1920년대 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』의 “副業” 기사에 나타난 조선총독부의 의도와 현실

정혜인 숭실사학회 2019 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.43

‘Joseonmoon-Joseon(『朝鮮文 朝鮮』)’ is one of the journals issued by the Japanese Government General of Korea during the Japanese occupation. There are a number of previous studies that revealed the ruling logic of the Japanese Government General of Korea and signs of the times through articles published by the Japanese Government General of Korea However, ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’ is dealt with only peripherally and no full-scale research has been done. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the ruling logic of Japanese Government General of Korea and its period through ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’. The period was specified as the 1920’s. In the 1920s, a new media circumstances was formed with the appearance of the so-called National papers, the Dong-A Ilbo and the Joseun Ilbo. In this condition, the Japanese Government General of Korea promoted the policy and administration of the Japanese Government General of Korea through its publication ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’, which was published as a mixed style of Korean and Classical Chinese. The Japanese Empire established a plan to increase the number of rice. Because of this the single-crop farming system was strengthened in the Joseon agricultural industry, focusing on rice. Also the rural economy has become more vulnerable. The Japanese Government General of Korea encouraged farmers to do sideline to stimulate the economy and promoted it through ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’ Therefore, I reviewed articles on sideline work in the 1920’s ‘Joseonmoon-Joseon’. The sideline article was mainly composed of encouraging sideline, the status of sideline in each province of Joseon, the prospect of sideline business, and Joseon Sideline-products Exhibition. In particular, articles related to the Joseon Sideline-products Exhibition, which was held in October 1923, were mass-produced. All the reviews of Joseon Sideline-products Exhibition were written by Korean and this was defined by the intention of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The reasons for the Japanese Government General of Korea‘s promotion of sidelines were improving the economy of farmers, promoting rural areas, and improving local economy, but the rural reality of Joseon could not be improved because sidelines were not the primary solution. In addition to encouraging sideline, the sideline articles were also aimed at identifying the status of industries in various parts of the Joseon. 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』은 조선총독부가 일제강점기 동안 발행한 기관지 중 하나다. 조선총독부 발간 기관지 및 신문의 기사 내용을 통해 조선총독부의 지배논리, 식민지 시대상을 밝혀내는 여러 선행연구들이 있었다. 그러나 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』에 대해서는 지엽적으로만 다루어지고 본격적인 연구는 이루어지지 않았다. 이에 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』 기사를 통해 조선총독부의 지배논리와 그 시대상을 살펴보고자 한다. 여기에서는 시기를 1920년대로 특정하였다. 1920년대는 소위 민족지라 불리는 동아일보, 조선일보가 등장하여 새로운 언론지형이 형성되었다. 이런 상황 속에서 조선총독부는 국한문 혼용체로 발간된 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』을 통해 조선총독부의 정책과 시정을 선전하였다. 일제는 1920년대 조선 농업 정책으로 산미증식계획(産米增殖計劃)을 수립하고 이로 인해 조선 농업은 쌀을 중심으로 한 단작농업화가 강화되면서 농민경제는 더욱 취약해졌다. 조선총독부는 농가 경제 활성화를 위해 부업을 장려하였고 이를 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』을 통해 선전하였다. 이에 1920년대 『朝鮮文 朝鮮』에 나타난 부업 관련 기사 기사를 검토하였다. 부업 기사는 부업 장려, 조선 각 도별 부업 현황, 부업 전망, 조선부업품공진회 기사가 주를 이루고 있었다. 특히 1923년 10월 개최된 조선부업품공진회와 관련된 기사들이 집중적으로 양산되었다. 필진의 경우, 일본인이 다수를 차지했다. 조선총독부의 의도에 따라 기고자들의 입장이 규정지어진 부분도 엿볼 수 있는데 조선부업품공진회 관람평의 필자들은 모두 조선인인 점이 그러하다. 조선총독부가 내세웠던 부업 장려의 이유는 농가의 경제 향상, 농촌 진흥, 지방 경제력 향상 등이었으나 부업은 근원적 해결책이 아니었기에 조선의 농촌현실은 개선될 수 없었다.부업 기사는 부업 장려 외 조선 각지의 산업 현황을 파악하고자 하는 목적도 있었다.

식민지기 조선총독부의 조선특수성론

김제정 부경역사연구소 2018 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.43

Joseon Government-General set up a discourse on distinct characteristics of Joseon as a logic to rationalize colonial rule and as a logic to deal with conflicts with the Japanese government. The discourse on distinct characteristics of Joseon was not used in a single meaning. Basically, the content was different depending on what "Joseon" refers to. The discourse on distinct characteristics of Joseon was divided into three kinds: Joseon people, Joseon region, rule over Joseon. Each of the discourse on distinct characteristics of Joseon is a logic that justifies the colonial rule and policy of the Joseon Government-General, a logic that means the independence or autonomy of the Joseon Government-General, and a logic that carries out the interests of Joseon region to Japan. The discourse on distinct characteristics of Joseon was based on the premise of a general and universal existence of Japan. And it could not coexist with affirmative action given by Joseon Government-General. 조선총독부는 식민통치를 합리화하기 위한 논리, 본국인 일본 정부 사이에 갈등이 있을 경우의 대응논리로서 조선특수성론을 내세웠다. 성격이 완전히 다른 사안에 제기된 것에서 알 수 있듯이, 조선총독부의 조선특수성론은 단일한 의미로 사용된 것이 아니었다. 기본적으로는 ‘조선’이 지칭하는 것이 무엇인가에 따라 그 내용이 달랐다. 조선특수성론을 조선인의 특수성론, 조선 통치의 특수성론, 조선 지역의 특수성론의 세 가지로 구분하였다. 각각의 조선특수성론은 조선총독부가 식민지조선에 대한 식민 지배와 정책을 정당화하는 논리로, 조선총독부나 조선총독의 독자성 또는 자율성이라는 의미로, 그리고 본국 일본에 대해 조선 지역의 이해관계를 관철시키는 논리로 기능하였다. 실제 하나의 사안에서 하나의 특수성론만 나타나는 것은 아니었다. 두 가지 이상의 조선특수성론이 동시에 나타나는 경우가 많았다. 대표적인 예로 중요산업통제법의 조선 시행 문제에 나타난 조선특수성론은 조선 지역의 특수성론과 조선 통치의 특수성론이었다. 조선특수성론은 일반적이고 보편적인 일본의 존재를 전제로 한 개념이었고, 일본 제국주의가 주장한 일시동인, 차별철폐, 내선일체 등과는 공존하기 어려운 개념이었다. 또 조선총독부로서는 조선인에 대해서나 일본 본국정부에 대해서나 식민지 조선에서 자신들이 하는 정책을 무엇이든지 합리화할 수 있는 논리였다.

小杉未醒「朝鮮日記」論

金仙奇 동북아시아문화학회 2020 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.65

「Joseon Diary」 is an appendix of 『Jinchushihen』 written by Kosugi Misei who was a war correspondent and recorded his experience during the Japanese-Russian War. This work is a rare record of firsthand experience of the Japanese-Russian War of Kosugi Misei, a Japanese artist, and is an essential data needed for in-depth understanding of Kosugi Misei’s artistic activities and works in the Japanese-Russian War period. However, a systematic academic review and discussion on Misei’s 「Joseon Diary」 has been rarely performed. Therefore, this study aimed to explore and review three themes that could imply the characteristics and content of the Diary. These themes include: first, illustrations and poems of 「Joseon Diary」; second, image of Joseon during the Japanese-Russian War period and Misei’s perception of the Joseon in 「Joseon Diary」; and third, Misei’s war experience and view of war presented in 「Joseon Diary」. The study results are as follows : First, many illustrations included in 「Joseon Diary」 added the realism of a foreign country and created an impression of a pictorial record popular at the time. Furthermore, many poems in 「Joseon Diary」 diversify the modes of representation of Misei’s experience in the Joseon by creating a poetic mood in a prose-style diary. Images of the Joseon region full of Japanese military troops moving north immediately after the Japanese-Russian War broke out are well reflected in 「Joseon Diary」. Misei’s view mostly stayed at soldiers and the field of war, and he had no opportunity to profoundly comprehend Joseon’s political and social situations. His early perception of the Joseon in 「Joseon Diary」 has not yet been reached in penetrating hidden intention of Japan through the Japanese-Russian War. After the march up to Pyongyang, as Misei became more well aware of Joseon’s situations, he criticized the intention of Japan's colonization of Joseon through the Japanese-Russian War with a clear tone in 「Sing affection of remembrance in the former King's castle on behalf of Han’s old subject」 of 『Jinchushihen』. Finally, Misei’s aspects of war experience and internalization process of sense of anti-war are well expressed in 「Joseon Diary」. His war experience is presented by empathizing with hardship of the march, pain of sick or wounded soldiers, fear of death on the battlefield, homesickness and others. Afterwards, he fully recognized that the glory of war was achieved by blood and death of numerous soldiers. He internalized that war was a cold-hearted and brutal act that even did not allow basic human rights and emotions. The feelings of longing for a home and desire for returning home, repeatedly expressed in 「Joseon Diary」 are described with poetic language in 「Kaere ototo」 of 『Jinchushihen』.

中宗代 對明외교의 추이와 정치적 의도

구도영 조선시대사학회 2010 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.54 No.-

본고에서는 중종대 외교 노선의 추이를 明 조정의 정국동향과 관련하여 살펴보고, 집권 후반기의 외교정책은 어떠한 정치적 목적을 달성하기 위한 것이었는지를 검토하였다. 먼저 중종대를 正德帝와 嘉靖帝 시기로 구분하여 명 조정의 정국동향과 이에 대한 조선의 대응책을 검토해 보았다. 정덕제는 정사에 관심이 없는데다, 京師 밖 출행도 매우 잦아서 황제가 신임하는 宦官이 정권을 장악하였다. 정덕제 치하에서는 어떤 정치적 개변도 환관의 협조 없이는 불가능할 정도였다. 그러한 정덕제 시기에 중종은 反正으로 즉위하였다. 따라서 명 조정의 왕위 계승 추인이 중요한 외교적ㆍ정치적 과제였다. 이에 조선은 원칙을 중시하는 明 禮部 관리들의 비판에도 불구하고 환관과의 우호적인 관계를 매개로 어려웠던 王位 承襲 문제를 해결하였다. 조선은 환관이 주도하는 명의 정치 상황을 비판하면서도 환관들을 통하여 외교적 난점을 해결하였으며, 이들의 뇌물 요구와 징색에 모두 응하는 등 친환관 노선을 걸었다. 정덕제가 후사도 없이 사망하자 가정제는 명대 황제 중 유일한 傍系로 皇位에 올랐다. 가정제는 즉위하자마자 그의 親父에 대한 존칭문제를 두고 신료들과 큰 정치적 갈등을 겪었으니, 이른바 대례의 사건이다. 이는 결국 가정제의 의도대로 귀결되었으나, 가정제는 친부모에게 지속적으로 尊號를 올리며 대례의의 정당성을 더욱 확고히 함으로써 자신의 권위를 높이려 하였다. 조선은 명의 황제와 신료들이 대립하는 대례의 관련 사안을 두고 進賀使 파견을 고민하였으나, 전례를 참고하며 명과의 관계에 누가 되지 않는 범위 내에서 그 수위 조절을 하였다. 그러나 중종은 재위 후반기로 갈수록 신하들과의 마찰 속에서도 대례의 경우처럼 황제를 위한 사행파견에 매우 적극적이었다. 이로 인하여 조선은 가정제에게 극진한 대우를 받는 성과를 얻었다. 신하들과 의견 충돌을 지양했던 중종의 일상적인 통치 방식과 달리 그가 사행파견을 강력하게 주도했던 이유는 중종 24년 대두된 辨誣問題를 해결하기 위함이었다. 변무문제는 작게는 王家의 문제지만 크게는 국가의 正統性과 관계되는 일이었다. 중종이 각종 폐단이 따르는 사행파견을 힘써 주도했던 것은 단순히 자주의식이 쇠퇴했거나 중국에 대한 의탁심이 강해졌기 때문이라고 볼 수 있는 것이 아니었다. 변무문제 해결을 위해 명과의 외교에 적극적으로 나서던 중 대례의 관련 사행 파견이 가정제로부터 극진한 환영을 받게 되자, 중중은 이를 전략적으로 이용하여 꼬리표처럼 따라다니던 자신의 반정 콤플렉스를 극복하고자 했던 것이다. 이러한 사실은 황제가 조선을 우대하는 이 기회를 이용하여 외교적 난점들을 해결해야 한다는 중종의 주장에서도 분명하게 드러난다. 중종의 변무 성취는 왕으로서의 정통성을 더욱 드높여 줄 수 있는 상징적 과업이었다. 중종대 조선은 명 조정의 정국동향의 변화에 주목하고, 이에 따라 다양한 외교노선을 취하였다. 정덕제 시기에는 친환관 노선을 통해 큰 무리 없이 왕위를 책봉 받았고, 가정제 시기에는 친황제 정책으로 변무문제를 해결하고자 하였다. 외교적 목적을 달성하기 위하여 그에 맞는 전략을 추구하였던 것이다. 이러한 중종대 대명관계의 모습은 16세기 사대의식이 심화되어 가는 와중에서도 역동적인 외교가 전개되고 있었음을 보여주고 있다. The objective set in this article, is to inspect the development of the diplomatic course in Jungjong(中宗)'s reign with reference to a shifting of the political situation at the Ming dynasty court, and to examine what political purpose was Joseon's diplomatic policy toward Ming in the second half of the time of Jungjong(中宗). First, I would like to segment the time of Jungjong(中宗) on the basis of the emperors' change in the Ming, Zhengdedi(正德帝) and Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝). I also look through the shifting of Ming's political situation and Joseon's response to that. Zhengdedi(正德帝) was not interested in the affairs of state, and went out the capital of China frequently. So eunuchs trusted by him seized power. Nobody couldn't engage in politics without the cooperation of eunuchs under Zhengdedi(正德帝)'s rule. This time, Jungjong(中宗) was enthroned by deposing Yeonsangoon(燕山君) in Joseon. Therefore it is a diplomatic and political works of the greatest importance that the succession to the throne was ratified by the court of Ming. Though Ming's high-ranking government officials who valued principles as being very important criticized the succession to the throne in Joseon, Joseon solved the difficult problem about that by the medium of Ming's eunuchs. While Joseon criticized Ming's political picture led by eunuchs, Joseon sloved the diplomatic problems and continued to maintain the pro-eunuch stance, such that Joseon accepted all of their demands for bribes. Zhengdedi(正德帝) died without having a son to carry on his name, then Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝) succeeded to the throne in the quality of the only collateral line. This case was the only one of its kind in the Ming Dynasty. As soon as Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝) mounted the throne, he suffered political conflict with subjects because of his father's title. So called it is the Grand ceremony(大禮議). Finally that issue was concluded with Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝)'s intention. Furthermore, Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝) intended to raise his authority by strengthening legitimacy of the Grand ceremony(大禮議) with addressing eulogistic posthumous title of his parents. Joseon was in a quandary over whether to allow dispaching the envoys for celebration(進賀使) to the Ming as there was a feud between the Ming Emperor and his subjects about the Grand ceremony(大禮議) issue. So Joseon tried to control the diplomatic level without damaging relations between the Ming while Joseon refered to a precedent. But as Jungjong(中宗)'s time went on, he showed an more enthusiastic attitude on dispatching envoys to Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝) in spite of his subject's dissenting opinion. As a result, Joseon achieved excellent results that Joseon was kindly treated by Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝). The reason why he led dispatching envoys powerfully was to resolve the jonggye(宗系) correction issue emerged in 1592. Such his behaviour differed from his earlier management style that headed off the collision with his subjects. The jonggye(宗系) correction issue related to the royal family of Joseon. On the other hand, that issue connected to the legitimacy of the dynasty. Jungjong(中宗) took the lead in dispatching envoys though which followed by various negative effects. That did not mean a lack of a individuality and autonomy. It was that Jungjong(中宗) tried to overcome usurpation complex using this golden opportunity tactically. This facts showed clearly Jungjong(中宗) insisted Joseon had to solve the crux of diplomatic affairs using this Jiajingdi(嘉靖帝)'s hospitality too. To solve the jonggye(宗系) correction issue meant a kind of symbolic task that heighten the legitimacy of his throne for Jungjong(中宗). In Jungjong(中宗)'s time, the members of Joseon's court watched the shifting of the political situation in Ming's court, then they selected various diplomatic course. Jungjong(中宗) was fully invested by continuing to maintain the pro-Ming's eunuch stance in Zh...

‘조선관계대의사’ 사토 준조(佐藤潤象)와 식민지 조선의 개발사업

전성현 한국근현대사학회 2022 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.101 No.-

The purpose of this study is to confirm how Sato Junjo's experience, who came to Joseon with the aspiration of a 'national project' of invasion and colonization of Joseon and jumped into the development project, led to his activities as 'a representative of Joseon relations'. Sato Junjo was born in Kumamoto, and after serving in a government office, he came to Joseon in connection with the invasion of Joseon by the Kumamoto National Power Party centered on Sasa Tomofusa. Sato's plan was to promote a "national project," but the time was not ripe. First, he worked as an assistant to a Japanese adviser. After all other colleagues retired due to the ‘Assassination of Empress Myeongseong’, they jumped into the reclamation project in Busan, ‘the throat of the Joseon invasion’. At the time, this reclamation project was a project that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Gyeongbu Railway Co., Ltd., and the Japanese Residents Association in Busan were interested in. Sato received support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Genyosa, who were interested in securing a bridgehead for the invasion of Joseon, while attracting the capital of Kumamoto from Sasa and other acquaintances and the capital of Tokyo from Okuragumi to promote the first colonial Joseon development project. After the reclamation project was completed, he entered the tram, electricity, gas, and railroad business in Busan again and established Chosun Gas Electric Co., Ltd. by attracting capital from Kyushu, including Kumamoto, as well as Japanese train, electricity, and railroad capital from Tokyo. Subsequently, in order to promote the private railway business in Joseon, Chosun Light Rail Railroad Co., Ltd. was established based on Japanese capital and Joseon and local capital and jumped into the construction of the Gyeongdong Line. It was reorganized into Chosun Central Railway Co., Ltd. with increased capital for railway expansion such as the Chungbuk Line. In addition, he actively promoted the private railway business in Joseon, playing a central role in the establishment of Chosun Railway Co., Ltd., a joint venture of six private railway companies operating in colonial Joseon at the time. This experience of participating in the development project of colonial Joseon led to the activities of the lower house of the Imperial Assembly. Rather, the activities for this purpose were concentrated only on the proposal of proposals and legislation related to the shipbuilding railway development project and the activities of the special committee. In particular, while contributing to the promotion of the 'Chosun Railroad 12: Year Plan', the largest Joseon railway development project at the time, he actively presented laws, suggestions, and wishes for the supply and extension of private railways by private railway companies in colonial Joseon. Although it was limited to only one activity, it was an activity of the Imperial Assembly that immediately followed the experience of colonial Joseon. In summary, Sato Junjo was not only an 'broker of the empire' who entered the Joseon development project for the invasion and colonization of Joseon and allowed Japanese capital to flow in, but also was involved in the colonial development project with himself or its interests It can be said that he was a ‘colonial lobbyist’ who represented the Japanese colonists in the Imperial Diet and connected with Japanese politics. 본 연구는 조선의 침략과 식민지화라는 ‘국가적 사업’의 포부를 가지고 조선으로 건너와 개발사업에 뛰어들었던 사토 준조(佐藤潤象)의 경험이 스스로 식민지 조선의 일본인으로서 어떻게 그들 집단의 대변자로 명명되는 ‘조선관계대의사’ 활동으로 이어졌는지 확인하고자 했다. 사토 준조는 구마모토 출신으로관직에 있다가 사사 도모후사를 중심으로 하는 구마모토국권당의 조선 침략과관련해 도한했다. 사토의 도한은 ‘국가적 사업’을 도모하는 것이었으나 시기가무르익지 않아 먼저, 일본인고문 보좌관으로 활동했다. 다른 동료들이 ‘을미사변’으로 모두 퇴한한 후, ‘조선 침략의 인후’인 부산의 매축 사업에 뛰어들었다. 당시 이 매축 사업은 일본 정부 특히 외무성과 일본 재계의 경부철도주식회사, 그리고 부산 일본인거류지회가 관심을 가진 사업이었다. 사토는 조선 침략의 교두보 확보에 관심이 컸던 외무성과 겐요사의 지원을 받는 한편, 사사를 포함한 구마모토의 지인과 도쿄의 오쿠라구미 자본을 끌어들여 첫 번째 조선 개발사업을 추진했다. 매축 사업 완료 후 다시 부산의 전철, 전기, 가스, 철도사업에 뛰어들어 마찬가지로 구마모토를 비롯한 규슈 자본에 도쿄 중심의 일본 전철, 전기, 철도 자본을 끌어들여 조선가스전기주식회사를 설립했다. 뒤이어 조선 사설철도 사업을추진하기 위해 다시 조선경편철도주식회사를 일본 자본과 조선 및 지역자본을토대로 설립해 경동선의 건설에 뛰어들었고 충북선 등 철도 확장을 위해 자본금을 확대한 조선중앙철도주식회사로 개편했다. 그리고 당시 조선에서 영업하던 6개 사설철도회사의 합동인 조선철도주식회사의 설립에 중심적인 역할을맡는 등 조선 사설철도 사업을 적극적으로 추진했다. 이와 같은 식민지 조선의 개발 사업 참여 경험이 고스란히 제국의회 중의원활동으로 이어졌다. 오히려 이를 위한 활동이라고 할 만큼 조선 철도 개발 사업과 관련된 건의안, 법률안의 발의와 특별위원회 활동에만 집중되었다. 특히 당시 최대의 조선 철도 개발 사업인 ‘조선철도12년계획’의 추진에 힘을 보태는한편, 사설철도의 보급과 연장을 위한 사설철도회사의 이해관계가 있는 법률안과 건의안, 희망사항 등을 적극적으로 피력했다. 단 1기의 활동에 그쳤지만, 식민지 조선의 경험과 곧바로 이어지는 대의사 활동이었다. 종합하면, 사토 준조는 조선의 침략과 식민지화를 위한 조선 개발 사업에 뛰어들어 일본 자본이들어올 수 있도록 한 ‘제국의 브로커’였을 뿐만 아니라 자신 또는 자신과 같이식민지 개발 사업에 참여하고 있는 또는 그 이해관계에 있는 식민자 일본인을제국의회에서 대변하는 한편, 일본 정계와 연결하는 ‘식민지의 로비스트’였다고할 수 있다.

胡差 小弄耳를 통해서 본 조선․여진 관계의 변화

한성주 조선시대사학회 2017 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.82

The study tried to show how the position of Chaho(差胡)․Hocha(胡差) Jurchen envoy occurred and its concept seen through Soroni(小弄耳) who lived in the Tumen River basin. As relationship between Joseon and Jurchen had changed and then, status and role of Soroni had changed, the author intended to figure out activities of Soroni as a diplomat between Joseon and Jurchen. Names such as Chaho․Hocha first appeared in the early 17th century. In Joseon, an example shows both Chaho and Hocha. Chaho․Hocha can be defined as ‘temporary envoy to Joseon for carrying out special mission who Jurchen chief or leader dispatched’. In the other hand, position of Sorongi who lived in Tumen River basin from end of 16th century to early 17th century changed several times over time - from Boundary Jurchens of Joseon to ‘Holcha(忽差)’ of Holraon Bujantai, lastly to ‘Chaho’ and ‘Hocha’ of Geonjoowi(Later Jin) (Boundary Jurchens → Holcha(忽差) → Chaho and Hocha). They were all dispatched to resolve diplomatic issues with Joseon. Jurchen Sorongi carried out a role as a forefront diplomat in issues with Joseon from 1605(the 38th year of Seonjo reign) to 1621(the 13th year of Gwanghaegun). At first, he was Boundary Jurchens of Joseon, next Holcha dispatched by Holraon Bujantai, finally became Chaho and Hocha dispatched by Nurhaci of Later Jin(後金). Such changes of role for Sorongi had been made in the midst of changes in relationship between Joseon and Jurchen. Sorongi who had ever been Boundary Jurchens of Joseon was dispatched to Joseon after Holraon Bujantai invaded boundary Jurchens on the basin of Tumen River and Joseon. Sorongi was first dispatched in 1605(the 38th year of Seonjo reign). Sorongi called as Holho(忽胡), Hocha, Holcha etc. discussed diplomatic issues between Bujantai and Joseon. Sorongi delivered information related to political situation of Holradon but mainly carried out a role of forefront diplomat in the process of Bujantai’s request for official announcement of appointment from Joseon. Since then, Sorongi appeared again in 1619(the 11th year of Gwanghaegun) when allied forces of Joseon and Ming dynasty conquered Later Jin of Nurhaci. Joseon explained to Sorongi who came to Hoeryeong(會寧) about inevitable sending of troops by Joseon. On the other hand, after Simha(深河) combat, Sorongi was in charge of diplomatic negotiations between Joseon and Later Jin. Joseon called Sorongi Chaho, Hocha, Nocha(奴差), Rosa(虜使), Soho(小胡) etc. After Simha combat, Later Jin actively sent Chaho․Hocha. Joseon recognized them as diplomatic delegation sent by Later Jin and treated them accordingly. Sorongi sent by Nurhaci was dispatched several times for the repatriation of war prisoners with letter sent by Later Jin. Especially, Nurhaci asked Joseon not to help Ming any longer while he wanted friendly relations with Joseon. In the process, he wanted Joseon to send Chagwan(差官). Sorongi proceeded with related negotiation with Joseon. At last, Joseon dispatched Jeong Choong-shin(鄭忠信), Manpo army second deputy commander to Nurhaci in 1621(the 13th year of Gwanghaegun). Then, Sorongi accompanied Jeong Choong-shin for his round trip. 본고는 두만강 유역에 거주하던 변경인 小弄耳를 통해 여진 使臣이라 할 수 있는 差胡․胡差의 발생과 개념을 살펴보고자 하였다. 또한 조선과 여진과의 관계 변화에 따라 소롱이의 신분과 역할이 변화하면서 조선과 여진과의 사이에서 최일선의 외교관으로 활동하는 모습을 찾아보고자 하였다. 17세기 초 조선과 여진과의 관계에서 차호․호차라는 명칭이 등장하기 시작했는데, 조선에서는 차호와 호차의 용례를 병행해서 사용하였다. 차호․호차는 ‘조선에서 오랑캐라 부르던 북방의 여진족 酋長 또는 首長이 특별한 임무의 수행을 위해 조선에 파견한 임시 사절’로 규정할 수 있다. 한편 16세기 말에서 17세기 초까지 두만강 유역에 거주하였던 邊境人 소롱이는 조선의 ‘藩胡’에서 홀라온 부잔타이의 ‘忽差’로, 다시 건주위(후금) 누르하치의 ‘차호’ 및 ‘호차’로 그 위치가 변화(번호 → 홀차 → 호차 및 차호)하였고 각각 조선과의 외교적 현안 문제를 해결하기 위해 파견되었다. 여진인 소롱이는 1605년(선조 38)부터 1621년(광해군 13)까지 조선과 여진과의 현안 문제에서 최일선의 외교관의 역할을 수행했다. 그는 처음에는 조선의 번호였다가 홀라온 부잔타이가 파견한 홀차가 되었고, 다시 後金의 누르하치가 파견한 차호․호차가 되었다. 소롱이의 이러한 역할 변화는 조선과 여진과의 관계 변화 속에서 이루어졌다. 우선 조선의 번호였던 소롱이는 홀라온 부잔타이가 두만강 유역의 번호와 조선을 침략한 이후 조선에 파견되었다. 소롱이가 처음 조선에 파견되어 나온 것은 1605년(선조 38)이었다. 소롱이는 忽胡, 胡差, 忽差 등으로 불리면서 부잔타이와 조선과의 외교적 현안 문제를 논의했다. 소롱이는 홀라온의 정세와 관련 정보를 조선에 전달해 주기도 했지만, 주로 부잔타이의 조선 직첩 요구 과정에서 조선과의 교섭을 담당하였다. 이후 소롱이가 재등장하는 것은 조․명연합군이 누르하치의 후금을 정벌하던 1619년(광해군 11)이었다. 조선은 會寧에 온 소롱이에게 조선의 원병 파병이 부득이 한 것임을 설명한 것으로 되어 있다. 한편 深河 전투 이후부터 소롱이는 조선과 후금과의 외교적 교섭을 담당하였다. 조선에서는 파견된 소롱이를 差胡, 胡差, 奴差, 虜使, 小胡 등으로 불렀다. 심하 전투 이후는 후금의 조선에 대한 차호․호차 파견이 본격화된 시기였으며, 조선에서도 차호․호차를 후금이 보낸 외교 사절로 인식하고 이에 대한 접대를 하였다. 소롱이는 누르하치가 파견한 차호로서 조선에 대한 포로 송환과 胡書[國書]를 가지고 조선에 여러 차례 파견되었다. 특히 누르하치는 조선이 더 이상 明을 원조하지 않도록 요구하는 한편 조선과의 화친을 원했고, 이 과정에서 조선의 差官 파견을 원하고 있었다. 소롱이는 이와 관련한 교섭을 조선과 진행하였으며, 마침내 조선은 1621년(광해군 13) 만포첨사 鄭忠信을 누르하치에게 파견하였다. 이때 소롱이는 정충신의 왕복 노정을 동행하였다.

조선 변경정책의 허와 실 ― 두만강 유역 女眞 藩胡의 성장과 발전 ―

한성주 명청사학회 2014 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.42

In reign of Sejong in Joseon, Six Jin(六鎭) were formed in Tumen River basin and then, Fence(藩籬) of Jurchen which can be 'fence of a nation' was constructed. Fence of Jurchen was called as Boundary Jurchens(藩胡). Here, the study found out concept of Beon(藩, 蕃) and character of construction of Fence of Jurchen in Joseon and tried to investigate two aspects of Frontier policy related to Jurchen in Tumen River basin in Joseon through growth and development of Boundary Jurchens of Jurchen. Beon was used as the meaning of Fence of emperor. This is closely related to situation of China as a nation of emperor where China has political and diplomatic relationship with foreign country, vassal, and feudal lords. This appears formation of relationship of tribute and installation in the systematic aspect. In the aspect of ceremony, this appears as courtesy for guest related to exchange of envoy and banquet ceremony. In Goryeo, Jurchen people were called as Beonin(蕃人). This is concept related to political society which was subject to Goryeo and was closely related to visit to Goryeo by Jurchen envoy. Beon in Joseon is also persons 'who followed order centered on Joseon, influenced by virtues of Joseon or who should follow order centered on Joseon in the future'. To this end, visit of Fence on winter solstice and the New year became a ceremony in Joseon so that tribute relationship was formed. As Hoesa(回賜) and Sajak(賜爵) according to tribute were carried out, 'Beon' centered on Joseon was formed. In the end, tribute relationship between Joseon and Fence in ceremonial aspect is same as the form of relationship between Ming dynasty and Joseon as emperor and vassal(封臣) respectively. The objects were Jurchen people in Tumen River basin and Japanese people in Tsushima Island. Especially, recognition on Fence about Jurchen people in Tumen River basin clearly appeared in the reign of Sejong when Six Jin were formed. This shows that even in the international order in the Eastern Asia centered on Ming, Joseon showed independent view of world and a phase of construction of world order by Joseon. On the other hand, Fence of Jurchen and Boundary Jurchens began to be formed in Tumen River basin by Frontier policy in Joseon. And among Jurchen people, some were appealing to be Fence of Joseon in the Yalu River basin. Joseon was opposed to formation of Jurchen Fence in the Yalu River basin because Joseon was alert to danger caused by prosperity of neighboring other races, raising example of prosperity of Japanese people in three areas(三浦). But worry of Joseon became reality in Tumen River basin where Fence was already formed, not in the Yalu River basin. As Jurchen Fence in Tumen River basin became prosperous and grew, they began to leave the order centered on Joseon. Fence of Jurchen and Boundary Jurchens in Tumen River basin made rapid development within some 130 years after construction of Five Jin(五鎭) in the midst of protection through Frontier policy in Joseon. Development of Boundary Jurchens of Jurchen and expansion of trade with Joseon brought severe outflow of human and physical resources. And military officers of Joseon in outer area led trade of fur forcefully though they protect Boundary Jurchens of Jurchen, which made Boundary Jurchens resent the military officers. In the end, growth of Boundary Jurchens of Jurchen and disarray in management of Boundary Jurchens by Joseon caused rebellion of Boundary Jurchens. Rather, this first defensive line threatened Joseon. Joseon responded to their rebellion through conquer in the level of punishment but their rebellion became more severe. Joseon called Boundary Jurchens who betrayed Joseon or invaded frontier as Jurchen betrayal(叛胡). They were persons who were once subject to Joseon but left international order centered on Joseon later. However, rebellion of Boundary Jurchens was caused by Frontier policy in Joseon. And policy of Joseon to construct Fence u...

朝鮮前期 豆滿江流域에 나타나는두 개의 ‘朝鮮’

한성주 명청사학회 2012 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.37

Since the foundation of Joseon, Taejo Yi Seonggye(李成桂) endeavored to incorporate the Tumen River basin into Joseon’s administrative system. As a result, he recognized the Amrok River and the Tumen River became the border of Joseon. However, jurisdiction of Joseon did not reach to the Tumen River completely, and it became under the jurisdiction of Joseon when 6 jins(鎭) was installed at the reign of Sejong. Accordingly, the border awareness before 6 jins means it belonged to Joseon not a sense of jurisdiction, but a sense of territory. And, such awareness was derived by the awareness that Yoon Gyeon(尹瓘) conquered Jurchens on there, 9 castles were established and it was the land of founding ancestors including the birth place of Yi Seonggye and his ancestors. The awareness was supported by the fact that the Jurchen(女眞) was subject to Joseon since they gave military service to Yi Seonggye. Based on such awareness, Joseon prevented the appeasement of Ming(明) to the Jurchen at the Tumen River basin by foreign diplomatic policy and expanded Joseon’s jurisdiction up to the Tumen River basin by installing 6 jins. And by establishing the Jurchen ‘Fence(藩籬)’ for the protection of 6 jins, it consolidated the awareness of Joseon’s jurisdiction. Though Joseon did not dispatch administrators at the Jurchen ‘Fence’ outside the Tumen River basin, Joseon recognized them as ‘Transfer to the People(編氓)’ a territory where the jurisdiction of Joseon affected. Thus, the reign of Sejo, there was a diplomatic conflict with Ming when the chief of the Jurchen was punished by the law of Joseon. After all, there might be a different aspect in early Joseon between actual jurisdictional area and an area considered under the influence of Joseon. It seems duplicated two images of Joseon: one is a jurisdictional term where the general and governor were dispatched by being incorporated in the administrative system, and the other is the territory where no officials were dispatched but where the jurisdictional and king’s command had an effect. Thus, this study attempted to find out cases to figure out the feature of ‘Joseon as territory’ and ‘Joseon as jurisdiction’. This study expects to give some help to understand the area and awareness of area in Joseon before the modern period.

일본근세 고증수필 속 조선관련 기사

김미진 단국대학교 일본연구소 2018 일본학연구 Vol.53 No.-

Joseon was a country which had formal diplomatic relations with the Edo shogunate. Joseon and Edo had a active cultural exchanges. Japanese literatians of the 17th and 8th centuries interested in Joseon cultures and wrote in what they thought about it. Joseon articles in the research essay of the early modern japan have not been attracting much attention in studying Japanese modern literature. The articles related to Joseon in the research essay are Joseon goods(ink stick, tortoiseshell, shoes etc), Joseon books(『Jingbirok(懲毖錄)』『Jinbeob(陣法)』『pyohaelog(漂海錄)』 etc), Joseon characters (such as Hangul notation of “Namiamidabu” engraved on a stone monument), Joseon person(the person who came to buy Japanese books in Nagasak and Park sa-bu, Lee Me-gae etc). Among these the characteristics of ink stick form and the characteristics of Joseon shoes sole are are very important materials in the study of Joseon culture and customs. It should also be noted that there was an intellectual exchange about the Joseon’s money ‘Sangpyeongtongbo(常平通寶)’and the paintings of the tiger etc. 조선은 일본 근세기의 에도막부가 유일하게 정식 국교를 맺은 나라로 양국은 활발한 교류를 이루었다. 조선의 문물은 일본에 전파되었으며, 이를 접한 근세 문인들은 자신의 수필집에 이에 대한 고증내용을 기술하게 된다. 고증수필집에 기록된 조선관련 문물은 조선의 물건(조선의 먹, 대모갑 비녀, 신발 등), 문자(비석에 ‘나무아미타불’ 한글표기 등), 조선본(『징비록』,『진법』,『표해록』등), 조선인(나가사키에 온 조선인, 이매계, 박사부 등)이 있다. 또한 이와 같은 일본 문인들 사이에서 조선의 상평통보, 호랑이 그림, 조선통신사 행렬도에 대한 지적 교류가 이루어 졌음을 알 수 있다. 특히 조선에서 건너간 먹의 모양, 조선 신발의 밑바닥 모양 등에 관한 조선 측 자료는 찾아보기 힘든 귀중한 자료라 할 수 있다. 근세중후기의 고증수필 속 조선 관련 기사는 그들이 어떠한 조선 문물을 접했는지에 관한 것뿐만 아니라, 이를 통해 우리가 알지 못했던 조선 문물의 일면을 엿볼 수 있는 귀중한 자료라 할 수 있다.

조선 후기 통신사(通信使)와 조선중화주의(朝鮮中華主義) -사행(使行)기록에 나타난 대일(對日) 인식(認識) 전환을 중심으로-

정은영 ( Jeong Eun-young ) 국제어문학회 ( 구 국제어문학연구회 ) 2009 국제어문 Vol.46 No.-

中華主義는 事大觀念과 함께 동아시아를 지배하던 국제 질서로 宋代에 이르면, 지역·종족적 기준에 `禮`라는 유교 문화적 요소가 더해지면서 華夷의 구분이 더욱 강화되었다. 이러한 宋代의 華夷觀은 性理學 전래와 함께 新進士大夫에게 수용되면서 조선의 對外 認識에 커다란 기준으로 작용하였다. 조선 후기가 되면 중화주의가 禮的 질서를 추구하는 조선의 성리학적 통치이념과 연결되면서 하나의 관념적 체재를 넘어 외부 세계를 인식하는 실천 규범으로 인식되었는데 특히 중화로 자부하던 明이 오랑캐 淸에게 멸망하는 17세기에 이르러서는 중화의식이 對明義理論, 조선의 강력한 自存意識과 결합하면서 朝鮮中華主義의 모습으로 형상화되었다. 이에 따라 조선은 人倫에 기댄 관념적인 對外觀을 형성하게 되었다. 이러한 상황은 朝鮮通信使의 對日 외교관에도 영향을 미쳐 그들은 성리학의 수용이나 『朱子家禮』에 입각한 禮의 실행 여부를 기준으로 일본을 인식하며 일본의 風俗과 경제적 번영을 貶下하였다. 이러한 관념적 대외관은 조선 지식인의 자존의식은 높였으나 현실을 도외시한 것이라 큰 문제를 안고 있었다. 18세기가 되면 조선에 西學이 수용되고 성리학 내부에서도 다양한 사상적 경향이 배태되면서 조선중화주의는 인륜에 기댄 도덕적 관념에서 벗어나 변모하게 되었다. 이에 따라 조선통신사들은 일본 文士와의 교류를 통해 일본인과 그들의 문화에 대해 객관적으로 알아갔고 나아가 오랑캐로 인식되던 일본의 근대적 문물을 수용하게 되었다. 이러한 조선중화주의의 변화는 곧 조선을 문명의 수혜자, 일본을 복속의 대상으로 보던 조선통신사행원의 이분법적인 시각을 깨고 객관적 이해로의 전환을 가져왔다. Junghwa Ideology(Sinocentrism) was the international order which ruled East Asia with flunkeyism(worship of the powerful) and was reinforced during Sung Dynasty while Confucian cultural factor based on Li-thought(thought of confucian rituals) added to territorial and ethnic standards. This Hua Yi idea(Theory of the Civilized and the Barbarians) during Sung Dynasty was adopted with neo-confucianism by Neo-gentry and worked as a great standard in Joseon`s foreign cognition. In late Joseon, Junghwa Ideology(Sinocentrism) was connected with Joseon`s neo-confucian ruling ideology and recognized as a practical standard which understood foreign worlds beyond a ideological system. Especially when Ming which took prides as Junghwa perished by Qing in the 17th century, Junghwa Ideology(Sinocentrism) was combined with loyalty to the Ming dynasty and strong consciousness of self existence and formed into Joseon Junghwa Ideology(self-consciousness of little china). Thereby Joseon established ideological foreign cognition based on Confucian morality. This situation had an effect on Joseon Tongsinsa`s view of Japan, and they understood Japan on the basis of adoption of neo-confucianism or practice of confucian rites based on Chu zi`s ceremonies, and underestimated Japan`s customs and economical prosperity. This ideological foreign cognition inspired Joseon intellectuals` consciousness of self existence. But it neglected reality and had great problems in it. However, while in the 18th century Joseon adopted Western Learning and inside neo-confucianism diverse tendencies of thought appeared, Joseon Junghwa Ideology broke from morality based on human relationship and underwent a remarkable change. Thereby Joseon Tongsinsa was able to describe objectively Japanese and culture of Japan and came to adopt modern culture of Japan whose people they viewed as barbarian. This change of Joseon Junghwa Ideology enabled Joseon Tonsinsa to cast away their dualism that considered Joseon as a beneficiary of civilization and Japan as an object of subjugation and understand Joseon and Japan objectively.