Literary Works" feature a total of 663 works written by nation's major figures from Three Kingdoms period until 1910. According to the surveys so far, 'lyric' works are carried in 85 works of the collection. Professor Cha Joo hwan earlier introduced 421 lyrics written by the literati class during Korea Kingdom and Chosun dynasty. and since then, scholars have identified 1,250 lyrics written by 171 authors. According to the literature, lyric of Koryo Kingdom was introduced from China first in 1073, and in 1089 a king of Koryo wrote a song with a lyric. Later for about 3 hundred years, some 30 writers produced some 150 lyric works only to conduce to establishment of a new lyric system in Koryo kingdom. The study, a basic comparative research into Koryo and China lyrics, reviews how the Chinese lyrics were introduced to the kingdom and how they were accommodated there to develop into Koryo lyrics. Namely, this study focused on 4 aspects of Koryo lyrics: introduction of the Chinese lyrics, creation of Koryo lyrics and their characteristics and the challenges for future studies. Data about and researches into Koryo lyrics have been collected and conducted over the last 40 years, recording a remarkable academic achievement. Lastly, it is hoped that this study will be followed up by future studies collecting further data and analyzing the literary characteristics of their texts.

高麗 後期 ‘色目人論’의 背景과 意義

金浩東(Kim Ho-dong) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.200

In the Mongol empire a number of peoples and cultures met and were mixed together, and its rulers did not force people to follow the Mongol customs. Mongols had their own law called jasagh, but, except for a few articles, they did not try to apply its entire regulations to the people under their rule. In fact, it was improbable from the first to formulate a single legal code that could embrace various ethnic groups in the empire all of which had their own distinctive legal customs. Therefore, they applied jasagh to the Mongols, shariah to the Muslims, and Chinese law to the Chinese, i.e, both Hanren and Nanren, There is no doubt that the so-called Yuan law codes, such as Zhiyuan xinge, Dayuan tongzhi and Zhizheng tiaoge, and privately compiled Yuandianzhang too, were basically made to govern the Chinese. In these codes we find some cases dealing with Mongols and Semurens, but they are the cases involving more than two different ethnic groups. Viewed from this perspective, the case of Koryo people was rather peculiar. First of all, Koryo people living in the realm of Yuan empire, including those in Liaodong area, were classified as a group similar to Hanren and Nanren and received legal treatment accordingly. Although in the beginning there seems to have been some confusion about this classification in view of a few cases where Koryo people were treated not different from Semuren, in the end they were excluded from the category of Semuren on the basis of the judgment that Koryo people had family names just like Hanren. However, the Koryo people living in the peninsular, unlike those in the Yuan territory, were not the subject to the Yuan law. The articles about Koryo people found in the extant Yuan legal codes are for those who were living in the Yuan domain. In other words, because Koryo was acknowledged as an independent political sphere directly under the rule of the king of Koryo, the people under his rule were also considered to be out of the confines of law that regulated Hanren and Nsnren. In this respect, a series of incidents that took place around 1340 were diametrically contradictory to the legal practice current at that time. The prohibition against carrying weapons, imprisonment of King Chunghye after the death of King Chungmok, and political maneuvers of the Simwang group were all denying the political and legal autonomy of Koryo. It is not surprising to see that officials and intellectuals of Koryo were shocked at this unexpected development and realized the gravity of the situation. Therefore, the "Proposal for Semuren" that was raised in this strained milieu and put forward to break through such critical situation should not be regarded as an argument only to improve the status of Koryo people. Rather, it was brought up to declare the true identity of Koryo people and to make the Yuan court acknowledge it. The logic behind the "Proposal" was that Koryo made contributions twice, by "giving assistance with troops" in the time of Chinggis Khan and and by "submitting spontaneously" in the time of Qubilai, Because of these contributions Koryo king could become 'the son-in-law' of the emperor and his kingdom was guaranteed "not to change local customs". Thus, according to Lee Jehyon and An Chuk who wrote the "Proposal", Koryo people should be distinguished from Chinese and classified in the same category with Semuren.

원 간섭기 고려왕의 대원정책과 복식정책의 관계연구

전혜숙(Chun Hea-Sook),안정희(Ahn Jeong-Hee) 한복문화학회 2006 韓服文化 Vol.9 No.2

The main factor greatly affecting changes in costume is political relations under which the ruler and the ruled interactively change and influence each other. In this respect, it is unreasonable to ignore Koryo's political relations with Win in discussing the costume of the former nation at a time when Win was politically ruling Koryo. Profound approaches to the costume of the later Koryo period when the nation was politically subject to Win are essential to determine the identity of the costume of the early Chosun period because the costume of Chosun succeeded that of Koryo. Thus the purpose of this study is to how the blood relationships and social statuses of Koryo's kings and their queens were reflected in the nation's perceptions and policies towards Win and further related with the costume policy of Koryo. For the purpose, this researcher reviewed literatures like 〈History of Koryo〉 and 〈Koryosa Jeolyo〉 both of which contain records about costume policies taken for 115 years from the 10th year of king Wonjong(1259) to the 23rd year of king Gongmin(1374) by five monarchs of Koryo who married princesses of Win. Results of the study can be summarized as follows. Families of Win's princesses who became queens of Koryo's kings in accordance with marriage relationships between the royal courts of the two nations exerted politically great influences in Koryo, on which the survival of the throne, warranty of royal authority and diplomatic relations with Win were dependent. In Koryo, some kings who took positive pro-Win policies also positively accepted the costume of Win while, others who took anti-Win policies tried to restore the costume of Koryo. As Win declined and Ming rose, kings of Koryo accepted the costume of Ming as a part of their pro-Ming policies. This suggests that there were indispensible relations between changes in international situations and costume policy. In Koryo, thus, costume policy was a very sophisticate political means by which internal and external political relations were represented.

고려시대대일교류(高麗時代對日交流)와 부산(釜山)

이종봉 ( Lee Jong Bong ) 부경역사연구소 2004 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.15

This study is to examine the development of relations between Koryo and Japan and the exchange towards Japan in the Koryo dynasty. It may be briefly summed up as follows. First, relations between Koryo and Japan may be broadly divided into four phases. In the first phase, the period from the 10th century to the early 11th century, Koryo attempted to establish official diplomatic relations with Japan by dispatching envoys in Japan, but failed to advance relations between two countries owing to the Japanese reluctance to open the door to foreign intercourse and fear of the Koryo’s aggression. However in the second phase from the early 11th century to the end of 11th century, the Yozin(女眞) Doi ethnic’s(刀伊族) invasion of Japan renewed relations between two countries. At this time, Koryo and Japan returned castaways to their home country and dispatched envoys to each country as well. Especially, the Japanese traders carried on commercial transactions under the order of Palkwanhoi(八關會) in the Koryo dynasty. Although diplomatic relations between two countries were strained, because the Koryo’s patrol seized ship included in the Japanese crews in Yunpyung island in the end of 11th century, in the third phase also, the Koryo-Japan traders still made contact with each other. In the fourth phase, from the late 13th century to the fall of the Koryo dynasty, two countries had not a normal foreign relation but a invading spoiled relation. Secondly, as the Koryo’s relation towards Japan took a turn for the better and the exchange with Japan advanced in the early 11th century, the Koryo-Japan trade became active. And trading post where exchanged goods with Japan was KuemJoo(金州). At that time, Koryo had trade relation with Japan in private as well as in public. The business named Jinbong trade(進奉貿易) was an official one. Jinbong trade means that Koryo carried on commercial transactions under the order of Palkwanhoi(八關會) rather than under the order of Jogong(朝貢)․Chaekbong system (冊封體制) in East Asia. Like this, Jinbon trade went into effect partly from about the mid 11th century to the middle 13th century, even in the maelstrom of the struggle against Mongol invasion. On the other side, here were also somewhat of private trade with Japan. At this time, the fact that were castaways and traders returned to their home country proves that they smuggled goods without permission or abnormally. Thirdly, Kuemjoo(金州) in which located Gaekkwan(客館) was a commercial center in the Koryo trade with Japan. Gaekkwan(客館) in Kuemjoo(金州) was established as the house of the Japanese envoys and traders in the early 11th century, and took exclusive charge of the Koryo-Japan trade, unlike other Gaekkwan(客館) which were established in Seoul. Gaekkwan was managed under the control of Dongnamhaedobuseo(東南海都府署) which took charge of southeast coast, not local official in Kuemjoo(金州). The quarter of Dongnamhaedobuseo had originally located in Kyungjoo in the 22th year of King Taejo(太祖) regime, but was transferred to Kuemjoo owing to conditions at the location of relations between Koryo and Japan in the 32th year of King Moonjong(文宗) regime(1079). It is at present Gurangdong, Noksandong, Gangseogu, Busan metropolitan-city the place where Gaekkwan in Kuemjoo located. In conclusion, I suggest that the present Busan was a base of foreign trade on and from the Koryo dynasty.

高麗·元 王室通婚의 政治的 의미

李命美 서울대학교 국사학과 2003 韓國史論 Vol.49 No.-

Though their first contact came in early 1218, the relationship between the Koryo dynasty and the Mongol forces was very shaky to say the least, repeating hostile encounters and subsequent truces, until Koryo finally yielded to the superiority of the Mongol empire in 1260. But the tensions were still there, as Koryo refused to, or at least were not so forthcoming in performing certain duties that the Mongol empire ordered Koryo to carry out. Those duties included several issues, such as the exercise of 6 Major duties that the Mongol leaders traditionally required their newly subdued entities to perform, or the Mongols' request of Koryo to play an important role in scouting the nearby Japan, or the Mongol's order of the Kofyo government to surrender the Ganghwa provisional capital and return to the old one at once. These series of clashes were basically due to a fact that the governments of both Koryo and the Mongol empire were viewing the concept of the co-called 'Truce' that was established here very differently, as the former was accustomed to the traditional concept of Chinese 'Sadae relationship(toadyism)', while the latter's nomadic nature forced themselves to expect very differently. The unstable relationship between the two, however, was stabilized by a series of Royal matrimonies arranged between several members of both dynasty's Royal houses. These matrimonies also had another facet to them as they were being arranged as a part of the Mongol empire's strategy to keep a closer eye on the Eastern section of the empire. So it becomes clear, that the Korya Royal family, even when its government was defeated and subjugated by the Mongol forces, managed to be considered as an 'In-Law' entity, because there was some mutual interest operating behind the scenes of the dynasties-between relationship. As the previous studies have already confirmed, the Koryo government had to re-establish diplomatic relationships with the Mongol empire and also reinforce the ruling authority of the King which was recently threatened by the insurrection of Im Yeon. In the meantime, the Mongol empire needed to rule out any potential possibilities of an alliance between Koryo and the Southern Sung dynasty, and also had to secure Koryo's active participation in the upcoming invasion of the Japanese islands. The empire's need to stable the Esatern half of the territory, also worked into the matrimonial relationship. Later, when the empire was showing symptoms of diversion and separation, the political and military importance of the 'In-Law' factions became much more significant as they were considered to be potential supporters of the imperial government. The patterns of matrimonial arrangements clearly show that when a marriage was being arranged with tribes of powerful forces, the Kha'an named his own children or the children of a very close relative of his to be on the other side of the marriage, undoubtedly trying to secure their future support in military terms. Koryo was also a similar case, especially considering the 3 Uluses of Chinggis Khan' brothers in the Eastern area of the Empire. These UIuses were equipped with powerful militaries, so they had been kept in check by the Ogedei Kha'an, but eventually played an important role in Qubilai Kha'an's enthronement. The forces under command of these Uluses were also mobilized in the Mongols' attack on the Koryo dynasty, so it was suggested that there was always a potential risk of their taking matters into their own hands and increasing their influences upon the Koryo region, ultimately becoming independent factions just like the Western Uluses. So the most logical choice for the Mongol government, was to establish a matrimonial relationship with the Koryo King, uplifting its political status in the process, and establish a status quo between Koryo and the 3 Uluses, in order to stabilize the potentially-expected power flux throughout the region. Because of this matrimonial relationship between Koryo and the Mongol empire the political system of Koryo and the King's authority showed dual characteristics. What the Mongols wanted from Koryo was not some kind of an economical gain which would be secured by total subjugation, but stabilizing the country as a friendly power group to the central government, in order to eliminate any political alliances with other nearby factions, or unwanted expansions of rival forces throughout the empire. The geographical situation which made total subjugation or direct extraction of resources rather difficult, and the diplomatic efforts of the Koryo Royal family and vassals, also seem to have contributed to the Yuan's established policy. The level of political autonomy seems to have also been granted to the Uighurs, which had a similar matrimonial relationship to the Koryo's relationship with the Mongols. Yet the region was a focal point in the East-West traffic route and was also rich in natural resources, so as the empire continued to develop, Idiquts lost control over the Uighuristan region. We can see that the political status of the Koryo dynasty was not the only case inside the Mongol empire, and among reasons for the relationship being maintained a notable one was indeed geographical conditions.

논문(論文) : 여(麗),몽(蒙) 전쟁의 성격과 몽골의 태도 변화

윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

麗·蒙 관계는 1219년 형제맹약으로 출발했지만 저고여 살해 사건을 계기로 30년의 장기전을 치러야 했다. 결국 양국은 혼인동맹을 맺음으로써 안정적인 평화 관계를 수립할 수 있었다. 양국 관계의 시작을 보여주는 1219년 몽골의 주도로 이루어진 형제맹약은 몽골제국의 과다한 공물 요구의 결과파탄에 이르게 되었다. 옷치긴이 감국하게 된 몽골 국내 사정의 변화와 대외 전쟁에 필요한 막대한 전쟁자금은 고려에 대한 몽골의 공물 요구를 한층 강화시켜 고려에게 상당한 부담으로 작용했다. 고려는 몽골의 과다한 공물 요구에 강한 불만을 표시했고 주변국의 동조 등의 시너지 효과를 발생시켜 저고여 살해사건으로 이어지면서 결국 양국의 형제 맹약은 파탄되었다. 아울러 여몽 양국의 30여년 전쟁을 통해 최씨 무신정권은 고려에서의 입지를 강화하고 장기 집권을 유지할 수 있었다. 몽골의 계속되는 국왕의 출륙친조 요구를 무신정권이 수용할 수 없었던 것은 고려 국왕이 대몽 대화 창구가 되기를 희망하지 않았기 때문이다. 이것은 최씨 무신 권력의 누수현상을 초래할 수 있었기 때문에 최선의 선택은 和戰兩面策을 통해 전쟁의 장기화를 유도하는 것이었다. 결국 고려의 끈질긴 저항이 몽골의 내부 사정과 맞물려 장기전쟁 양상으로 이어졌고, 지연정책을 구사하던 고려가 일정 부분성공을 거둔 형태였다고 평가해 볼 수 있다. 한편, 고려와 몽골의 30여년 장기전쟁은 몽골의 태도 변화를 이끌어 내기에 충분했다. 몽골제국 사상 초유의 사태였던 30여년의 장기전쟁은 고려뿐만아니라 몽골에게도 곤욕스러운 일이었다. 결국 몽골은 고려국왕의 출륙친조를 포기하고 국왕의 출륙과 태자의 친조로 양보하기에 이르렀다. 또한 이를 통해 몽골은 고려가 고구려를 계승한 국가로서 쉽게 굴복시킬 수 없다는 것을 각인하게 되었다. 이것은 후일 고려가 대몽 강화 정책을 추진하는데 유리한 고지를 선점할 수 있는 기반을 제공하기도 했다. This study examined the character of Koryo-Mongolia war and changes of the attitudes of Mongolia. The findings were as follow: Firstly, brothership alliance between Koryo Kingdom and Mongolia that was made under the leadership of Mongolia in 1219 came to a rupture because of Mongol Empire``s excessive request of tribute. Since 1221, Mongol Empire``s request of the tribute was more strengthened to have considerable burden on Koryo. Koryo strongly complained against Mongol Empire``s excessive request of tribute to produce neighboring countries`` synergy effects of sympathy and to kill Jeogoyeo(著古與) and to break off the alliance between both countries at last. Secondly, Koryo``s resistance against Mongolia was used to let Choi regime keep power. Choi regime could not accept Mongol Empire``s continuous demand on Koryo Kingdom king``s Chulyukchinjo(出陸親朝) because the regime did not want that the king would be a window of communication between both countries. Choi regime could lose power because of the king``s Chulyukchinjo so that the best option was to produce long-term war through both policies of war and peace. Long-term war continued because of Koryo``s consistent resistance and Mongol``s internal situation, and Koryo that adopted delay policy was thought to be partially successful. Thirdly, more than 30-years war between both countries was enough to make Mongolia make change of its attitudes. The long-term war that was an unprecedented event at Mongol Empire made not only Koryo but also Mongol Empire suffer from great difficulties. At last, Mongol Empire gave up Koryo king``s Chulyukchinjo, and made concession that the king left island to leave for main land and the prince would visit the empire``s palace. And, the Mongol Empire found that Koryo that inherited Koguryo was difficult to surrender by the empire. Such an event gave base that Koryo could take an advantage to promote Koryo``s policy struggling against Mongol Empire in the future.

日本所藏の高麗大藏經と外蔵 - 大藏經の範疇と外蔵の價値について -

馬場久幸(바바히사유키) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2017 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.68

동국대학교 출판부에서 발간된 고려대장경 영인본에는 총 1,498부 6,558권의 경전과 외장 15부 237권으로 나뉘어 수록되어 있다. 이 영인본에는 대장이 제1 권부터 제43 권까지, 외장이 제44 권부터 제47 권까지 각각 수록되어 있고 제48 권은 그 총목록이며 총 48책으로 구성되어있다. 그 외장 대부분은 대장과 비슷한 시기에 조성되었기 때문에 『대장목록(大藏目録)』이나 『보유목록(補遺目録)』에 편재된 경전을 따로 이해하는 것이 아니라 대등한 문화유산으로 평가해야 한다는 견해가 있다. 대장과 외장의 조성사업이 거의 같은 시기에 행해져 그 사업에 참여한 자들이 서로 밀접한 관계가 있었다. 외장 『종경록(宗鏡錄)』간기에는 「남해(南海)」라고 새겨져 있어 대장의 조성 장소에 대해 논의되어 있다. 이와 같이 한국에서는 대장에 못지않게 외장에 관한 연구도 활발히 이루어져 있다. 한편 일본에서는 대장에 관한 연구 성과는 많으나 외장에 관한 연구는 성행하지 못하고 있다. 일본에는 대장의 소재가 각지에서 확인되어 있었지만, 이제까지 외장에 관한 소재를 정리된 적은 없었다. 그래서 본고에서는 일본 소장의 대장과 외장의 소재를 정리하고, 대장의 범주, 외장의 가치, 그리고 대장과 『내전수함음소(内典随函音疏)』 관계에 대해 검토했다. 일본에서는 전근대에 인쇄된 대장과 1900년대 이후에 인쇄된 대장의 존재를 확인했다. 이들은 외장이 있는 것과 없는 것, 두 가지로 분류된다. 즉 전근대에 인쇄된 대장에 외장을 포함하지 않은 것은 이것은 대장경의 범주에 속하지 않기 때문이다. 외장의 대부분은 경․율․론 삼장이 아니라 그 주석서에 속하는 것들이다. 그러나 외장에는 화엄과 선에 관한 중요한 전적이 여러 포함되어 있다. 『조당집(祖堂集)』은 외장에 입장되지 않았더라면 영원히 산일되었을지도 모른다. 또한, 의천의 『신편제종교장총록』에 보이지 않은 균여의 저술 중에서 4부 16권도 다행히 외장에 포함되어 있다. 『조당집』이나 균여의 저술이 포함된 외장에는 한국 불교뿐만 아니라 동아시아 불교의 소중한 전적들이 포함된 것도 사실이다. 외장 대부분은 대장과 거의 비슷한 시기에 조성되었기 때문에 이는 문화적인 가치가 있다는 것도 당연하다. 하지만 일본에서 외장이 흥미를 끌지 못하는 것은 그것이 대장경의 범주로 간주하지 않고 있기 때문이다. 또한, 근년 해인사에서 『내전수함음소』권490의 경판이 발견되고, 이와 대장의 관계에 대해서 논의되어 왔다. 그러나 이것은『대승리취륙파라밀다경(大乗理趣六波羅蜜多經)』10권 권말 음의로서 붙여진 뿐이며, 고려시대에 그 경판이 500여권 조성된 것이 아니다. Koryo-Tripitaka(고려대장경) and Most Woijang(외장) were made in the same times. Therefore, similarly to Koryo- Tripitaka, research on Woijang is actively conducted. Korean researchers argue that they must be evaluated as equal cultural heritage. But, the study on Koryo-Trikitaka is active, and there is not a study on Woijang in Japan. The location of much Koryo- Tripitaka is confirmed in Japan. But the location of Woijang was not covered all until now. Therefore I arranged the location of Koryo-Tripitaka and Woijang of the possession in Japan. And I examined Category of Koryo-Tripitaka, Value of Woijang, a problem of the Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra(내전수함음소). It is as follows when I arrange the result. Koryo-Trikitaka of the possession in Japan is classified in print of the pre-modern(Koryo and Chosen Dynasty) and the print of modern times. Of these, the former does not have Woijang, and it is confirmed in the latter that there is Woijang. In other words the Tripitaka printed in pre-modern can confirm that Woijang was not included in a category of the Tripitaka. Most of Woijang do not belong to Sūtra. Vinaya. Abhidharma and belong to the Commentaries. To be exact, a category of the Tripitaka does not contain Woijang. However, important documents about Hwaŏm(화엄) and Zen(선) are included in Woijang, and are the documents which are precious in the East Asia Buddhism. Most of Woijang are made at time same as the Koryo-Tripitaka. Therefore, as for those cultural value, the indication to be equality is natural. But, I must judge that it is not a category of the Koryo-Tripitaka when I watch it printed in pre-modern. In addition, in late years a wood blocks of Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra was discovered in Haeinsa(해인사). It has been argued about Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra and relations with Koryo-Tripitaka afterwards. But, this was only attached to the end of a volume of Tâshaṅlitshüliupolo-mitokin(대승리취륙파라밀다경) as a certain meaning implied by variety of the Pronunciation(음의). And it was not settled for more than 500 for Koryo period. In other words a category of the Koryo-Tripitaka does not contain Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra, too.

日本所藏の高麗大藏經と外藏 - 大藏經の範疇と外藏の價値について -

馬場久幸 ( Baba Hisayuki ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2017 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.68

동국대학교 출판부에서 발간된 고려대장경 영인본에는 총 1,498부 6,558권의 경전과 외장 15부 237권으로 나뉘어 수록되어 있다. 이 영인본에는 대장이 제1 권부터 제43 권까지, 외장이 제44 권부터 제47권까지 각각 수록되어 있고 제48 권은 그 총목록이며 총 48책으로 구성되어있다. 그 외장 대부분은 대장과 비슷한 시기에 조성되었기 때문에 『대장 목록(大藏目錄)』이나 『보유목록(補遺目錄)』에 편재된 경전을 따로 이해하는 것이 아니라 대등한 문화유산으로 평가해야 한다는 견해가 있다. 대장과 외장의 조성사업이 거의 같은 시기에 행해져 그 사업에 참여한 자들이 서로 밀접한 관계가 있었다. 외장 『종경록(宗鏡錄)』 간기에는 「남해(南海)」라고 새겨져 있어 대장의 조성 장소에 대해 논의되어 있다. 이와 같이 한국에서는 대장에 못지않게 외장에 관한 연구도 활발히 이루어져 있다. 한편 일본에서는 대장에 관한 연구 성과는 많으나 외장에 관한 연구는 성행하지 못하고 있다. 일본에는 대장의 소재가 각지에서 확인되어 있었지만, 이제까지 외장에 관한 소재를 정리된 적은 없었다. 그래서 본고에서는 일본 소장의 대장과 외장의 소재를 정리하고, 대장의 범주, 외장의 가치, 그리고 대장과 『내전수함음소(內典隨函音疏)』 관계에 대해 검토했다. 일본에서는 전근대에 인쇄된 대장과 1900년대 이후에 인쇄된 대장의 존재를 확인했다. 이들은 외장이 있는 것과 없는 것, 두 가지로 분류된다. 즉 전근대에 인쇄된 대장에 외장을 포함하지 않은 것은 이것은 대장경의 범주에 속하지 않기 때문이다. 외장의 대부분은 경·율·론 삼장이 아니라 그 주석서에 속하는 것들이다. 그러나 외장에는 화엄과 선에 관한 중요한 전적이 여러 포함되어 있다. 『조당집(祖堂集)』은 외장에 입장되지 않았더라면 영원히 산일되었을지도 모른다. 또한, 의천의 『신편제종교장총록』에 보이지 않은 균여의 저술 중에서 4부 16권도 다행히 외장에 포함되어 있다. 『조당집』이나 균여의 저술이 포함된 외장에는 한국 불교뿐만 아니라 동아시아 불교의 소중한 전적들이 포함된 것도 사실이다. 외장 대부분은 대장과 거의 비슷한 시기에 조성되었기 때문에 이는 문화적인 가치가 있다는 것도 당연하다. 하지만 일본에서 외장이 흥미를 끌지 못하는 것은 그것이 대장경의 범주로 간주하지 않고 있기 때문이다. 또한, 근년 해인사에서 『내전수함음소』권490의 경판이 발견되고, 이와 대장의 관계에 대해서 논의되어 왔다. 그러나 이것은 『대승리취륙 파라밀다경(大乘理趣六波羅蜜多經)』10권 권말 음의로서 붙여진 뿐이며, 고려시대에 그 경판이 500여권 조성된 것이 아니다. Koryo-Tripitaka(고려대장경) and Most Woijang(외장) were made in the same times. Therefore, similarly to Koryo- Tripitaka, research on Woijang is actively conducted. Korean researchers argue that they must be evaluated as equal cultural heritage. But, the study on Koryo-Trikitaka is active, and there is not a study on Woijang in Japan. The location of much Koryo- Tripitaka is confirmed in Japan. But the location of Woijang was not covered all until now. Therefore I arranged the location of Koryo-Tripitaka and Woijang of the possession in Japan. And I examined Category of Koryo-Tripitaka, Value of Woijang, a problem of the Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra(내전수함음소). It is as follows when I arrange the result. Koryo-Trikitaka of the possession in Japan is classified in print of the pre-modern (Koryo and Chosen Dynasty) and the print of modern times. Of these, the former does not have Woijang, and it is confirmed in the latter that there is Woijang. In other words the Tripitaka printed in pre-modern can confirm that Woijang was not included in a category of the Tripitaka. Most of Woijang do not belong to Sutra. Vinaya. Abhidharma and belong to the Commentaries. To be exact, a category of the Tripitaka does not contain Woijang. However, important documents about Hwaom(화엄) and Zen(선) are included in Woijang, and are the documents which are precious in the East Asia Buddhism. Most of Woijang are made at time same as the Koryo-Tripitaka. Therefore, as for those cultural value, the indication to be equality is natural. But, I must judge that it is not a category of the Koryo-Tripitaka when I watch it printed in pre-modern. In addition, in late years a wood blocks of Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra was discovered in Haeinsa(해인사). It has been argued about Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra and relations with Koryo-Tripitaka afterwards. But, this was only attached to the end of a volume of Tashanlitshuliupolo-mitokin(대승리취륙파라밀다경) as a certain meaning implied by variety of the Pronunciation(음의). And it was not settled for more than 500 for Koryo period. In other words a category of the Koryo-Tripitaka does not contain Najeonsuhameumso-Sutra, too.

고려 정치제도사의 고전적 이해와 한계

이정훈(Lee Joung-Hoon) 한국사연구회 2009 한국사연구 Vol.145 No.-

This dissertation investigates the contents of 《Studies in the Political System of Koryo Dynasty》 written by Pyon Tae-Sup, the historic value and the characteristics and limit of his study in the Political System of Koryo Dynasty. Negating the identity and heteronomy of Korean society that was advocated in the Japanese Colonialism Study of Korean History, he viewed the society of Koryo in the position to understand historic development through study in the character and transition of ruling power and studied the Political System of Koryo Dynasty on such viewpoint. Then, he traced its transition, namely, while accepting the 3 departments 6 sections system of Dang, Koryo changed it to 2 departments 6 sections system in accordance with the society of Koryo. Furthermore, Koryo transformed the operation of national administration based on Jungseomunhasung and 6 sections to that based on Dopyungeuisasa. It seems that the structural analysis on the overall political system is meager, because the analysis is concentrated on power structure and power organization. Moreover, trusting 《The History of Korvo》 Baekkwanji, the study might overlook historic materials which are opposite to Baekkwanji. Considering the environment where the history of Koryo was studied in 1970 when 《Studies in the Political System of Koryo Dynasty》 was published, this limit looks very minute. Besides, the historic position and meaning of his study in the History of Koryo is not affected by this limit at all. On the contrary, his effort to trace the individuality of the society of Koryo and the universality of Korean history through the structure and property of Political System of Koryo Dynasty, the overall transition of political system and the political system notwithstanding the inferior environment for study might be exemplary to younger scholars. Analyzing this book, I could realize again his pains to develop the area of Political System of Koryo Dynasty which was barren land and the mental agony of the 1st generation researchers who tried to negate Japanese Colonialism Study of Korean History and to establish new Korean history. Finally, I am afraid that I might arbitrarily handle his strenuous book and fail to evaluate it properly due to my deficient capability.