청대 關羽의 神格化와 關公. 공연 양상

유진희 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2012 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.35

At the end of the Eastern Han to the Three Kingdoms period, Guan Yu was a general who had been active during the war with his sworn brothers, Liu Bei and Zhang Fei. Guan Yu had never expressed religious teachings in his lifetime. But becoming known as a loyal and righteous person through『Romance of the Three Kingdoms』 and other novels, he became an object of worship to the chinese government and people and finally was considered as a god continuously like Buddha, Confucius. In this paper, I considered the deification process by government and the performance aspect of Guan Gong drama in the Qing Dynasty when the most positively deification of Guan Yu was proceeded. Through this process, we can learn that the special treatment for Guan Yu by Qing Dynasty began from the early Qing Dynasty and the deification beyond respect of Guan Yu was proceeded with other political intentions though they was fascinated by Guan Yu's character through『Romance of the Three Kingdoms』. In Qing emperors' position, Guan Yu was a incarnation of loyalty and righteousness protecting Qing government. And they hoped that the people following Guan Yu give their fealty to the government. Thus, proactively lead by the Qing government deifying Guan Yu resulted in building Temple Of Guan Yu all over the country. It's easy to imagine that shrine visitors and merchants naturally loved and were inspired by Guan Yu play which was about the hero(Guan Yu) of these plays because stages were set up in Temple Of Guan Yu and Commercial center used for Guan Yu play. In this nation wide religeous environment of universal worship of Guan Yu, among royalties and people in line with their yearn for nations peace in unstable political climate in late Qing Dynasty brings forth mythical stories about Guan Yu that he protects the country and watches over them. In such social environment provides historical background in wide spreading of Guan Yu play.

國內 關羽廟의 現況과 受容에 대한 硏究

閔寬東,裵玗桯 한국중국소설학회 2015 中國小說論叢 Vol.45 No.-

임진왜란 때 명나라 군대와 함께 유입된 관우신앙은, 명나라 장수 陳寅이 1598년 남대문 밖 남산기슭에 관우묘를 건립하면서 시작되었다. 조선시대 대략 27곳 이상에서 관우묘가 건립되었는데 그중 現存하는 곳은 14곳으로 확인된다. 관우묘는 주로 왜군과의 격전지에 건립되었으며 건립주체는 대개 명나라와 조선왕실 및 민간의 주도로 건립하였다. 관우묘의 名稱 또한 초기에는 주로 關王廟로 부르다가 후대에는 關帝廟 및 關聖廟로 격상되었다. 관우묘는 초기에 주로 단순한 유교적 사당의 의미로 참배되었다. 그러나 肅宗과 英ㆍ正祖 및 高宗 등이 직접 관우묘에 참배하며 儀禮化 하였고 또 이러한 공식의례를 통하여 정치적 명분과 왕실안정의 의도로도 활용하였다. 朝鮮後期로 들어서며 관우신은 민간신앙 및 무속신앙으로 이어지고 급기야는 종교화되는 양상을 보이게 된다. 이렇게 관우신앙이 무속신앙으로 발전한 데에는 高宗 때 巫女 眞靈君과 賢靈君의 영향도 무시할 수 없다. 또 한편으로는 善陰騭敎ㆍ甑山敎ㆍ關聖敎가 출현하는 계기가 되기도 하였다. 관우묘의 건립과 함께 시작된 관우전설은 약 23종이 있는데 크게 現夢類ㆍ顯靈類ㆍ治病類ㆍ祈福類ㆍ禁忌類 등으로 분류된다. 전설에 나타난 관우는 초기에는 忠義를 겸비한 군신으로 國家守護와 王室安定을 담당하는 수호신이었지만, 후대 민간에 수용되면서 財物神ㆍ發福神ㆍ治病神 등 다양화된 萬能神으로 변화하는 양상을 보인다. The God of Guan yu entered Korea with Ming troops, when Japanese Invasion in King Sun-jo period. The God of Guan yu put down roots in Korea by a commander of Ming, Chenyin(陳寅) that built a Guan Yu’s shrine at the foot of a Namsan Mountain out the South Gate of Seoul in 1598. Since then, Guan Yu’s shrine was built in more than 27 locations but only exist 14 locations in Korea. Mostly, Guan Yu’s shrine was built on ferocious battlefield with Japanese army, and the shrine was built by Ming and Chosun Dynasty, among people as a main agent. In its early days, the name of Guan Yu’s shrine was a Guanwang Miao(關王廟) and it was upgraded to Guandi Miao(關帝廟) Guansheng Miao(關聖廟) in later generation. The Guan Yu’s shrine was worshipped in terms of Confucian shrine at the beginning. Since then, the shrine was ritualized nationally by King Sukjong, King Youngjo, Jungjo and King Gojong worshipped at the Guan Yu’s shrine. They also utilized the official rituals for a political cause, a stabilization of royal family and home country protection. The God of Guan Yu was led to popular beliefs, shamanistic beliefs and the shrine has religious aspects after all. Jinryeonggun(眞靈君) and Hyunryeonggun(賢靈君) in the period of King Gojong were influenced on the development of shamanistic beliefs. The shrine was also influenced on the emergence of private religion such as the Seoneumjeul religion(善陰騭敎), the Jeungsan religion(甑山敎) and the Gwanseong religion(關聖敎). The legend of Guan Yu with Guan Yu’s shrine was classed as an appearance in a dream(現夢類), an appearance of a God figure(顯靈類), a cure of disease(治病類), and a kind of taboo(禁忌類). Guan Yu in the legend was a guardian god in charge of country protection and stabilization royal family with loyalty and force. At the turn of the popular belief, the original managing duties extended to a God of Wealth(財物神), a God to bring good luck(發福神), a God of cure of disease(治病神), and an Almighty God(全知全能萬能神)

중국의 전통문화 재해석과 현대적 활용 - 閩南의 관우 문화를 중심으로

이민경 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2024 인문사회과학연구 Vol.25 No.2

고대 민남은 관우 신앙을 통하여, 정신적 위안을 얻었고 구성원의 단결과 공동체의 결 속을 유지하고자 하였다. 수백 년을 훨씬 상회하는 오랜 세월 동안 면면히 이어져 온 관우 숭배 문화는 현재까지도 민남에서 유효하다. 그런데 개혁개방 이후 관우 신앙은 단순한 민간신앙이나 종교로 그치는 것이 아니라, 선양하고 보전해야 할 전통문화의 범주로 포함되었다. 이는 관우 숭배 문화가 정치, 경제 등 다양한 방면에서 당면한 문제를 해결하는 데 있어서 유용한 측면이 있기 때문이다. 민남은 대만인을 비롯하여 화교・화인의 원적지여서, 그들과 문화적 동질성이 크다. 그리고 관우는 일평생 漢室復興 혹은 유비의 천하통일을 위해 분투하였다. 또 민남의 상 당수 관제묘는 바다 건너에 자리하고 있는 수많은 관제묘의 祖廟이다. 이러한 요소로 보 건대 민남 관우 숭배 문화는 경제・정치 외교적 측면에서 활용도가 상당하다. 이를 포착 한 중국 정부는 개혁개방 이후 과거와 다른 인식으로 민남 관우 숭배를 바라보게 되었다. 전통문화로 범주화하여 종교・신앙적 색채를 약화한 뒤, 경제와 정치에 유익한 수단으로 재해석하였다. 정치・경제・문화・사회적 환경의 변화에 따라, 중국 사회에서 민남의 관우 문화는 이전과 달리 인식되었고 또 과거와 구분되는 함의를 가지게 되었다. 민남 관우 문화를 현대적으로 활용한 실례인 海峽兩岸(福建東山)關帝文化旅遊節은 개혁개방 이후 관우 문화에 대한 재해석에 기반하여 진행되고 있다. 문화제는 종교 행사 외에도 음악과 미술 분야의 문화 행사, 무역 박람회나 투자설명회와 같은 경제 활동, 양 안 단체의 교류 활동 등의 프로그램으로 구성된다. 근래에 와서는 문화제의 주제를 통하 여 양안 통일을 노골적으로 강조하는 추세를 보인다. The worship of Guan Yu originally originated from the Central Plains region, but it spread to the Minnan regions through immigrants from Central Plains region. Initially, Guan Yu was revered in a similar manner to Central Plains region, being regarded as a god of war, wealth, and protection against evil spirits. However, over time, distinct characteristics emerged that differentiated it from other regions. Influenced by the local context of the Minnan region, the worship of Guan Yu developed its own unique features. Due to the significant reliance on the sea for livelihoods and the large population of overseas migrants, the worship of the sea god was added, and due to historical events involving migration, Guan Yu became a ancestral god in this place. Additionally, due to the high proportion of the population engaged in maritime trade, the divine protection of merchants and wealth took on particular importance here. In ancient times, the people of the Minnan region found spiritual solace and sought to maintain unity and cohesion within their communities through the worship of Guan Yu. The culture of worshiping Guan Yu, which has been sustained for centuries, remains prevalent in the Minnan region to this day. However, since the era of reform and opening up, the worship of Guan Yu has not merely remained a folk belief or religion but has been encompassed within the category of traditional culture to be promoted and preserved. This is because the culture of Guan Yu worship proves useful for addressing various issues faced by government authorities, including politics and the economy. The Minnan region, including Taiwan, has a high degree of cultural similarity with the Han Chinese and overseas Chinese. Moreover, Guan Yu devoted his life to the restoration of the Han dynasty or the unification of the empire under Yu Bei. Additionally, many ancestral shrines in the Minnan region are the ancestral temples of numerous shrines located across the sea. With these elements, the Guan Yu worship culture in the Minnan region proves to be significant in economic, political, and diplomatic aspects. Recognizing this, the Chinese government has adopted a different perspective on the worship of Guan Yu in the Minnan region since the era of reform and opening up. It has categorized it as traditional culture, attenuating its religious connotations, and reinterpreting it as a beneficial means for economic and political ends. As China undergoes changes in its political, economic, cultural, and social environments, the Guan Yu culture in the Minnan region is perceived differently and holds implications that distinguish it from the past. An example of modern utilization of Minnan Guan Yu culture is the Cross-Strait (Fujian Dongshan) Guan Di Cultural Tourism Festival, which has been conducted based on a reinterpretation of Guan Yu culture since the era of reform and opening up. The cultural festival is composed of programs ranging from religious ceremonies to cultural events in music and art, economic activities such as trade fairs and investment forums, and exchange activities between organizations from both sides. In recent years, there has been a trend towards overtly emphasizing cross-strait unification through the themes of the cultural festival.

조선시대 국난극복을 위한 신상(神像): 서울 관왕묘의 <관우도>

강영주 ( Yeong-ju Kang ) 한국불교미술사학회 2021 강좌미술사 Vol.57 No.-

이 글은 서울 관왕묘에 봉안된 <관우도>가 중국의 전통적인 관우 도상의 수용과 변화를 거쳐 조선식으로 토착화되는 과정을 알아보는 글이다. 조선 시대 국가 주도로 건립된 서울의 관왕묘는 총 4곳으로 건립된 시기는 다르지만 건립과 관우도 제작 목적은 역사적으로 국가가 위기에 처한 위중한 사태에 국난의 극복을 위한 매개체로 활용되었다는 공통점이 있다. 조선 전반기 선조대에 중국의 요청에 의해 건립된 남묘, 동묘의 <관우도>는 당대 문헌 기록을 통해 살펴본 결과 중국에서 유입된 관우도나 삽화가 포함된 『삼국지』류의 소설 등의 도상과 관련 있음을 알 수 있다. 전통적인 관우 도상은 숙종의 어제시 표현대로 큰 키, 대춧빛 붉은 얼굴에 봉황의 눈, 누워있는 누에 같은 눈썹, 삼각으로 길게 뻗은 수염을 하고 청건에 녹색 전포를 입고 지물로는 『춘추』와 청룡언월도를 갖추고 적토마를 곁에 두고 있다. 즉 이 시기 <관우도>의 유형은 유존작과 문헌기록을 통해 보면 3가지로 요약된다. 앞에서 언급한 도상형식을 갖춘 ‘전신 단독상’과 삼국지 주요 이야기가 도상화된 ‘고사인물도상’ 및 윤두서의 작품으로 전하는 ‘반신 성현초상류’로 나눌 수 있다. 또한 ‘甲冑 장군상’ 등의 유형이 존재했을 가능성도 있다. 근대기 남묘, 동묘 및 고종대에 건립된 북묘와 서묘의 <관우도>는 도상과 성격이 유사하다. 필자는 북묘, 서묘 조각상과 아울러 근대기 사진으로 전하는 관우도상을 적극 분석하였다. 이를 통해서는 북묘와 서묘의 관우도가 이전 시기 3가지 유형을 유지하면서도 좀 더 분화된 유형과 양식을 갖추고 있음을 알았다. 그 이유는 당시 유행한 관성교와 같은 관우를 신앙하는 천수사나 충진사 등의 종교단체나 조직의 경전이나 판화와 같은 인쇄물에 묘사된 관우 도상을 따랐기 때문이다. 이 시기 관우도상의 특징은 유비, 장비를 같이 그리거나 소나무, 춘추가 올려진 바위 등의 배경에 관평과 주창 등의 협시가 같이 등장하는 ‘삼존상’, 관우와 주창을 그린 ‘이존상’ 및 ‘전신단독상’, ‘반신상’ 등으로 제작되었다는 것이다. 조선 전반기 관우도가 장군의 모습을 한 무장이나 충신상이 주류였다면 근대기의 관우상은 巫神圖의 성격과 양식으로 제작된 황제나 왕의 복식을 한 군왕상이 많다는 것이다. 또한 예배상인 조각상 뒤에 영정을 걸어 전당을 장엄하였다. 당시 관우상의 복식은 청대의 것을 모방하기보다 조선의 복식과 지물 및 장식, 문양을 융합해 조선화된 관우도를 제작하였다. 특히 익선관, 금관, 빗관, 면류관에 황색, 홍색 곤룡포나 면복 등 고종과 순종의 복식을 형상화한 도상이 주목된다. 근대기 관우도상의 이러한 특징은 고종이 1897년 대한제국을 선포하고 황제로 등극한 후 1901년 관왕묘를 관제묘로 격상시키고 악장을 새로 제정하여 관우 신앙을 위태로운 국가적 위기를 극복하기 위한 방편으로 삼았던 시기와 일치한다. 특히 왕실 주도로 창건된 관왕묘에 무당을 祭主로 두면서 관우가 武神, 장군신, 재물신 등 기복 신앙의 예배 대상으로 민간층으로 급속도로 확산되는데 서울 관왕묘의 <관우도>는 그러한 변화를 반영하고 있다. This study is the research on Guan Yu's faith and Painting of Guan Yu of the Kwanwang Tomb in Seoul. This article identifies the political character of Guan Yu's faith, which was used as a medium for overcoming national difficulties by the ruling class in the Joseon. Historically, Guan Yu died in spite of numerous meritorious deeds and achievements, which became popular as Guan Yu's folklore and religious belief since his death. Since then, after the popularity of the novel "Romance of the Three Kingdoms," its prestige has expanded, becoming one of the most popular objects of worship in shamanism as an all-around god who is versatile and achieves all wishes. In this regard, Guan Yu looked into the causes and processes worshipped in China as the god of loyalty, the god of war, the god of wealth, and the god of protecting the country. And it was politically utilized by King Sukjong, King Yeongjo, King Jeongjo and King Gojong during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and at the request of China. In Joseon era, 'Icon of Guan Yu' was designed to decorate or honor Guan Yu Shrine, with illustrations and scrolls drawn for the enjoyment and understanding of novels due to the influx and trend of the Three Kingdoms. This paper focused on the process of changing the "Portrait of Guan Yu" of Gwanwang Tomb in Seoul, which is used for the political purposes of the royal family, into a Joseon style. Through this article, the types and characteristics of the paintings of Guan Yu which were produced in the Joseon era, were identified to examine the process of integrating Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with the folk shamanism and becoming indigenous to Korea.

투고논문 : 연행록의 관제묘 양상과 이미지

정일남 ( Il Nam Jung ) 동방한문학회 2007 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.33

연행록은 중국의 정치, 경제, 문화풍토, 인정세태 등 백과전식 기행문으로서 淸의 제반 문화풍토 등을 연구하는데도 귀중한 자료가 된다. 본고는 비교문학의 형상학적 시각으로 연행록에 부각된 중국형상, 특히 관제묘에 초점을 맞추어 그 양상과 내함을 검토했다. 관제묘는 마을마다 있고 관제상은 거의 집집마다 배향되고, 일부 사당은 규모가 크고 사치스럽고 영험이 있다고는 하나 그 효과에는 회의한다. 淸에 이르러 관제는 釋王과 공자와 어깨를 나란히 하면서도 오히려 관제가 더욱 존숭되는 실정이다. 그런데 엄숙한 사당은 건달들의 놀음장소, 또는 거간꾼들이 돈벌이 장소가 되기도 하며, 중이나 도사들은 무지하고 근신하는 자세가 없다. 실속이 없이 수없이 관제묘만 늘리는 청의 종교문화풍토에 우려를 나타내기도 한다. 관제묘의 증대와 관제에 대한 우상화는 역대 조정의 거듭되는 봉호와 영험이 있다는 민간 종교적인 집착 등 다원적인 요소와 관련 있다. 관제를 대체로 忠, 義, 武, 神을 겸한 儒將의 형상으로 볼 수 있는바, 이로써 조선조의 문인들이 대서특필한 이유를 알겠다. 충의를 바탕으로 神聖이 함유된 관제는 모든 사람들에게 염원하는 바를 이루게 해준다는 믿음으로 君臣에서 국민에 이르기까지 모두 받드는 우상이 되지 않았는가 한다. 『YanXingLu』 is a encyclopedic travel note of Chinese political, economy, culture and local customs in18 and19 centuries. It provides rare information for study some culture phenomenon`s of Qing dynasty, so it has precious historical material value. The thesis discusses the Image of Chinese God Guan Yu temple in the book with ``the image study`` research method in Comparative Literature. At that time, every village has the God Guan Yu temple and every family enshrine and worship the Figure of the God Guan Yu where passed by the diplomatic corps. Some God Guan Yu temples are very magnificent, beautiful and imposing, and it is said that can be theophany, but doubt that is really efficacious or not. In Qing dynasty, God Guan Yu Worship is the same as Bodhisattva and Confucius, and God Guan Yu is revered more by people. But some of so solemn ancestral hall turns to the field play of some people and trade field of businessman, all the monks or Taoists are not learn how to read , also have`t respect and cautiously. Worries about religion culture of God Guan Yu temple with increase by gradually. Popularization of God Guan Yu temple and God Guan Yu Worship is connected with the popular religious belief and the past dynasties royal or imperial government raises Guan Yu`s rank again and again. God Guan Yu general who is an equally accomplished man of letters image of being simultaneously faithful, righteous, martial, magical. This is why KoreamanofletterslikeswritingGodGuanYutemple.Takeloyalismasbasic; contain the sacred significance God Guan Yu image. Because of it has extraordinary power to repay benefit for the people who being prayed for self, worship him from emperor and courtiers to common people.

夏敬觀의 <說韓愈> 譯註

金智英(Ji-Young Kim) 중국어문논역학회 2015 中國語文論譯叢刊 Vol.0 No.36

본고는 夏敬觀의 <說韓愈>를 역주한 것이다. 하경관은 근대 저명한 학자로서 同光體시인 가운데 한사람이다. 同光體는 근대 古詩를 배웠던 학파 가운데 하나이다. 하경관이 <說韓愈>에서 전개한 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1) 한유 시에 대한 평가는 그의 문을 논했던 평가를 통해 대체로 알 수 있는데, 실제 한유의 <薦士> 시에 그의 시론이 그대로 담겨있다. 2) 한유의 시는 경전을 근본으로 삼았기 때문에 이백과 두보와 달리 스스로 일가를 이룰 수 있었다. 3) 송대 陳師道 · 張戒 · 劉?의 평가와 명대 王世貞 · 陸時雍의 평가를 비교하고 이에 대한 자신의 생각을 서술하였다. 4) 蘇軾의 <潮州韓文公廟碑>와 張戒의 《歲寒堂詩話》에서 한유 시를 논한 내용은 그 서술 자체가 한유 시의 氣象과 부합된다고 평가하였다. 5) 한유시는 ‘웅장함(雄)’과 ‘호방함(豪)’이라는 두 글자로는 다 표현할 수 없다고 하였다. 6) 송대 문인 가운데 한유 시를 가장 잘 배운 이는 王安石이라고 말하였다. 7) 한유 시가운데 <琴操> · <秋懷詩> · <南山詩> · <山石>에 대하여 논하였다. 8) 한유의 시 <謝自然詩>는 그의 문장 <論佛骨表>에 버금가는 것으로 한유가 불교와 도교를 힘써 배척하였음을 지적하였다. 9) 한유가 단약을 복용하여 죽었다는 기존에 설에 대하여 이는 한유가 아니라 한유와 字가 같았던 衛中立이라고 주장하였다. 10) 한유가 시문에 있어 六經의 문장만을 따랐다고 한 주장에 반박하여 한유 시는 원래 《文選》의 체를 따랐다고 주장하였다. 하경관의 <說韓愈>는 청대 동광체 시인의 전통 시가에 대한 시학관념과 문학의식을 엿볼 수 있다는 점에 의의가 있다. This paper is translation and annotation of the <說韓愈 (Discussion on Han-Yu)> by Xia Jing-guan. Xia Jing-guan is a prominent modern scholar and one of the 同光體(Tongguangti) poets. The Tongguangti is one of the modern schools where studies old Chineses poetry. The <Discussion on Han-Yu> can be summarized as follows ; 1) The evaluations on the Han Yu’ poetry are generally viewed in the evaluations on his writings, and especially, the Han Yu’s poem <薦士 (Jianshi)> contains his poetics as they are. 2) As Han-Yu’s poetry built on the scriptures, Han-Yu, unlike Li-Bai and Du-Fu, was able to establish his own way of writing. 3) Xia Jing-guan compares with the evaluations from the Song’ writers like Chen Shi-dao, Zhang-Jie, Liu-Ban and Ming’s writers like Wang Shi-zhen, Lu Shi-yong and then describes his own thinking for them. 4) The narrative style shown in evaluations of Han-Yu’s poetry in <潮州韓文公廟碑(ChaozhouHanwengongmiaobei)> by Su-Shi and 《歲寒堂詩話(Suihantangshihua)》by Zhang-Jie correspond closely with that of Han Yu’s poetry itself. 5) Xia Jing-guan says that Han Yu’s poetry can not be expressed only by two words ‘grandeur(雄)‘ and ‘broad-minded(豪)’. 6) Xia Jing-guan says that among the Song’s writers, Wang An-shi is the best learner of the Han Yu’s poetry. 7) Xia Jing-guan discusses <琴操(Qincao)>, <秋懷詩(Qiuhuaishi)>, <南山詩(Nanshanshi)>, <山石(Shanshi)> among the Han Yu’s poetry. 8) Xia Jing-guan points out that Han Yu strived to exclude Buddhism and Taoism, which is shown in his poem, <謝自然詩(Xieziranshi)> and also his writing, <論佛骨表(Lunfogubiao)>. 9) Xia Jing-guan asserts that the view that Han Yu was killed by taking a sulfur is not true. This mistaken view is caused by the Wei Zhong-li’s death, whose name is same with that of Han Yu. 10) Xia Jing-guan refutes the claims that Han Yu’s poetry followed only the writing style of 六經(Liujing) and asserts that Han Yu follows the style of original 《文選(Wenxuan)》. The <說韓愈(Discussion on Han-Yu)> by Xia Jing-guan is significant in that it shows the notion of the Tongguangti’ poets in the Qing about the poetic and literary consciousness of the traditional poetry.

조선 고종 <북묘묘정비(北廟廟庭碑)> 비문의 관우(關羽) 관련 기록과 모종강(毛宗崗) 평본(評本) ≪삼국연의(三國演義)≫

홍윤기 ( Hong Younki ) 중국어문연구회 2018 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.90

This paper clarifies that the “Stele of the Northern Shrine” was written by King Kojong, the 26^th King of Chosun Dynasty and that it was built in 1887 in the yard of the northern part of Seoul, currently Myeongryun-dong, Jongro-gu. This paper furthermore examines the structure and the main contents of the epitaph: while King Kojong acclaimed the contributions of Guan Yu, the King never addressed Guan Yu with a title higher than ‘King,’ and consciously positioned him in the rank lower than the King of Chosun. This is the very first paper regarding Stone Stele of the Northern. More meaningful is that this paper reveals that the records relevant to Guan Yu on the epitaph, considering its six details, are not based on Chen Shou’s history book Records of the Three Kingdoms, but based on Mao Zhonggang’s adaptation of the novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms. The six aforementioned details are as follows: Guan Yu’s rank was called ‘Hanshoutinghou (漢壽亭侯)’; Guan Yu read The Spring and the Autumn Periods; Guan Yu kept a candlelight vigil until morning in order to protect the two wives of Liu Bei; Guan Yu’s life was evaluated based on ‘The Courtesy of Monarch and Courtier (君臣之禮)’ and ‘The Difference Between Men and Women (男女之別)’; Guan Yu flooded Cao Cao’s seven armies; and Guan Yu’s death came since ‘Heaven did not help Han Dynasty.’ It can be also learned from The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Chosun Dynasty that King Kojong read the novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms for pleasure, Sima Guang’s history book Zizhi tongjian for basic reference, Zhu Xi’s Zizhitongjiangangmu for supplementary reference, and Chen Shou’s Records of the Three Kingdoms for in-dept reference. King Kojong actively accepted the fictional content of the novel on Stone Stele of the North. Because suffering from the Im o Military Revolt and The Gapsin Coup, he needed a story above all at the time which “would make subjects have loyalty (to the king)”.

隐藏在东庙匾额中的关羽精神- 一个“跨越东亚”文化研究的示例 -

임지강(任志强),왕징(王静) 순천향대학교 공자아카데미 중국학연구소 2024 沽山中國學報 Vol.10 No.-

관우를 모시는 것은 중국의 오래된 문화라고 할 수 있다. 중국뿐만 아니라 일본, 한국 등 한자문화권에 속한 나라에서도 관우를 모신 묘을 찾을 수 있다. 서울특별시 동대문구에 있는 동묘는 한국의 대표적인 관우묘로, 50여 점의 현판이 걸려 있는 것이 가장 큰 특징이다. 이 현판에 쓰인 글은 관우에 대한 평가를 담은 것이며, 현판 글의 내용을 분석해보면 당시 관우라는 인물이 상징하는 바 그리고 그에게 부여된 평가를 알 수 있다. 청나라 사신이 쓴 현판은 6개가 있고, 여기에 적힌 글을 분석해 보면 관우를 모시는 것은 지배계급에서 주로 유행했으며, 관우는 군사와 정권의 상징이라는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 또한 일부 현판에 쓰인 글에는 관우에 대한 중국인들의 보편적인 평가, 즉 ‘충심(忠心)’, ‘의리(义气)’ 등이 담겨 있다. 동묘 현장을 탐방하며 이전 연구의 오류를 수정하였고, 본 연구를 통해 최신 텍스트 및 데이터를 제공하였다. Worshiping Guan Yu is a long-standing Chinese culture. In addition to China, temples dedicated to Guan Yu can also be seen in Japan, South Korea and other countries in the Chinese cultural circle. The Dongmyo Temple in Dongdaemun District, Seoul, South Korea is the most representative Guanyu Temple in South Korea. Its most important feature is that there are nearly 50 plaques hung in the main hall. The words on the plaque contain the author's evaluation of Guan Yu. By analyzing the content of the words on the plaque, we can understand the spirit that Guan Yu represented at that time. By analyzing the text in the six plaques inscribed by envoys of the Qing Dynasty, we can know that worshiping Guan Yu was mainly popular among the ruling class, and Guan Yu represented a symbol of military and political power. The words in some of the plaques also reflect the Chinese people's general evaluation of Guan Yu, that is, Guan Yu's spirit of “loyalty” and “loyalty”. Through multiple field visits, errors in previous studies were corrected and the latest texts and data were provided.

對《朝鮮館譯語》語音、語法、詞匯的幾點考證 -參照《鷄林類事》-

전휘 한국중문학회 2016 中國文學硏究 Vol.0 No.62

Historically speaking, the Korean language and the Chinese language have had a long standing intercultural relationship and as such, it has affected and changed each other as much as the relationship between the two countries have become active. Therefore, a surprising amount of the remnants of ancient Chinese language formations can be found not only in various dialects of modern Chinese but within the Korean language itself. This paper aims to investigate into various special characteristics of speech sounds of translated words of Korean that appears in the book `` Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu`` (Translated Words of the Joseon Dynasty) during the end of Koryeo Dynasty to the early Joseon Dynasty period. This was executed by referring to the Chinese dialects and the book `` Ji Lin Lei Shi``(The Customs, System and Language of the Koryeo Dynasty). Ji Lin Lei Shi is a book that was written in Koryeo language using Chinese characters by a person named Sun Mu from China (Song Dynasty) when he visited Koryeo. The `` Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu`` is basically a Joseon language vocabulary book that was written from 1408 to 1424 during the early Ming Dynasty. The capital of China during the Ming Dynasty was located in Nanjing and the official language was predominantly the `` Jianghuai Guanhua`` (Lower Yangtze Mandarin). Even after the capital was moved, the official language cannot change overnight so this official language maintained its prestige as the prime language even in the Beijing region and can be said to have had vast influences in the Beijing language. Through the investigation for the purpose of this paper, a few problems that appeared in the Ji Lin Lei Shi and the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu were compared with the Chinese rhyme sounds and its dialect and the following special characteristics were identified. First, the sounds of the Chinese characters in the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu for the most part reflects the sound scale of the jianghuai guanhua system. In other words, the sounds of the Chinese characters used in the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu could be said to be on the whole following the Chinese character sound system of the Hongwu Zheng Yun (The Rhyming System Book of the Emperor Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty) period but certain parts have been influenced by the jianghuai guanhua which was the official language during that time so some parts of the Chinese character sounds of the translated words actually belong to the jianghuai guanhua system. Second, the word `` tian`` (sky or the heavens) that appears in the Ji Lin Lei Shi and the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu has been historically verified through thorough research. In the Ji Lin Lei Shi the word `` tian`` was translated into `` han nal`` as the reading sounds of the Chinese characters in Korean. This term was probably changed later to ``haneul`` due to the phenomena of consonant assimilation as the final consonant ``n`` of the ``han`` and the first consonant of ``n`` of ``nal`` has the same sounds. (*haneul in Korean means sky in modern Korean) Third, there is a regular pattern in terms of using the ``er`` (meaning the number two) in the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu. In other words, all intonation sounds in the jianghuai guanhua were read as implosive sounds (/-?/) and ``er`` was only used when it finished off as an intonation sound that reads as implosive sounds such as the ``de``,``bie``, or ``ji``. On the other hand, ancient Korean language did not have a clear awareness of grammar so when a postpositional particle such as the ``哈嫩(ha neul eun)`` was used, it was confirmed that the ``er`` was not used. Fourth, some vocabularies of the ancient Korean language that appeared in the Ji Lin Lei Shi and the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu still exist in some regional dialects. For example, ``tu(earth, pronounced as ``heuk`` in modern Korean)`` does not have the ``ㄱ`` sound in both the Ji Lin Lei Shi and the Chaoxian Guan Yi Yu and is used as ``hol`` in the Kyeongsangdo and Pyeongannamdo regions.

조선 고종 <북묘묘정비(北廟廟庭碑)>에 나타난 보수적 의식구조, 관우에 관한 꿈 그리고 자존심

홍윤기 중국어문연구회 2019 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.96

King Gojong and Queen Minbi of Joseon built the Guan Yu shrine Bukmyo in Myeongnyun-dong, Seoul in 1883. In 1887, he erected Bukmyomyojeongbi (Stele of the Northern Shrine: referred to as Bukmyobi hereinafter), which was inscribed with text delineating the purpose for and process of the creation of Bukmyo. Interestingly, this inscription says that King Gojong and Queen Minbi built Bukmyo after dreaming about Guan Yu, and believed that thanks to his spirit, the Joseon royal family was able to avoid harm during the Im-O Military Revolt in 1882 and the Gapsin Coup in 1884. This study will first reveal that King Gojong had a conservative and unrealistic worldview through an analysis of his Confucian philosophy, which is represented in the inscription and form of Bukmyobi. Second, this study will examine how King Gojong and Queen Minbi’s perception of the Japanese invasion of Korea, the Im-O Military Revolt and the Gapsin Coup was linked to their superstitions about Guan Yu. Third, it will investigate how King Gojong’s sense of his own royal dignity was expressed in the Bukmyobi, and consider the datedness and vacuousness of this perspective on himself. The significance of this study is that it is the first to examine the roots of King Gojong and Queen Minbi’s conservative disposition, as seen in Bukmyobi, and the relationship between their dream about Guan Yu and the Im-O Military Revolt and the Gapsin Coup. King Gojong and Queen Minbi’s consciousness of Confucianism and Guan Yu was not arrived at independently, and was uncritical and highly superstitious. Their perspective played a negative role in their decisions about and responses to the political situation of the late Joseon Dynasty. What King Gojong wished for by worshipping Guan Yu in a variety of ways, including the creation of Bukmyo and Bukmyobi, was the emergence of a savior like Guan Yu. Unfortunately, the salvation that King Gojong longed for was not for the benefit of Joseon as a nation in the modern sense nor that of the people of Joseon, but only for that of the royal family of Joseon. In addition, the entity which King Gojong worshipped as a representative figure of loyalty to the crown was not the actual person Guan Yu as recorded in The Records of the Three Kingdoms, but a semi-fictional character depicted in the novelization of that text by Mao Zhonggang, The Romance of the Three Kingdoms.