한국선도의 정기신론 소고 -정(精)에 관하여-

박진규 ( Jin Kyu Park ) 국제뇌교육종합대학원 국학연구원 2013 선도문화 Vol.15 No.-

Jung-Ki-Sin(精氣神) practice theory, which is the basis of Inner alchemy study, is method to reach the stage of Sinsun(Taosim hermit who has a miracle power) by improving one`s own Jung-Ki-Sin. This theory focuses on that the way to be Sinsun exists not outside but inside one`s mind. The Jung-Ki-Sin theory, which is on the basis of Chinese Taoism inner alchemy, is brought by ‘Chosundanhakpa(朝鮮丹學派)’ and also is a major principle of Danhak(丹學) today. Jung(精) is deeply related to specific, figurative aspect of life. Thus Jung is also inseparably connected to one`s body. One`s body is specific ground of training and experience. Most of the religion focuses on mind-training. However, Inner alchemy relatively more focuses on one`s body. This is because the meaning of Jung is especially emphasized among Jung-Ki-Sin theory. In recent days, ‘Hyundai Danhak’ of Korean Sundo is reinterpreting the meaning of Jung-Ki-Sin. There could be a lot of variation and reinterpretation. Because although training Jung-Ki-Sin is everything in terms of Inner alchemy, Jung-Ki-Sin is just a methodology in ‘Hyundai Danhak’. The Jung in ‘Hyundai Danhak’ represents not only physical vitality but also behavior of one`s body. Consequently, based on the fact that the Jung represents one`s body, the meaning of Jung is expanded to ‘ground of action’. Furthermore, perfection of the Jung among training procedures doesn`t only mean concentration of ki(氣) at the lower hypogastric center. Training Jung is not just an indirect basic stage while heading to perfection. However, by controling consciousness, correcting habits, training Jung is set up as a direct training progress toward perfection.

中國 神話에 內在된 ‘中’ 思想 考察

최대영 중국문화연구학회 2023 중국문화연구 Vol.- No.59

This thesis examines Chinese mythology in search of the original meaning of Chinese ‘Jung(中)’ thought(思想). The unprocessed, primitive ideas inherent in myths will show the essential characteristics of 'Jung(中)’ thought(思想)' without filtering. The etymology of the character ‘中’ goes back to 3,000 years ago. In Na Jin-ok(羅振玉)'s 『Eunheoseogyegoseok(殷墟書契考釋)』, flags fluttering in the wind in the shape of '' and '' were embodied. The shape of the character 'jung(中)' originates from the fact that the point where a flagpole [] was erected in the middle of the site to attract crowds meant the center, or the military flag representing the middle army(中軍) where the king stayed, or the shape of the bow piercing the center of the target. From the ancient prehistoric times to the Zhou(周) Dynasty, when Jung(中)’ thought(思想) first appeared, Chinese lived and settled in the Jung-Won(中原) where the Yellow River civilization originated. The center of the Yellow River civilization is the Loess Plateau. The Yellow River turns yellow as it passes through the Loess Plateau (made of loess). The Loess Plateau is the ‘mother of the Yellow River’ and becomes the center of Yellow River civilization. The Chinese regard the Loess Plateau, the center of civilization, as the center of the world, the root of their nation and their eternal home. Therefore, Hwang(黃) and To(土) of the Loess Plateau are placed in the center, which is the standard of the Five Elements, and the area of ​​the Loess Plateau in the Yellow River basin is called the 'Jung-Won(中原)'. If this 'Jung-Won(中原)' is a spatial concept, cultural expression is 'Jung-Hwa(中華)', which is the center of a civilization that blossomed in a brilliant culture, and makes Chinese people have Jung(中)’ thought(思想). Another reason why Jung(中)’ thought(思想) was able to take its place as the main ideology of the Chinese people was largely influenced by the topographical influence centered on the place where the Yellow River civilization developed. These Jung(中)’ thought(思想), together with the Jung(中) concept of the Five Elements, developed into core Chinese ideologies, expanded beyond the material world to the cognitive world, and spread to East Asia. In this paper, I looked into the original meaning of 'Jung(中)' inherent in Chinese mythology in search of the original meaning of this Jung(中)’ thought(思想). Summarizing the contents of the consideration, first, in the creation myth, 'hondon(混沌)' shows signs of creation in the 'Jung(中)' from the chaos(無極), and humans are created in the 'center(中心)', the most harmonious place of yin and yang. And all things are created by humans at the center(中心). Second, in the creation myth, the direction comes from the Five Mountains[五嶽] made from the body of Ban-Go(盤古). The hwangje(黃帝) is the king of the center(中心=yellow=center) and governs the central region. The center dynamically changes and relates to the surroundings. The first element of human survival was land[土]. Therefore, the soil[土] is placed in the center, and the land god Huto(后土) is also placed in the center. The direction is based on Hwang (黃) = Earth (土) = Farming(稼穡). Third, Mt. Kunlun(崑崙) and Geonmok(建木) in myths are located at the center of the world as a heavenly pillar[天柱] connecting heaven and earth. Through the heavenly pillar[天柱], the center of the world, heaven, earth, and human beings [三才] are connected. ‘Cheoljicheontong(絶地天通)’, which means to sever this connection connecting heaven and earth, is not that the relationship between heaven and earth is completely severed, but is a space that gives meaning between heaven and earth, and the shaman plays the role of connecting the space of meaning. The meaning of the heavenly pillar[天柱] that connects heaven and earth and the meaning of the space c... 이 논문은 중국 ‘중’ 사상의 원초적 의미를 찾아 중국 신화를 고찰한다. 신화가 내재한 가공되지 않은 원시적 사상은 ‘중’ 사상이 가진 원초적 특성을 여과 없이 보여준다. 이를 통해 ‘중’ 사상의 본원적 의미와 가치를 제고 함을 목표로 한다. ‘중(中)’ 자의 어원(語源)은 3,000여 년 이전으로 소급되어, 나진옥의 『殷墟書契考釋』에서는 ‘’ 과 ‘’ 모양으로 깃발이 바람에 나부끼는 모습을 形象化 하였다. 이러한 ‘중’ 자의 모습은 터의 한가운데에 깃대[]를 세워 군중을 모여들게 한 지점이 중앙을 뜻한 것에서 비롯되었거나 임금이 머무는 中軍을 나타내는 軍旗 혹은 활이 과녁의 중앙을 관통한 모양에서 유래되었다. 중국은 고대 선사시대부터 중 사상이 처음 등장하는 周 왕조까지 황하 문명이 발생한 중원을 중심으로 터를 잡고 살았다. 황하 문명의 중심은 황투고원이다. 황하는 (황토로 이루어진) 황투고원을 지나면서 황색으로 물든다. 황투고원은 ‘황하의 어머니’이며 황하 문명의 중심지가 된다. 중국인은 문명의 중심지인 황투고원을 세계의 중심으로, 민족의 뿌리며 영원한 고향으로 생각한다. 그래서 五行의 기준이 되는 중앙에 황투고원의 ‘黃’과 ‘土’를 배치하고, 황하 유역의 황투고원 일원을 ‘中原’이라 칭한다. 이러한 ‘중원’이 공간 관념이라면 문화적 표현은 ‘中華’로 찬란한 문화를 꽃피운 문명의 중심으로 중국인에게 중 사상을 갖게 한다. 중 사상이 중국인의 주된 사상으로 자리할 수 있었던 또 다른 연유는 황하 문명이 발전한 곳을 중심으로 하는 지형적인 영향이 크게 작용하였다. 이러한 중 사상은 오행의 중 개념과 함께 중국의 핵심 사상으로 발전하여 물질세계를 넘어 인식세계로 확대되어 동아시아권으로 확산 전개된다. 본 고는 이러한 중 사상의 원초적 의미를 찾아 중국 신화에 내재 된 ‘중’의 본원적 의미를 고찰한다. 고찰 내용을 종합하면 첫째, 창조 신화에서는 무극(카오스) 때부터 ‘혼돈’은 ‘중’에서 창조의 기미를 보이며, 인간은 음양의 가장 조화로운 곳, ‘중심’에서 창조된다. 그리고 그 중심에 자리한 인간에 의해 만물이 창조된다. 둘째, 창조 신화에서 방위는 반고의 몸으로 만들어진 오산[五嶽]에서 비롯된다. 황제는 중앙[黃]의 임금’으로 중심 지역을 다스린다. 중심은 역동적으로 변화하며 주위와 관계한다. 당시 인간 생존의 제일 요소는 땅[土:농사]이었다. 그래서 흙[土]을 중앙에 위치시키고 토지신 후토도 중앙에 자리한다. 방위는 黃=土=농사를 기준(중심)으로 한다. 셋째, 신화 속의 곤륜산과 建木은 천지를 잇는 ‘天柱’로서 세계의 중심에 자리한다. 세계 중심의 천주를 통하여 天-地-人[三才]은 연결된다. 천지를 잇는 이러한 연결을 끊는다는 ‘絶地天通’은 천지의 관계가 완전히 끊어진 것이 아니라 천지간에 의미를 부여하는 공간으로 그 의미의 공간을 이어주는 역할을 무사가 대행한다. 이러한 천지간을 이어주는 천주의 의미와 절지천통으로 생긴 공간의 의미는 天地人 合一·天命·祭天 사상으로 전승된다. 요약하면 중국인에게 ‘중’은 세계에서 가장 조화롭고 균형을 이루는 원점이며 신성한 장소다. 중국 신화는 黃=土=人間=농사[稼穡]를 ‘중’으로 한다. 인간은 황토로 ‘중’에서 창조되고, 천지인은 ‘중’을 통해 관계하고 변화하며 ‘중’을 지향한다. ‘중’은 중국인의 창조-존재-관계-변화의 ...

안중근의 종교사상과 제2차 바티칸 공의회 정신

신운용 ( Woon Yong Shin ) 국제뇌교육종합대학원 국학연구원 2014 선도문화 Vol.16 No.-

From the Essay, I have come to a conclusion by looking into An Jung-Geun`s religious thoughts and The Second Vatican Council An Jung-Geun was a great believer, as Gae Bong-u had evaluated. He was a christian but also took a different path. As a result, he was able to act for the most glorious independence movement on the history of korea independence- The Harbin resistance movement. However, An Jung-Geun`s resistance movement wasn`t just an simple movement for Korea`s independence. It was for Korea`s independence and for the peace of East Asia, which he thought it was the god`s order given to him, according to his belief of his religion. To An Jung-Geun, Human rights meant ``God`s true colors``. He thought the elimination of national traitors and establishment of an independent country is the key of Human rights. His belief on Human rights showed up in ``Kim Jung-Hwan`s Woongjin civilian 5000 nyang extortion incident`` and ``the Lee Gyung-Joo case``. Of course he was also affected by Christianity`s idea of equality. What An Jung-Geun thought important in independence resistance activity was unity. This did not just come of by resistance to Japan`s imperialism. To him, unity was a order from God which means to solve the humanity`s problem together. Also, peace is what An Jung-Geun desired overall. Peace was the god`s thought to him and also the god`s command. That is why to reach heaven, he had to do something to bring peace to the world and that was his noble actions in Harbin. Moreover, for eternal peace he insisted on building united Banks, Army, and a united council which can execute mutual understanding of international cultures. He thought that his ``Orient peace theory`` can only exist and be maintained by the pope`s authority. He believed that if the pope guaranteed the united council, it could succeed. The fact that teachings of Christianity discussed in The Second Vatican Council was inherent in An Jung-Geun`s act and his ideas means a lot when we evaluate An Jung-Geun in the perspective of Christian history. This means he was not just a developer of Korea`s christianity, but also a pioneer of the act of ``Second Vatican Council``. An Jung-Geun had already acted on the idea of the Second Vatican Council years before it had taken place, which taught peace meant the act of justice and the fruitage of love. To him peace was the god`s attribute and An Jung-Geun`s center of religious beliefs. This is why he wrote East peace theory to change Japan, the country he hated. This is the reason which explains Gae Bong-u evaluated him as the ultimate of the benevolent spirit. We nationally have many problems with human rights and many people are suffering from it. Internationally there are wars happening and the hostility between the people and nation is worsening. In this perspective, we can evaluate ``East peace theory`` as the new ideological energy for our future. By this fact, An Jung-Geun`s religious thoughts must be highly appraised. An Jung-Geun himself wrote to his family and to priest Bilem see you in heaven in his will and he believed himself that he will end up in heaven when he died. Now is the time to focus on his shouting I have lived to follow the orders of god for the peace of Korea and peace of Asia. Just by praying to god isn`t enough to end up in heaven. Only those who work hard and follow his words will reach the doors of heaven. However, our holy father wants us all to recognize the holy Christ inside us, and love, show our love by actions on each other which proves the eternal truth and share the love and wonder with others. However, the Korean Christianity`s view of An Jung-Geun is that he is stuck just like the bishop Mutel`s perspective. You can see that evaluating him is not a simple matter, but really complex, just by viewing his opinion and ideas of Christianity and the ``East peace theory``. For this, I want to conclude my writing with the point out from priest Kim Sung-Tae: I think it is time for the Korean Christianity to make an announcement about An Jung-Geun`s noble acts. Everyone must examine themselves on historic views just like when An Jung-Geun confessed himself before his death.

방정환 세계에 알리기 프로젝트 Ⅱ -덴마크-독일-오스트리아 방정환 탄생 120주년 기념 행사-

송영숙 ( Song¸ Young-sook ) 방정환연구소 2020 방정환연구 Vol.3 No.-

방정환 세계에 알리기 프로젝트 Ⅱ(2019.11.4.∼11.11.)는 2018년도 아테네한글학교에서 시작된 방정환 세계에 알리기에 이어, 2019년 덴마크-독일-오스트리아에 걸친 3국 문화 교류단의 활동으로 기획된 특별 행사이다. 특히 2019년은 방정환 선생 탄생 120주년이 되는 해로, 마침 탄신일인 ‘11월 9일’에 맞춰 국내가 아닌 해외에서 기념행사를 치른 최초의 일이기에 남다른 역사적 감회가 있다. ‘2019년 방정환 세계에 알리기 프로젝트’의 행사는 크게 3부로 이루어졌다. 먼저, 안데르센의 묘역과 생가, 기념관을 답사했다. 이번 프로젝트에 맞춰 기획 출간한 『방정환이 뽑은 안데르센 동화』(해설 장정희)를 안데르센 묘에 헌정하고, 동 책을 안데르센 기념관에 기증하였다. 11월 9일 방정환 선생 탄생일에는 비엔나한글학교에서 1교시 ‘한글학교 책 수업’으로 11명의 작가가 참여하였다. 2교시부터 서울독서교육연구회 책고리공연단이 마련한 방정환 이야기마당극 <토끼의 재판>을 공연하였고, 이어서 참가 작가 23명과 서울독서교육연구회가 마련한 <방정환과 한국 아동문학전 120>을 열었다. 이번 행사는 방정환 탄생 120주년 기념을 최초로 유럽에서 가졌다는 역사적 의미가 있다. 또 한국 방정환을 세계에 알리는 기회가 되었다. 한국 어린이운동과 아동문학의 선구자 방정환 선생의 정신이 세계의 어린이들에게 전해질 수 있도록 이 프로젝트를 더 발전시킬 필요가 있다. Bang, Jung-hwan Globalization ProjectⅡ(2019.11.4∼11.11) to inform Bang Jung-hwan’s world is a special event organized by the activities of the trilateral cultural exchange group across Denmark, Germany and Austria in 2019 after the Bang Jung-hwan globalization event that began at the Athens Korean Language School in 2018. In particular, 2019 marked the 120th anniversary of Bang Jung-hwan’s birth. It is the first time to hold a commemorative event overseas, not at home, in time for its birth date, “Nov. 9,” so there is a special historical feeling. The first event of the “2019 Project to Announce to the World of Bang Jung-hwan” was to visit Andersen’s grave, birthplace and memorial. We dedicated “The Andersen Fairy Tale selected by Bang Jung-hwan” (interpretation Jang Jeung-hee) to Andersen’s tomb and donated it to the Andersen Memorial Hall. The Vienna Korean Language School event consisted largely of three parts. In the first period, 11 children’s literature writers participated in the “Hangeul School Book Class.” From the second period, the ceremony was held in the auditorium to mark the 120th anniversary of Bang Jung-hwan’s birth. The participants performed Bang Jung-hwan’s “토끼의 재판(judgment of rabbit)” The third part held the “Bang Jung-hwan and the Korean Children’s Literature Exhibition 120” at the Hangeul School Gallery. The event has a historical meaning that it was the first time in Europe to celebrate the 120th anniversary of Bang Jung-hwan’s birth. It was also an opportunity to promote the Korean equation to the world. It is necessary to further develop the project so that the spirit of Bang Jung-hwan, a pioneer in the Korean children’s movement and children’s literature, can be passed on to children around the world.

한국가톨릭계의 안중근 기념사업 전개와 그

신운용(Shin, Woon-yong) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2012 역사문화연구 Vol.41 No.-

필자는 한국가톨릭계의 안중근에 대한 정확한 인식이 없이는 안중근의 사상의 현재화 또는 미래화를 할 수 없다는 문제의식에서 ‘한국가톨릭계의 안중근 기념 사업 전개와 그 의미’에 대해서 살펴보았다. 그 결과는 다음과 같이 정리된다. 국권회복 이전 뮈텔 주교를 필두로 한 한국가톨릭계의 주류세력은 안중근의거를 살인행위로 규정하였다. 물론 분명하게 드러나지 않았지만 드망즈 신부 등 안중근의거를 적극 옹호한 세력도 존재하였다. 하지만 계봉우와 같이 안중근을 성인의 반열로 올린 가톨릭인사는 보이지 않았다. 항일전쟁기 한국가톨릭계는 부정적인 안중근인식이 강하였다. 일제로부터 벗어난 이후 안중근을 건국의 이념적 지표로 삼고자 한 가톨릭 신자 박강성과 같은이도 있었다. 하지만 가톨릭계는 1970년대까지 노기남 대주교가 안중근 추도 미사를 거행한 일도 있으나 큰 변화를 보이지 않았다. 이러한 양상은 안중근관계자료의 발굴과 출간, 한국의 경제발전, 민주화의 진전과 더불어 매우 느린 속도로 바뀌어갔다. 특히 한국민주화운동을 이끌었던 사제단 소속의 신부들이 중심이 되어 지속적인 안중근 추모행사와 학술대회를 개최하였다는 사실이 주목된다. 사제단은 교단의 인식보다 늘 한발 앞서서 안중근을 한국가톨릭의 중심으로 세우려고 노력하였다. 뿐만 아니라 이들은 남북분단이라는 현실을 극복하고 통일을 열 에너지원으로 안중근의 사상에 착목하였고, 이를 구체적으로 실천하는 에너지원을 안중근에게서 얻었다. 이들의 활동은 안중근의사기념사업회의 조직과 안중근평화연구원의 창립으로 이어졌다. 이는 안중근을 추모하는 데 그치지 않고 민족발전의 사상적 원동력으로 삼겠다는 국가발전 전망과 안중근을 한국가톨릭사의 가장 위대한 ‘순교자’로받들어 가톨릭의 미래비젼으로 삼겠다는 원대한 포부에서 나온 것이다. 한편, 교단의 안중근인식은 느리지만 지속적인 변모의 양상으로 보였다. 특히 1993년 김수환 추기경의 고백은 가톨릭계에 큰 충격을 주었다. 이는 역설적으로 가톨릭계의 안중근인식의 현실을 반영하고 있는 것이다. 때문에 “안중근을 순교자로 볼 수 없다”, “안중근의거 때문에 일제의 한국병탄이 앞당겨졌다”, “안중근이 천주교신자였습니까”라는 주장이 거침없이 나왔던 것이다. 그러나 2009년 의거 100주년과 2010년 순국 100주년을 기하여 가톨릭계의 안중근인식에 커다란 변화의 모습이 보이기 시작하였다. 특히 염수정 주교는 “안중근의 시복시성을 추진하겠다”는 선언을 하였다. 하지만 국권이 회복된 지 66년이 지난 지금까지 분명하지 못하고 더딘 안중근인식을 드러내고 있는 한국가톨릭계의 현실을 본다면 시복성문제도 상당한 시일이 걸릴 것으로 판단된다. This thesis is about the history of An Jung-Geun Memorial affairs by Korean Catholic church and its meaning on the basis that we cannot establish An's commemoration and realization of his thoughts apart from the Korean Catholic's recognition on An Jung Guen. it concludes: There had been two sects in the Korean Catholic church on An's patriotic deed. One is the major faction in church led by Bishop Mutel who didn't see An's commitment as more than a murder. The other hardly revealed one with Father Demange Florian had valued An's deed as an honorable one; None of them but Ke Bong-Woo the Korean Christian scholar were willing to saint An Jung-Geun. Korean Catholic Church have had a tendency showing a strong negative view on An Jung-Guen during the period of Japanese occupation in Korea. There still was one catholic Park Gang-Seong trying to take An Jung-Geun as the spirit of the national foundation right after Korean being free from Japanese Imperialism. Korean Catholic Church hadn't made much difference other than Archbishop No Ki Mam's holding annual memorial mass for An Jung-Geun till 1970s. This Korean Catholic Church has been slowly changing its viewpoint with the find of An's historical records and its publication, Korean economic development and its democratization; 'Korean Catholic Priests Association for Justice' leading the Korean democratic movement takes center to continuously hold the memorial service for An Jung Guen and annual academic conference on his thought. They have struggled to make An Jung-Geun’s stand on the core of the Korean Catholic church. The priests from the Association look back An Jung-Geun and certainly find him to be the spirit and the concreteness to reunite the South and North Korea. The movement of Catholic Priests Association for Justice finally came up with organizing An Jung-Geun memorial conference and the foundation of An Jung-Geun Academic Institute for Peace. They have the great ambition and strong willingness to commemorate An Jung-Geun and let him to spread his theological driving force to help national development, furthermore respect him to be 'the greatest martyr' in the history of Korean Catholic church and admire him as inspirational leader for the future. To be different from the point of view of the Catholic Priests Association for Justice, the church has gradually changed the viewpoint on An Jung-Geun. In 1993, Cardinal Kim Soo-Hwan's comment on An Jung-Geun reatly shocked Korean Catholic Church; it was paradoxically showing their indifference to An at a glance. Therefore the unconcerned priests produced the claims: "An Jung-Geun cannot be the martyred", "He is the one putting forward Japanese illegal occupation in Korea" or "An Jung-Geun, a catholic?" Some great variations came up right before and after the 100years anniversary of An's martyr and his patriotic deed. Bishop Yem Su-Jeong made an announcement that the church will soon come to have An Jung-Geun canonized and saint him. It seems to take time though considering the present Korean Catholic church's little understanding about him even though now it has been 66 years since being independent from Japanese Imperialism.

방정환의 번역동화 「호수의 여왕」에 대한 고찰

이정현 ( Jung Hyun Yi ) 건국대학교 동화와번역연구소(구 건국대학교 중원인문연구소) 2007 동화와 번역 Vol.13 No.-

방정환은 1921년에 오스카 와일드의 동화 「행복한 왕자」를 번역, 발표한 이후 계속해서 동화를 번역하여 발표하게 된다. 1922년 7월에는 『사랑의 선물』을 간행함과 동시에 『개벽』 7월호와 9월호에 2회에 걸쳐 아나톨 프랑스의 작품 「호수의 여왕」을 번역하여 발표했다. 아나톨 프랑스의 작품 중에는 「호수의 여왕」이라는 제목의 작품이 존재하지 않지만, 이 제목과 동일한 제목의 작품이 아나톨 프랑스의 창작 동화로써 『세카이도우와호교쿠슈(世界童話寶玉集)』에 쿠스야마 마사오(楠山正雄)의 번역으로 실려 있다. 필자는 졸론 「방정환의 번역동화와 『모한가테이분코(模範家庭文庫)』에서 『사랑의 선물』의 다섯 번 째 동화 「한네레의 죽음」이 『세카이도우와호교쿠슈(世界童話寶玉集)』에 실려 있는 미즈타니 마사루(水谷勝)역 「한네레노 쇼우텐(ハンネレの昇天)」을 저본으로 해서 번역한 것에 대해 논했다. 방정환은 「호수의 여왕」에도 「한네레의 죽음」과 같이 일본어 저본에 실려 있는 3점의 삽화를 그대로 활용하고 있어, 「한네레의 죽음」의 번역에 연이어 「호수의 여왕」을 번역해 개벽에 실은 것으로 추측된다. 이 삽화는 모두 오카모토 키이치(岡本歸一)의 그림으로 졸론 「방정환의 번역동화와『킨노후네』」에서 논한 바 있으므로 본 논문에서는 언급하지 않았다. 본 논문은 쿠스야마역과 방정환역의 삽화의 비교 및 내용의 비교분석을 함으로써 쿠스야마역 「湖水の女王」을 방정환역의 저본임을 확인하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 또, 이 작업을 통해서 근대 한국에의 아나톨 프랑스의 수용에 있어서의 근대 일본의 아동문학의 영향에 대해서 고찰함과 동시에 방정환의 번역의 특징에 대해서도 고찰하고자 했다. 이상의 목적으로 고찰한 결과, 방정환의 번역동화 「호수의 여왕」의 저본에 있어서 삽화의 일치, 그리고 내용 면에서도 완역에 가깝게 충실히 번역되어 있는 것 등의 근거로 쿠스야마 마사오역 「湖水の女王」가 그 저본으로 사용되었음을 확인했다. 그리고 필자는 쿠스야마가 사용한 저본이 아나톨 프랑스의 원작 "Abeille"가 아닌 앤드류 랑의 "The Story of Little King Loc"임도 확인했다. 방정환은 다만 쿠스야마가 제목까지 바꾸어 번역해 놓은 일본어역을 저본으로 번역을 했을 뿐이다. 내용면에서는 방정환이 1921년에 번역한 「왕자와 제비」를 결말 부분을 재화한 것과 1923년에 번역한 「성냥팔이 소녀」를 번역할 때 한국의 당시 상황을 고려해 번안한 것에 비해 등장 인물인 소인의 성격을 조금 바꾸어 묘사한 것을 제외하면 거의 완역에 가깝다. 그리고 문체의 면에서는 어린이를 생각하여 어린이들이 읽기 쉽게 전문을 한글로 표기하여 한자는 괄호 안에 넣어서 표기하는 등의 배려가 보인다. 이러한 특징은 이 작품 뿐 아니라 방정환의 동화에 전반적으로 보이는 특징으로 보이지만 이 작품에서도 그러한 특징이 눈에 띈다. 마지막으로 1920년대 초에 한국에 아나톨 프랑스의 이름과 그의 동화를 소개한 것에는 큰 의의가 있는 것으로 평가할 수 있다. After Bang Jung-hwan translated and announced Oscar Wilde`s fairy tale "The Happy Prince" in 1921, he started to translate more fairy tales frequently. Bang Jung-hwan published Gift of Love on July, 1922, translated and announced Anatole France`s work "Queen of the Lake" over two times in Gebyuk, July issue and September issue at once. Among Anatole France`s work, title that is "Queen of the Lake" does not exist. But this title has created by Kusuyama in Sekaidowahogyokusyu which is a translation of Anatole France`s original fairy tale. The writer discussed that Bang Jung-hwan`s translation of a fairy tale and the 5th story of "Gift of Love" in Mohankayeibunko` were the origin of Mizutani Masaru a part of "Hannere`s Ascension". It is conjectured that Bang Jung-hwan used the same three illustrations in "Queen of the Lake" as same as "Hannere`s death" which are from original Japanese work, After translation of "Hannere`s death" he translated "Queen of the Lake" then announced in Gebyuk. All these illustrations created by Okamoto Kiichi, and it have mentioned already in Bang Jung-hwan`s translation of a fairy tale and Kinnohune, so it`s not mention in main contents. Also, I wished to investigate about that investigate about Anatole France`s effect of modern age Japanese juvenile literature in accommodation to modern age Korea through this work and at the same time Bang Jung-hwan`s characteristic of translation. Results investigating by purpose of singularity, queen of Bang Jung-hwan`s translation of a fairy tale "Queen of the Lake" that was translated nearly faithfully into complete version, and contents of illustration by Kusuyama Masao "Queen of the Lake" is an origin of Bang Jung-hwan`s translation. And the writer confirmed Bang Jung-hwan used Andrew Lang`s "The Story of Little King Loc" as an origin not from Anatole France`s original work "Abeille". Bang Jung-hwan used original work for the translation, instead of using direct Japanese translation which Kusuyama translated. It is almost complete translation except the end part of "The Happy Prince" that Bang Jung-hwan translated in 1921 and "The Little Match Girl" that translated in 1923 which is considered the circumstance at that time of Korea and changed the personality of the part in that story. Also, used full text in Hangul readably and put all the Chinese characters inside of parenthesis for the children. Commonly these characteristics are seen by visible characteristics in Bang Jung-hwan`s animation as well as this work. Finally, we can evaluate that it was large sense to introduce Anatole France`s name and his fairy tales in Korea in early 1920s.

신년사로 본 김정일· 김정은의 대남인식과 대남정책 비교

이준희 국방대학교 국가안전보장문제연구소 2015 국방연구 Vol.58 No.2

The purpose of this research is to observe the differences in the recognition of Kim Jung-eun and Kim Jung-Il towards South Korea and the inter-Korean relations. In other words, I would like to assess whethere there are any significant differences in Kim Jung-eun's recognition of the South, positiive and negative inter-Korean relations and scientifically evaluate what kind of offensive stance will be taken with respect to the attitude towards South Korea. In summary, Kim Jung-eun uses more negative/positive vocabulary compared to Kim Jung-Il with respect to South Korea. There has also been an increase in not only positive relationship but also negative relationship. During Kim Jung-Il's era positive recognition led to postiive relationship and thus had a correlation to a certain extent. However, during Kim Jung-eun's era, increase in positive recognition has led to a decrease in positive relationship and an increase in negative recognition has led to a decrease in negative relationship (without any statistical significance). Overall, offensive intentions were observed as there was an increase in negative realtionship in addition to positive relationship. During Kim Jung-eun's era there have been increases in positive and negative relationships without any correlation with the positive-negative recognition. This was observed during Kim Jung-Il's era as well but there has been a marked increase in negative relationship during Kim Jung-eun's era. From the analysis of the above, Kim Jung-eun is observed to be more active and has a more strong sense of hostile recognition towards South Korea. From all of the above, it can be said that North Korea has focused on maintaining an offensive policy towards the South rather than improving inter-Korean relations through exchange and cooperation. There has been no siginificant change in inter-Korean relations since liberation despite much exchange and cooperation. On the contrary, North Korea has prioritized in maintaining an offensive policy towards the South and utilized improvements in inter-Korean relations to defend itself against criticism at both national and international level following from pursuing offensive policy towards the South. If North Korea truly desires for an improvement in inter-Korean relations, then it would have suspended its offensive policy while maintaining dialogue with respect to South korea. In conclusion, Kim Jung-eun has inherited from his father, not only power but also a stance of hostile recognition towards the South and has even gone a step further by deepening such recognition. 이 연구는 북한의 지도자인 김정일과 김정은의 남한에 대한 인식과 남북관계에는 어떠한 차이가 있는가를 살펴보고자 하는 것이 목적이다. 다시말해 권력을 승계받은 김정은이 대남한에 대한 인식정도와 긍정적인 남북관계, 부정적인 남북관계에 있어서 어떠한 유의미한 차이가 있는지, 향후 대남관계에 있어서 어떠한 공격적인 성향을 나타낼 것인지를 과학적인 방법으로 가늠해 보고자한다. 본 분석 결과의 요약은 김정일보다는 김정은이 남한에 대해 부정/긍정적인 용어를 많이 사용하였으며 긍정적인 관계도 많았지만 이에 못지않게 부정적인 관계도 많았음을 알 수 있다. 김정일 시대에는 긍정인식이 높아지면 긍정 관계가 많아지는 등 어느정도 상관성을 가지고 있으나 김정은시대에는 긍정인식이 높아지면 긍정관계가 줄어들고 부정인식이 높아지면 부정관계가 줄어드는(단, 통계적으로 유의성없음) 상관성으로 나타나지만 긍정관계는 물론 부정관계가 특히 증가되고 있음을 통해 더욱 공격적인 성향을 나타내고 있다. 김정은 시대 공히 긍정/부정인식에 무관하게 긍정관계, 부정관계는 증가하는데 김정일 때는 미미하게 발생되는 반면 김정은 때는 매우 두드러지게 부정관계가 많이 발생되고 있다. 이러한 분석을 종합해보면 김정은이 김정일보다 활동적이면서도 대남적대의식이 강했던 것으로 나타난다. 이러한 객관적인 사실들을 종합해 볼 때 하나의 경향성을 발견할 수 있는 것은 북한은 남북 관계시 교류와 협력에 의해 실제적인 남북관계 개선보다는 공세지향의 대남사업에 역점을 두어 왔음을 알 수 있다. 해방 이후 지금에 이르기까지 남북한 간에 많은 교류와 협력이 이루어져 왔음에도 근본적인 남북관계는 커다란 변화가 없으며, 오히려 남북관계를 진행하면서 북한은 공세적인 대남 사업을 우선시하였으며, 관계계선은 공세적인 정책추진에 따른 대내‧외 비난을 해소시키는 방편으로 활용하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 만일 북한이 진정 남북관계 개선을 꾀하고자 했다면 대화를 하면서도 공세적인 대남사업을 추진하지 않았을 것이다. 결론적으로 김정은은 권력승계과 정에서 김정일의 대남 적대 의식을 그대로 답습하면서도 더욱 심화시켰음을 알 수 있다.

안중근 의거에 대한 중국인의 반향

최봉룡 한국독립운동사연구소 2020 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.69

This paper discussed the responses of Chinese people on An Jung-guen’s patriotic deed through researching the reports of Chinese medias. Chinese people’s responses on Ito Hirobumi’s “travels in China” contain of expectations, alert, and criticism. Most newspapers in China criticized Ito Hirobumi’s “travels in China” for being as “general supervisor of China” at that time. Previous studies took little attention on the position of the Qing government. The Qing government had mourned the death of Ito Hirobumi because they worried about to take the responsibility for the patriotic deed of An Jung-guen. They feared that Japan would pass the buck to the Qing due to the incident had been took place in China. This paper examined various opinions from revolutionaries, constitutionalists and reactionaries about the political significance, assassination methods and strategic effects of the patriotic deed of An Jung-guen according to the political tendency of Chinese medias. The revolutionaries and constitutionalists identified the patriotic deed of An Jung-guen as a “political event” that a political assassin assassinated a politician. The opinion became a leap for the Chinese people in understanding the patriotic deed of An Jung-guen. However, revolutionaries, constitutionalists and reactionaries hold divergent views about the assassination methods. This paper reviewed Chinese intellectuals’ understanding of the times and historical evaluation from An Jung-guen, two books with the same title which written by Park Eun-sik and Zheng Yuan. Park Eun-sik’s An Jung-guen had included several articles about “An Jung-guen, the Korean patriot” by famous Chinese intellectuals. Besides, Zheng Yuan’s An Jung-guen spoke highly of An Jung-guen, famous Chinese intellectuals rated An Jung-guen as a swordman. Not only that, the book also emphasized that to get rid of the hidden traitor is more important than remove outside forces if the country does not want to be destroyed. And, it argued that the patriotic deed of An Jung-guen had accelerated the death of the nation. The book also highlighted that China and Korea had been tied together. The opinion became the second leap for the Chinese people in understanding the patriotic deed of An Jung-guen. Chinese people’s understanding of the times and historical evaluation reflected the change of the time. Therefore, I think An Jung-guen’s image had served as a catalyst for the formation and development of modern Chinese nationalism, especially based on the emotional change such as exclusion of Japan, against Japan, and anti Japan. 본고에서 필자는 안중근 의거에 대한 중국의 반향을 주요하게 중국의 신문보도를 통해 이토의 ‘만주 여행’에 대한 중국인들의 반응은 기대와 경계 및 비판의 목소리가 다양하게 표출된 것을 확인하였다. 즉 일본인들이 발행하는 『순천시보(順天時報)』와 『성경시보(盛京時報)』는 이토의 ‘만주 여행’이 중국의 유신개혁에 도움을 줄 것으로 기대하고 있었다. 하지만 대부분시신문들은 이토의 ‘만주 여행’은 곧 공무 시찰이고 만주를 분할하고 청나라 재정을 관리하기 위한 것으로 파악하면서 그가 ‘만주 통감’ 내지 ‘중국 통감’의 꿈을 품고 있었다고 비판하였다. 안중근 의거에 대한 중국인의 반향에서 기존 연구는 청나라 정부의 태도에 기본적으로 언급하지 않았다. 안중근 의거는 한·중·일·러 등 4국간의 외교 문제와 직결되는 동아시아 국제적 정치사건이므로 청나라 정부의 태도를 고찰할 필요성이 있다. 청나라 정부는 고도로 긴장한 분위기 속에서 이토 죽음에 국가적 예의를 표시하였는데 청나라 군기처는 이토의 죽음에 선통 황제의 이름으로 애도의 뜻을 조전으로 표시하였고 또한 일본 주재 청나라 흠사(欽事)에게 일본 정부의 동향을 살펴서 보고하도록 하였다. 중국 땅에서 발생한 안중근 의거는 일본이 중국에 그 책임을 전가시킬 우려기 있었기 때문이었다. 청나라 정부의 이러한 외교적 의례에서 이토는 ‘영웅’으로, 한인 자객은 ‘원흉’으로 각인될 수밖에 없었다. 이러한 역사적 현상은 시비가 전도된 것이고 또한 동아시 역사에서 전대미문의 역사적 기억의 혼돈이었다. 또한 한인 자객의 이름에 대한 오보를 통해 이 사건 진상이 중국인들에게 어떻게 알려지고 있었는가를 검토하였다. 본고에서는 안중근 의거에 대한 중국인들의 반향을 당시 중국 신문들의 정치적 성향에 따라 혁명파의 『민우일보(民旴日報)와 『신주일보(新州日報)』, 입헌파의 『대공보(大公報)』·『시보(時報)』·『신보(申報)』 및 보수파의 『공성회순보(孔聖會旬報)』를 통해 그들이 안중근 의거의 정치적 성격, 암살 수단 및 전략적 효과를 둘러싼 다양한 논의를 살펴보았다. 혁명파와 입헌파는 안중근 의거의 성격에 대하여 대체로 ‘정치자객’이 정치가를 암살한 ‘정치사건’으로 규정함과 동시에 그 원인은 일본이 조선에 대한 침탈과 조선인에 대한 탄압에서 초래된 것으로 인식하였다. 그러나 암살 수단에 대하여 혁명파와 입헌파 및 보수파는 서로 다른 시각 차이를 드러냈다. 즉 혁명파는 암살 수단이 혁명운동의 보조적 수단으로서 그 정당성을 찬성하였지만, 입헌파는 한 개인에 대한 암살은 실질적인 효과를 얻지 못한다는 이유에서 암살주의 풍조가 성행되는 것을 우려하고 반대하는 입장을 취하였다. 더욱이 보수파(신해혁명 이후 보황당으로 전락한 입헌파)는 안중근 의거에 대하여 부정하는 태도를 보이기도 하였다. 하지만 이것은 그의 열렬한 애국심과 충성심 및 고매한 인격을 인정하면서도 암살 수단에 대한 부정적인 태도를 드러냈던 것이다. 본고에서는 박은식과 정원이 각각 지은 『안중근』이란 동명이서에 수록된 중국 지성인들의 그 시대적 인식과 역사적 평가를 재조명하였다. 안중근 의거 후, 중국 신문에는 이토를 추모하는 글들이 많았지만 안중근 순국 직후 그를 추모하는 글을 기본상에서 찾아 볼 수 없었다. 박은식의 『영웅루』 와 『안중근』은 상하이 ...

러시아에서의 안중근의 항일독립운동에 대한 재해석

반병률(Ban Byung-yool) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2009 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.34

An Jung-geun had stayed in Russia almost for three years from the end of November, 1907 to Octover, 1909. An Jung-geun summarized his activities in Russia briefly as follows: the education of Korean compatriots and righteous army activities(euibyeong, 義兵). The activity which An Jung-geun called the ‘education of Korean compatriots’ in Russia was mainly intended to mobilize young volunteers for the righteous army and to collect military fund for weapons and supplies. An Jung-geun travelled around Korean villages in the Russian Far East and delivered speeches to Korean compatriots, firstly in the winter of 1907~1908 and secondly in the winter 1908~1908. In this sense, An Jung-geun’s educational activities in Russia were not based on the strategy of “wanjin undong(gradual advancement)”, but on the strategy of “keupchin undong(immediate advancemnt).” In Russia, An Jung-geun had advocated and sided with the supporters of the ‘keupchin faction.’ When An Jung-geun went to the Russian Maritime Province, he attempted to organize a righteous army troop with the leadership of Yi Beom-yun. When An Jung-geun came to Russia, he wanted to make Yi Beom-yun’ military force advance to the border area where a well-known righteous amry leader, Hong Beom-do was fighting against the Japanese. An Jung-geun hoped that Yi’s and Hong’s righteous army troops would eventually advance deeply into the Korean peninsula and join the righteous army troop whose leader was Min Geung-ho. However, Yi’s refusal of An Jung-geun’s proposal made An Jung-geun find his own way of mobilizing and organizing a righteous army troop with his sworn brothers, Eom In-seop and Gim Gi-ryong. An Jung-geun and his comrades succeeded in gathering eighty-seven young Koreans who volunteered to join the righteous army. The organization of the Dongeuihoe (同義會, Association of Comrades) was the result of the efforts of An Jung-geun and his comrades. The military attack on border areas where the Japanese military troops were defending was not possible without material and spiritual supports of the Korean compatriots in the Russian Far East. Nevertheless, the military attack on the Russo-Korean border area in the summer of 1908 was a complete failure which left a very negative effects on the Korean communities in Russia and following anti-Japanese national movement in the Russian Far East. It was natural that An Jung-geun could not achieve his goal of gathering righteous soldiers and collecting military funds for the second military attack on the Japanese in Korea. Several factors such as the prohibitive and suppressive policies of the Russian government, the internal factional struggle among Korean euibyeong leaders such as Choe Jae-hyeong and Yi Beom-yun, and Choe Jae-hyeong’s refusal to join the righteous army. It was in the unfavorable atmosphere that An Jung-geun decided to organize the Dongeui Danjihoe(Society of Cut Finger). Although the purpose of the two organizations was to mobilize and organize the righterous army, the sitruation around the organizations were quite different. An Jung-geun’s activities left long-lasting influences on anti-Japanese Korean national activities in the Russian Maritime Province and Manchuria.

방정환의 동화론 「새로 開拓되는 童話에 關하야」에 대한 고찰 : 일본 타이쇼시대 동화이론과의 영향 관계

이정현(Yi Jung-hyun) 한국아동청소년문학학회 2008 아동청소년문학연구 Vol.- No.3

Bang Jung-hwan(1899-1931) is surely an indispensible writer when we look back on Korean Children’s Literature in 1920’s. Truly Bang Jung-hwan set up innumerous achievements. One of them was that he settled a genre called as a fairy tale in the modern age of Korea. In this sense this thesis will study on Bang Jung hwan’s theory of fairy tale, ‘About the Newly Developed Fairy Tale’. This thesis especially will contemplate on how Japanese writers, including theirfairy tale theory, their point of view on the fairy tale, and books about the theory of the fairy tale in Daishow Era, influenced on Bang Jung-hwan’s theory. Bang Jung-hwan went to Japan in 1920’s when children’s literatures in Japan blossomed most. In 1918 the magazine, ‘Akaitori’ was launched. From the year the fairy tale and children’s song movement as kind of Akaitori movement was in the period of the prosperity. It was the period all the magazines listing children’s song and fairy tales were sold well. Many works were written. And it proves studies on the children and fairy tales had become more active from Maysy. When Bang Jung-hwan wrote his theory, ‘About the Newly Developed Fairy Tale’, he was influenced by several Japanese writers and their works, which were Takagitosio’s Fairytale and Study(1916), Ogawa Mimei and Akita Wuzak’s theories about fairy tale in special July issue of Wasedabungaku in 1921, and Fairytale Study’s first edition 1922, 7) published in June of 1922. As a result of comparing and analyzing these texts with Bang Jung-hwan’s writing style, it became obvious that Ewaya Sazanami’s Otogibanasi and Szki Miekichi’s fairy tale were fused in Bang Jung-hwan’s work. Also Bang Jung-hwan was influenced by Takaki Tosio’s text, Ogawa Mimei and Akita Wuzak’s theories about fairy tale, and the periodical, ‘Study on Fairytale’. Mimei said , “Fairytale is not for only children but for all the people who have innocent mind.” And Wuzak said, “adult and children in their whole life become one through only fairytale world and there difference between the soul of adult and that of children disappears. We should write about the childlike characters in mankind.” Bang Jung-hwan made these two Japanese writers’ point of view about fairytale fused in his writing and he created his own point of view. Bang Jung-hwan’s theory was most detail and it is important in that it shows Bang Jung-hwan’s thought and knowledge about fairytale. It is regrettable that it was necessary to be influenced by Japanese children’s literature. But it is more important that there exists Bang Jung-hwan’s own point of view. Moreover he created his own style with his affection on children and the influence of the Chundo religion insisting all the human are created equal.